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In a time when record numbers of dollars are being spent on campaigns the unregulated dollars are flowing faster than ever. Hundreds of millions of dollars in independent expenditures are being used for “issue advocacy”, print and broadcast advertising, which does not expressly endorse or oppose a candidate for office. The one-time campaign finance ceiling has become the campaign finance basement. Individuals are able to give unlimited dollars to 527 organizations, which function outside of all campaign finance regulation and provide a new path for the flow of political dollars. Since the passage of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, commonly known as the McCain-Feingold Act, federally regulated lobbyists and PACS are being edged out of the political dollar due to contribution limits. It is in 1996 that we witness the birth of 527 organizations and the flourishing growth of soft money spending in the campaign process.

Estratégia vence eleição? Essa pergunta é o foco da dissertação. O trabalho inicialmente apre-senta o significado da estratégia política na sua formulação clássica e na situação de campanhas eleito-rais em democracias. Apoiado no estudo de campanhas eleitorais, sobretudo dos Estados Unidos e do Brasil, o autor identifica os dois modelos mais praticados de campanhas: a campanha positiva e a campanha negativa. A seguir, é feita uma revisão da bibliografia sobre campanhas eleitorais voltada para a descrição de cada um dos dois modelos. O fato de que é muito maior a quantidade de estudos acadêmicos sobre campanha negativa e de que a eleição analisada na dissertação também é um caso de campanha negativa implicou uma revisão bibliográfica mais detalhada. A dissertação apresenta dados de seis pesquisas eleitorais realizadas ao longo da campanha na cidade de Alvorada em 2008, ilustran-do com dados uma situação curiosa para os marcos de campanha negativa: o efeito eleitoralmente positivo de uma “negatividade em potencial”. Os dados confirmam o acerto da estratégia ao mostrar a inversão da intenção de voto, da rejeição, do aumento do conhecimento dos fatos negativos pelo eleitor, entre outras variáveis, todos apontando na direção do acerto estratégico que levou o candidato à vitória. / Strategy wins elections? This question is the focus of the dissertation. After a brief analysis of the concept of strategy both in its classical theory and democratic electoral campaigns, the author identi-fies two basic types of campaigns: positive and negative. A bibliographic revision on the general sub-ject of elections and more specifically on both types of electoral campaigns is presented. However, considering that the number of studies in negative campaigns is much greater than studies in positive campaign, besides the fact that the research data available refers to a specific negative campaign (city of Alvorada 2008) a more detailed revision was made for negative campaigns. The dissertation pre-sents data for six surveys applied along the duration of the campaign, showing the curious situation of the effectiveness of the cautious use of what perhaps could be called “potential negativity”.

Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 47-53).

Abstract New nationalist ideologies have permeated politics for the last decade. New leaders, followers, and conducive environments have emerged to cause the most controversial and unique episodes in recent politics. Brexit was selected by having a set of exclusive characteristics, factors, and social elements which resulted in the UK leaving the EU after 47 years. Additionally, two academic attributes were considered to be politically researched, which were leadership and communication techniques. The former established the relationship between two parts of society (leaders and followers) and how their roles developed during the Brexit referendum campaign, and the latter examined political language by extracting the most representative rhetorical means used by the British leaders to run it.   The set of rhetorical techniques was thoroughly investigated using a specially adopted analysis. Several examples were included in how they were performed politically and strategically to create that democratic result. To execute this study, we developed qualitative research based on a study case strategy, descriptive purpose, and by having an inductive approach. Consequently, we selected a sampling method which met specific research criteria and allowed us to analyse this political phenomenon rhetorically. Besides, our empirical data was formed by using interactive and visual material which provided a credible source of study to approach, identify, and answer our research questions. Finally, Brexit’s outcome was viewed as the end of an era in terms of faith in the benefits of globalisation, open labour markets, European integration (Norris and Inglehart, 2019), loss of identity from British individuals, and the reflection of a fractured society (Gherghina and O’Malley, 2019).

