À la fin de la guerre, celui qui est passé à la postérité sous le nom de Leclerc jouit d’une popularité très forte, que sa mort prématurée en novembre 1947 permet de mesurer. L’objet de la présente thèse consiste à exposer de quelle manière la mémoire du vainqueur de Koufra s’est construite et comment son contenu a évolué jusqu’en 2007. L’Association des Anciens de la 2eDB, qui définit très vite un portrait précis du général, et l’État, qui en assure la diffusion, sont les principaux animateurs de ce souvenir. L’image projetée est celle d’un chef aussi exigeant pour lui-même qu’envers ses soldats, au courage exemplaire et plaçant le patriotisme au-dessus de toute considération. Sa récupération à des fins politiques est d’abord fréquente, comme symbole de la présence nationale en Afrique ou soutien à Charles de Gaulle lors de plusieurs crises politiques. La création en 1975 d’une Fondation destinée à prendre le relais de l’organisation provoque cependant un retour à la neutralité et marque le début d’une collaboration avec les historiens. Figurant le héros grâce à des dessins ou des sculptures, au cinéma ou à la littérature, les artistes sont forcément influencés par sa représentation traditionnelle. Ils parviennent cependant à s’en dégager pour en proposer une interprétation différente, plus personnelle, plus humaine souvent aussi. Au même titre que la présentation officielle de Leclerc, leur travail contribue à ce qu’Henri Rousso a appelé la « mémoire diffuse », ici la manière dont chacun s’imagine le général. À l’heure actuelle, l’enjeu est de conserver cette mémoire vivante. La Fondation Maréchal Leclerc de Hauteclocque et le Mémorial du Maréchal Leclerc de Hauteclocque et de la Libération de Paris-Musée Jean Moulin travaillent à sa transmission. Des manifestations publiques régulières y contribuent de même que l’utilisation de nouvelles technologies et le développement de partenariats. / At the end of the war, the man consigned to posterity under the name of Leclerc has gained a very large popularity, as his untimely death in November 1947 allows us to take the full measure of. The purpose of this thesis is to explain how the memory of the victor of Kufra was built and how its content has shifted until 2007. The 2nd Armored Division Veterans Association which very quickly sets down an accurate portrait of the general, and the State, which acts towards its dissemination are the main curators of this memory. The image developed is that of a leader as demanding of himself as he was of his soldiers, an outstandingly brave man who was putting patriotism above all considerations. His appropriation for political purposes occurs frequently first, as a symbol of national presence in Africa and for his support to Charles de Gaulle during various political crises. However, the creation in 1975 of a Foundation intented to take over the Veterans Association, leads to a return to neutrality and marks the beginning of collaboration with historians. When portraying the hero through drawings or sculptures, film or literature, artists are inevitably influenced by the way he is traditionally depicted. They manage to distance themselves from it though, which allows them to offer a different, more personal, often more human interpretation. Along with the official presentation of Leclerc, their work contributes to what Henri Rousso has called « collective memory », making reference to the way anyone thinks of the General. Currently, the challenge is to keep this memory alive. The Marechal Leclerc de Hauteclocque Foundation and the Marechal Leclerc de Hauteclocque Memorial and the Liberation of Paris-Jean Moulin Museum work to spread this memory. Public events regularly complement this effort just as much as information technology projects and new partnerships do.

Contemporary scholarship has seen increasing interest in the study of elegy. The present work attempts to elevate and expand discussions of death and survival beyond the ambit of elegy to a more genre-inclusive and ethically sensitive survey of Romantic posthumous life writings. Combining an ethic of remembrance founded on mutual fulfilment and reciprocal care with the Romantic tendency to hybridise different genres of mourning and commemoration, the study re- conceives 'posthumous life' as the 'inexhaustible' product of endless collaboration between the dead, the dying and the living. This thesis looks to the philosophical meditations of Francis Bacon, John Locke and Emmanuel Levinas for an ethical framework of human protection, fulfilment and preservation. In an effort to locate the origin of posthumous life writing, the first chapter examines the philosophical context in which different genres and media of commemoration emerged in the eighteenth century. Accordingly, it will commence with a survey of Enlightenment attitudes toward posthumous sympathy and the threat of death. The second part of the chapter turns to the tangled histories of epitaph, biography, portraiture, sepulchre and elegy in the writings of Samuel Johnson, Henry Kett, Vicesimus Knox, William Godwin and William Wordsworth. The Romantic culture of mourning and commemoration inherits the intellectual and generic legacies of the Enlightenment. Hence, Chapter Two will try to uncover the complex generic and formal crossovers between epitaph, extempore, effusion, elegy and biography in Wordsworth's 'Extempore Effusion upon the Death of James Hogg' (1835-7) and his 'Epitaph' (1835-7) for Charles Lamb. However, the chapter also recognises the ethical repercussions of Wordsworth's inadequate, even mortifying, treatment of a fellow woman writer in his otherwise successful expression of ethical remembrance. To address the problem of gender in Romantic memorialisation, Chapter Three will take a close look at Letitia Elizabeth Landon' s reply to Wordsworth's incompetent defence of Felicia Hemans. Mediating the ambitions and anxieties of her subject, as well as her public image and