Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Violeta de Lourdes Jansen de Medeiros.pdf: 1805699 bytes, checksum: 4e11bd38c3316185dd1bb98d86c7553e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In recent decades, mainly from the year 1990, the theoretical discussion about the issue of "development" has expanded the debate from new contours and elements, bringing to the midst of the discussion, indicators related to human conditions, quality of life and to the welfare of the populations, in counterpoint to the merely economic rationality, hitherto considered as a lever for growth and socioeconomic development of countries, regions or territories of smaller geographic extent. The effective participation of the population in community life, in political, economic and social spheres, is also taken into account in that new perspective of "development". This condition of participatory agent, active in the community life, suits with the concept of Social Capital, and with the concept of "territory built", where the territory is considered the stage of a social dynamic in which diverse actors interact with each other and with the environment, setting its own identity to each place. In the light of these categories, it is proposed to observe the actions of the University Incubator of Sympathetic Economic Enterprises IUEES/UFCG, as executor of university extension projects, with the purpose of analyzing if, or how, it has contributed to enhance the social capital and the territorial development in its field of expertise. To this end, two projects were considered for investigation: the first one is developed with a group of women pickers of solid waste from Mutirão Neighborhood, located on the west side of Campina Grande City State of Paraíba, dry region of the State; and the second project assists women's groups from four rural settlements, located in Sossêgo City State of Paraíba, Curimataú region, which are: São Luis, Santo Antônio, Padre Assis and Sombrio. The methodology used, according to the object of the research, is exploratory and descriptive, whereas the study refers to a space of multiple and diverse practices, allowing to recognize the phenomena and their causes. The primary data analysis is qualitative, obtained through semi-structured interviews, applied with social actors involved in the projects. The results of the survey, well presented, point to distinct forms of manifestation of social capital in the groups investigated, and also to the contribution of IUEES/UFCG, in the formation and expression of social capital in the communities served, indispensable condition for the territorial and human development. / Nas últimas décadas, mais expressivamente a partir dos anos de 1990, a discussão teórica acerca da questão do desenvolvimento tem ampliado o debate a partir de novos contornos e elementos, trazendo para o bojo da discussão, indicadores relacionados às condições humanas, à qualidade de vida e ao bem-estar das populações, em contraponto à racionalidade meramente econômica, até então considerada como alavanca para o crescimento e desenvolvimento socioeconômico de países, regiões ou territórios de menor extensão geográfica. A participação efetiva da população na vida comunitária, nos âmbitos político, econômico e social, também é levada em conta nessa nova perspectiva de desenvolvimento . Essa condição de agente participativo, atuante na vida comunitária, condiz com o conceito de Capital Social, e com a concepção de território construído , onde o território é considerado o palco de uma dinâmica social em que diversos atores interagem entre si e com o meio, definindo identidade própria a cada lugar. À luz dessas categorias, propõe-se observar as ações da Incubadora Universitária de Empreendimentos Econômicos Solidários IUEES/UFCG, enquanto executora de projetos de extensão universitária, com o objetivo de analisar se, ou como, ela tem contribuído para potencializar o capital social e o desenvolvimento territorial no seu campo de atuação. Para tanto, foram considerados dois projetos para investigação: o primeiro projeto é desenvolvido com um grupo de catadoras de resíduos sólidos da comunidade do Bairro Mutirão, localizado na Zona Oeste do Município de Campina Grande - PB, no Agreste Paraibano; e o segundo projeto atende grupos de mulheres de quatro assentamentos rurais, localizados no município de Sossêgo - PB, no Curimataú Paraibano, quais sejam: São Luís, Santo Antônio, Padre Assis e Sombrio. A metodologia utilizada, em função do objeto da pesquisa, é de caráter exploratório-descritivo, considerando que o estudo se remete a um espaço de práticas múltiplas e diversificadas, permitindo reconhecer os fenômenos e suas causas. A análise dos dados primários é qualitativa, obtidos através de entrevistas semiestruturadas, aplicadas com atores sociais envolvidos nos projetos. Os resultados da pesquisa, ora apresentados, apontam para formas distintas de manifestação do capital social nos grupos investigados, e também para a contribuição da IUEES/UFCG, na formação e expressão do capital social nas comunidades atendidas, condição imprescindível para o desenvolvimento territorial e humano.