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Die vorliegende Arbeit stellt das jüngste Element der Wahlkampfkommu¬nikation in den Mittelpunkt: das Internet. In den USA spielte das sogenannte E-Campaigning bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen erstmals im Jahr 2000 eine wichtige Rolle. Bereits 2002 fasste es auch in Deutschland bei Bundestags¬wahlen zum ersten Mal Fuß. Um sich diesem Untersuchungsgegenstand der politi¬schen Kommunikation systematisch zu nähern, wird anhand des US-amerikanischen Vorbilds ein eigener Ansatz – eine sogenannte Nullmessung – entwickelt. Diese wurde dann anlässlich des Bundestagswahlkampfes 2002 anhand der Internet-Wahlkampfaktivitäten der im Bundestag vertretenen Parteien durchgeführt und im Wahlkampf 2005 ergänzt. Vergleicht man die Untersuchungsergebnisse mit den Zielen, die damals von den Parteien nach eigenen Angaben mit ihren Onlinekampagnen verfolgt wurden, zeigt sich, dass die Internetauftritte den öffentlich von den Kampagnenmanagern artikulierten Ansprüchen, nicht gerecht wurden. Die Chance, die für den Wahlsieg wichtige Gruppe der Wechselwähler gezielt anzusprechen, wurde beispielsweise nicht hinreichend genutzt. Die Analyse zeigt, dass das aus den Betrachtungen der US-amerikanischen Kampagnen bekannte Online-Instrumentarium häufig nur kopiert und dann auch nicht zielgerichtet und konsequent genug eingesetzt wurde. An den Internetkampagnen der deutschen Parteien ist ebenfalls zu erkennen, dass sie bei der Übernahme US-amerikanischer Internetformate keine Rücksicht auf die unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen Randbedingungen beider Länder genommen haben, die sich beispielsweise bei der Bereitschaft zur Unterstützung politischer Kampagnen aus¬wirken. Das Internet ist als eigenständiges Kampagneninstrument in den Dimensionen „Darstellung“, „Aktivierung“ und „Steuerung“ nicht erkennbar. Die Arbeit zeigt auf, dass im Internet gerade für eine spezifisch deutsche Wahlkampfführung noch ein erhebliches strategisches Potenzial liegt, welches 2002 und 2005 nicht genutzt wurde. / This paper focuses on the latest element in electronic election campaign communication: the Internet. In the USA, e-campaigning first played a major role during presidential elections in the year 2000. By 2002 it had already begun to gain ground at Germany’s federal elections. In order to examine this aspect of political communication systematically, a dedicated approach known as baseline measurement was developed on the basis of the US American example. It was then applied to the Internet election campaign activities of the parties represented in Germany’s parliament during the 2002 federal election campaign, and then supplemented to include the 2005 campaign. If we compare the results of the study with the objectives which the parties said they were pursuing in their online campaigns, we see that those online campaigns did not fulfil the aspirations articulated publicly by campaign managers. For example, the opportunity to address swing voters, who are crucial to election victory, was inadequately utilised. Analysis reveals that the online instruments familiar to observers of US American campaigns were often simply copied and then not applied consistently enough or with sufficient attention to aims. The Internet campaigns run by German parties also indicated that when adopting US American Internet formats, they ignored the social differences between the two countries that affect things like people’s willingness to support political campaigns. The Internet was not recognisable as an independent campaign instrument used in the dimensions of Portrayal, Activation or Control. This paper shows that the Internet still harbours considerable strategic potential for specifically German election campaign management – potential which was not utilised in 2002 or 2005.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on a critical examination of the communication-theoretic properties of persuasive messages in the Volunteer campaign in South Africa. Five articles have been analysed according to two premises which form the theory of Larson (1975), entailing content premises and process premises. The content premise is used in the analysis of two articles of this study, namely: the first and the fifth article, and it concentrates solely on the theme on both articles. The theme concentrates on persuasive messages in the letsema/ilima volunteer campaign in South Africa. In the analysis of the content premises emphasis is put on the cause to effect reasoning. The other articles focus on the process premises only. The process premises focus on the three different types of processes, namely: the need, the attitude and consistency. As regard the need, the study puts emphasis on the esteem need. As regard attitude, emphasis is put on the evaluative responses. As regard the consistency, emphasis is put on the two types of consistency, namely: consonance and dissonance. In terms of consonance, emphasis is on the analysis of reassurance of security. In terms of dissonance, emphasis is on the analysis of sense of guilt. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie fokus op 'n kritiese ondersoek van die kommunikasie-teoretiese eienskappe van oorredende boodskappe in die Vrywilligerveldog in Suid-Afrika. Vyf artikels word ontleed in die studie binne die raamwerk van twee premises van Larson (1975), nl. die inhoudpremis en die prosespremis. Die inhoudpremises word aangewend in die analise van twee artikels, nl. die eerste en die vyfde artikel, en daar word uitsluitlik gefokus op die tema van hierdie artikels. Die tema in hierdie artikels hou direk verband met oorredende boodskappe in die letsema/ilima vrywilligerveldtog. In die analise van die inhoudpremises word veral klem geplaas op die oorsaak-effek redenasie. Die analise van die ander drie artikels fokus op die prosespremise. Die prosespremise fokus op drie verskillende prosesse, naamlik die behoeftepremis, die houdingpremis, en die konsekwentheidpremis. Aangaande die behoeftepremis, word klem geplaas in die ondersoek op die waarde-behoefte. Ten opsigte van die houdingspremis, is die klem op die evaluatiewe response. Rakende die konsekwentheidspremis, beklemtoon die analise twee soorte konsekwentheid, naamlik konsonansie en dissonansie. Die ondersoek van konsonansie fokus op die versekering van sekureiteit, terwyl die analise van dissonansie, klem plaas op die analise van skuld. / ISIXHOSA ISISHWANKATHELO: Esi sifundo sijolise kwimiyalezo elukuhlayo ejolise kwilima eMzantsi Afrika. Ekwenzeni oku, kuhlalutywe amaphetshana amahlanu ngokwezindululo zesiseko ezibini ezize noLarson (1975) ezizezi: Isiqulatho sesindululo sesiseko nenkqubo yesindululo sesiseko. Isiqulatho sesindululo sesiseko sisetyenziswe kumaphetshana amabini angala: elokuqala nelesihlanu, kwaye siqwalasela umxholo kuwo omabini la maphetshana. Lo mxholo uqwalaselweyo ngulowo ujongene nemiyalezo yolukuhlo kwiphulo lokwenza ilima eMzantsi Afrika. Kwisiqulatho sesindululo sesiseko kugxininiswe kwingqiqo kanobangela ukuya kwisiphumo. Kwamanye amaphetshana kuqwalaselwe inkqubo yesindululo sesiseko kuphela. Inkqubo yesindululo sesiseko inike ingqwalasela kwiindidi ezintathu zeenkqubo ezizezi: Imfuno, isimilo nokungaguquguquki. Kwimfuno ingqwalasela ibekwe ibekwe kwimfuno yokuzingca. Kwisimilo ingqwalasela ibekwe kwiimpendulo zokuhlola. Kukungaguquguquki ingwalasela ibekwe kuzo zombini iindidi zokungaguquguquki ezizezi: Isivumelwano nokungavumelani. Kwisivumelwano kubekwe ingqwalasela ikakhulu kwisiqinisekiso sokhuseleko. Ekungavumelanini kugxininiswe kuhlobo Iwako olubizwa ngokuba luluvo lokuba netyala.

Throughout the course of history, presidential campaigning has evolved commensurate with the advancements in technology. FDR mastered the radio, JFK the television and President Barack Obama, the Internet. In both the 2008 and 2012 Presidential campaigns, President Barack Obama used social media via the Internet to understand the voter better than any candidate before his time. Through revolutionary data collection techniques, both offline and online, the Obama campaign obtained vital electorate information. This data was used by the campaign to: target online social media users who were most likely to become politically engaged; and attempt to influence their voting habits, two of the most crucial measures of a successful presidential campaign. This paper analyzes whether the social media campaign strategy deployed by President Barack Obama in both the 2008 and 2012 elections was successful in its attempt to influence the electorate. This is accomplished by evaluating voter turnout and engagement based on targeted demographic groups. Next, I assess how social media has impacted fundraising in the 2st1 century, particularly following the aftermath of the Federal Elections Campaign Act (FECA) in 1974. Finally, I analyze how social media effectively assisted President Obama’s campaign in mobilizing the electorate both online and offline to his benefit.