private pain, 'Felicia Hemans' (1838) is an audacious composite of autograph, epitaph, elegy, corrective biography and visual portraiture. The two closing chapters respond to Thomas Carlyle's outspoken confidence in 'Portraits and Letters' as indispensable aids to biographies. Chapter Four identifies a tentative connection between the aesthetic of visual portraiture and the ethic of life writing. To demonstrate the convergence of both artistic and humane principles, this cross-media analysis will first evaluate Sir Joshua Reynolds's memoirs of his deceased friends. Then, it will compare Wordsworth's and Hemans's verse reflections on the commemorative power and limitation of iconography. The last chapter assesses the role of private correspondence in the continuation of familiar relation and reciprocal support. Landon's dramatic enactment of a 'feminine Robinson Crusoe' in her letters from Africa urges the unbroken offering of service and remembrance to a fallen friend through posthumous correspondence. The concluding section will consider the ethical implications for the belated memorials and services furnished by friends and colleagues in the wake of her death.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukrainian society faced a new reality. The new reality involved consolidation and transformation of collective identities. The reinvigoration of national identity led to a change in the emphasis on how the past was dealt with – many things which were regarded as negative by the Soviet regime became presented as positive in independent Ukraine. The war-time nationalist movement, represented by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), became one of the re-configured themes of history. While most of the studies of memory of the OUN and UPA concentrated on the use of this history by nationalist parties, this study goes beyond the analysis and scrutinizes the meaning of this history in nation- and state-building in relation to memory work realized on the small-scale regional and local levels. Moreover, this book focuses not only on the “producers” of memory, but also on the “consumers” of memory, the area which is largely understudied in the field of memory studies. Drawing on studies about post-colonial subjectivities and theories of remediation developed in memory studies, this book explores the changes in memory culture of contemporary Ukraine and examines the role of memory in producing new meanings under the rapidly changing conditions after the collapse of the Soviet Union up to 2014. The book contributes to the studies of memory culture in post-Communist countries as well as to the studies of society in contemporary Ukraine.

<i> History Will Be My Judge: A Cultural Examination of America's Racial Tensions Presented Through the Symbolization of Booker T. Washington</i> is an interdisciplinary study about the emergence of Booker T. Washington as a black cultural hero. By the turn of the twentieth century, Washington had become the most prominent African American educator, economic reformer, entrepreneur, and race leader in the United States. He is most recognized as the founder of Tuskegee Institute (now University) and his highly acclaimed autobiography, <i>Up From Slavery</i>, which recounts his life growing up enslaved to becoming an international icon. Since his death in 1915, several monuments, memorials, landmarks, and commemorative tributes have been established in his honor. During the 1940s, Washington became the first African American pictured on the United States postage stamp and minted silver half-dollar. Additionally, he was spotlighted in a series of media campaigns called "Famous American Firsts," and was the first African American inducted into the Hall of Fame for Great Americans. Moreover, amidst the presidential transition between Barack Obama and Donald Trump, black popular media has alluded to Washington's economic philosophy through music videos, documentaries, and television programs. I argue that each of these posthumous commemorations belong to larger social justice movements, namely, the Civil Rights movement and Black Lives Matter movement. Throughout these eras, Washington's legacy has served to counter white supremacy and symbolize the rise of integration, the black middle class, economic justice, black self-made, black education, and the legacy of slavery.<div> The purpose of this study is to examine how during periods of racial unrest, African Americans leverage Booker T. Washington's image to counter racist stereotypes and reaffirm black citizenship. The primary framework applied in this study is William L. Van Deburg's theory of the <i>black cultural hero. </i>Two emergent theories from this research are my developing frameworks called <i>Black Hustle Theory</i> and <i>nostalgic tension</i>. Using literary and visual analysis, I assess historical archives from popular press, black literature, American memorabilia, and black popular culture to examine Washington's commemorative legacy through a black radical lens. Specifically, I explore how the following four people have connected Washington's legacy to the Civil Rights movement and Black Lives Matter movement: Major Richard Robert Wright, Sr., founder of Savannah State University; Langston Hughes, famed Harlem Renaissance poet and author; Stanley Nelson, award-winning producer; and, Beyonce Knowles-Carter, singer and pop mogul. I put Washington's legacy in conversation with each of these cultural producers to simulate a call-and-response between his lifework and the generations after him.<br><div><br></div></div>