Este trabalho estuda os Conselhos Gestores de Saúde das Subprefeituras de São Paulo e os conselheiros que deles fazem parte. Estes Conselhos são desdobramentos do Movimento Popular de Saúde, que consiste em fóruns públicos para reivindicação de melhorias no sistema de atendimento à saúde, e tem seu início na década de 1970 em meio a forte repressão política, exercendo importante papel no processo de redemocratização do Brasil. Tal movimento conseguiu exercer intensa influência no capítulo da Constituição Federal que trata do Sistema Único de Saúde, e inscreveu a obrigatoriedade da existência dos Conselhos Gestores nos Municípios da Federação. Estes Conselhos têm por função institucional fazer o controle popular das políticas públicas empreendidas pelo Sistema Único de Saúde. Como se tratam de fóruns participativos, é plausível que sejam pensados e analisados através da teoria da democracia deliberativa. Partindo desta concepção de democracia, discutiu-se a possibilidade de processos deliberativos gerarem capital social e cultura cívica nas pessoas que participam destes fóruns. A parte empírica deste trabalho foi feita por estudos de casos que levaram em conta quatro Conselhos e dezesseis conselheiros. Nesta etapa, avaliou-se a relação entre os desenhos institucionais dos Conselhos Gestores de Saúde e o perfil cívico dos conselheiros que participam destes fóruns. / The present issue discusses the District Health Councils of the Submunicipalities at the city of São Paulo, Brazil and its councilors. These Councils have their basis in the Popular Health Movement, organized in fora of discussion to demand improvements in public policies of health care. That movement, which started in the 1970?s under military dictatorship, had an important role in Brazilian political redemocratization. Furthermore, it had a strong influence in 1988 Constitution\'s chapter about the obligatoriness of the District Health Councils in the municipalities of the Federation. The institutional goal of these Councils is to oversee the effectiveness of the government in implement public policies. The normative dimensions of these fora are upon the deliberative democracy theory. Having this assumption of democracy, I discuss the possibility of these arenas to generate social capital and civic culture among its participants. In a comparative study of four Councils and 16 councilors I analyzed the relation between the institutional framework of these District Councils and the level of civic culture of its councilors.

A presente pesquisa analisa a comunicação dos usuários das redes sociais durante a campanha eleitoral de 2014 à presidência da República do Brasil, focando nas publicações sobre os três principais candidatos com maior percentual de intenção de voto segundo as pesquisas de opinião dos institutos Ibope e Datafolha. O corpus de análise foi baseado nas publicações feitas pelos usuários do Facebook em seus perfis pessoais e nas páginas oficiais dos três candidatos, ao longo do primeiro e do segundo turno das eleições. Os procedimentos metodológicos foram norteados pelas técnicas de Netnografia e de Análise de Redes Sociais, tomando como referência dados quantitativos (número de postagens, curtidas, compartilhamentos, etc.) e qualitativos (conteúdo das publicações, palavras-chaves, comentários dos usuários, etc.). O trabalho de monitoramento reuniu dados empíricos sobre as interações dos usuários, relacionados à percepção das estratégias eleitorais desenvolvidas na internet pelas três campanhas ao longo da disputa eleitoral de 2014, considerando as ações dos candidatos, as estratégias de propaganda eleitoral, a divulgação de notícias e de pesquisas, os debates promovidos pelos veículos de comunicação e demais informações recebidas pelos eleitores. A base teórica foi fundamentada nos conceitos de Capital Social e de Comunicação Política. / This research analyzes the communication of social networks users, during the election campaign in 2014 for the presidency of Brazil, focusing on publications on the top three candidates with the highest percentage of voting intention polls according to the Ibope and Datafolha institutes. The analysis corpus was based on publications made by Facebook users on their personal profile and the official pages of the three candidates over the first and second round of elections. The methodological procedures were guided by techniques of Netnography and Social Network Analysis with reference to quantitative data (number of posts, likes, shares, etc.) and qualitative (content of the publications, keywords, comments users, etc.). The monitoring work gathered empirical data on the interactions of users, related to the perception of electoral strategies developed on the internet by the three campaigns throughout the 2014 election considering the actions of candidates, the electoral propaganda strategies, the dissemination of news and research, debates promoted by the media and other information received by voters. The theoretical basis was based on the concepts of Social Capital and Communication Policy.