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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukrainian society faced a new reality. The new reality involved consolidation and transformation of collective identities. The reinvigoration of national identity led to a change in the emphasis on how the past was dealt with – many things which were regarded as negative by the Soviet regime became presented as positive in independent Ukraine. The war-time nationalist movement, represented by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), became one of the re-configured themes of history. While most of the studies of memory of the OUN and UPA concentrated on the use of the history of the OUN and UPA by nationalist parties, this study goes beyond the analysis of such use of history and scrutinizes the meaning of this history in nation- and state-building processes in relation to memory work realized on the small-scale regional and local levels with the main focus on Rivne and Rivne oblast’. Moreover, this book focusses not only on the “producers” of memory, but also on the “consumers” of memory, the area which is largely understudied in the field of memory studies. In the book the main emphasis is put on monuments which are regarded as catalysts and symptoms of memory. The present study showed that the OUN and UPA are used more as the metaphors of the anti-Soviet and anti-communist struggle for independence than as historical entities. This past is largely mythologized. Functioning as a myth the memory of the OUN and UPA obliterates difficult knowledge that the historical research reveals on the questionable activities and ideology of those organizations. As a result, the past of the OUN and UPA is re-imagined, re-filled with new meanings so that it is used along even with the democratic and pro-European claims in the present. It was especially well-observed during the Orange Revolution in 2004 and during the Euromaidan in 2013-2014, when the European Union’s flags were seen next to the OUN’s red-and-black flags or when the pro-European slogans were proclaimed alongside the OUN and UPA slogans. At the same time, the results demonstrated an intricate complexity of memory work shaped by intensive dynamics of private and public, grassroots and official, local and national encounters. Although there have been attempts made by political actors to draw a direct link between the national identity, political allegiances and proposed heroic version of memory, the study showed, that such attempts did not really work. In the pluralistic context the meanings are too fluid and adherence to one version of history does not preclude adherences to other versions of history which are presented as diametrically opposite in the political sphere. As result, on the recipients’ grassroots level, the memory reveals its amalgamated characteristics. Drawing on studies about post-colonial subjectivities and theories of remediation developed in memory studies, this book explores the changes in memory culture of contemporary Ukraine and examines the role of memory in producing new meanings under the rapidly changing conditions after the collapse of the Soviet Union up to 2014. The book contributes to the studies of memory culture in post-Communist countries as well as to the studies of society in contemporary Ukraine.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / After governing Indiana during the Civil War, Oliver P. Morton acquired great national influence as a Senator from 1867 to 1877 during Reconstruction. He advocated for African American suffrage and proper remembrance of the Union cause. When he died in 1877, political colleagues, family members, and many Union veterans recalled Morton’s messages and used the occasion to reflect on the nation’s memories of the Civil War and Reconstruction. This thesis examines Indiana’s Governor and Senator Oliver P. Morton, using his postwar speeches, public commentary during and after his life, and the public testimonials and monuments erected in his memory to analyze his role in defining Indiana’s historical memories of the Civil War and Reconstruction from 1865 to 1907. The eulogies and monument commemoration ceremonies reveal the important reciprocal relationship between Morton and Union veterans, especially Indiana members of the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR). As the GAR’s influence increased during the nineteenth century, Indiana members used Morton’s legacy and image to promote messages of patriotism, national unity, and Union pride. The monuments erected in Indianapolis and Washington, D. C., reflect Indiana funders’ desire to remember Morton as a Civil War Governor and to use his image to reinforce viewers’ awareness of the sacrifices and results of the war. This thesis explores how Morton’s friends, family, political colleagues, and influential members of the GAR emphasized Morton’s governorship to use his legacy as a rallying point for curating and promoting partisan memories of the Civil War and, to a lesser extent, Reconstruction, in Indiana.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Following the end of the American Civil War in 1865, thousands of Union veterans joined the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR), the largest Union veterans' fraternal organization in the United States. Upwards of 25,000 Hoosier veterans were members in the Department of Indiana by 1890, including President Benjamin Harrison and General Lew Wallace. This thesis argues that Indiana GAR members met in fraternity to share and construct memories of the Civil War that helped make sense of the past and the present. Indiana GAR members took it upon themselves after the war to act as gatekeepers of Civil War memory in the Hoosier state, publicly arguing that important values they acquired through armed conflict—obedience to authority, duty, selflessness, honor, and love of country—were losing relevance in an increasingly industrialized society that seemingly valued selfishness, materialism, and political radicalism. This thesis explores the creation of Civil War memories and GAR identity, the historical origins of Memorial Day in Indiana, and the Indiana GAR's struggle to incorporate ideals of "patriotic instruction" in public school history classrooms throughout the state.