O modelo de gestão cooperativista tem sido estudado em diversos campos do conhecimento, tais como a Economia, a Administração, as Ciências Sociais, entre outros. Nesta pesquisa, trazemos as cooperativas para ser o objeto de estudo por meio da Comunicação, Cultura Organizacional, Comprometimento e Capital Social. Especificamente no campo comunicacional, são poucos os estudos que se debruçaram sobre o conhecimento de como se dão os relacionamentos dos associados com a sua cooperativa. Este estudo teve como objetivo analisar a relação cooperativa-cooperado a partir do campo da comunicação, da cultura e do grau de comprometimento dos associados em relação ao empreendimento cooperativo, tomando-se como base de análise a Teoria Geral de Excelência em Relações Públicas, de Grunig (1992; 2009), as dimensões de Hofstede (2001) e a Escala de Bases do Comprometimento Organizacional (EBACO), desenvolvida e testada pela primeira vez por Medeiros (2005). Adotou-se como metodologia o estudo de casos múltiplos (Yin, 2015), desenvolvido em quatro cooperativas de dois dos ramos mais representativos do cooperativismo no Brasil, que são o agropecuário e o crédito. Os resultados ratificam a influência dos traços culturais de distância de poder e individualismo (Hofstede, 2001; 2010) e das práticas comunicacionais no grau de comprometimento dos cooperados com suas respectivas cooperativas. Constatou-se também que, nas sociedades com os índices de distância de poder e de individualismo mais altos, a participação dos cooperados nos seus empreendimentos cooperativos é inversamente proporcional. As cooperativas que investem em práticas de comunicação excelente (Grunig, 1992) apresentam níveis mais altos de comprometimento e de participação. Por fim, o alto grau de comprometimento dos associados cria um ambiente propício para fortalecimento do capital social em cooperativas. / The cooperative model of management has been studied in various fields of knowledge, such as Economics, Business, Social Sciences, and others. In this study, we refer to co-ops as the object of study through Communication, Organizational Culture, Commitment and Social Capital. Especially in the communication field there are few studies that lean over the knowledge of how the relationships between associates and their co-ops take place. The aim of this study is to analyse the co-op and cooperate relationship from the field of communication, culture and the associates\' degree of commitment in relation to the cooperative enterprise, having as a base Grunig\'s General Theory of Excellence in Public Relations\' analysis (1992; 2009), Hofstede\'s dimensions (2001) and the Organizational Commitment\'s Base Scale (EBACO) as developed and tested for the first time by Medeiros (2005). The methodology adopted is the study of multiple cases (Yin, 2015), developed in four co-ops from two branches that represent best cooperativism in Brasil, namely the farming and the banking credit branches. The results ratify the influence of cultural traces of distance of power and individualism (Hofstede, 2001; 2010) and of the communication practice in the cooperates\' degree of commitment with their respective co-ops. It is also observed that in societies with higher indexes of distance of power and individualism the cooperates\' participation in their cooperative enterprises is inversely proportional. Co-ops which invest in excellent communication practice (Grunig, 1992) display higher levels of commitment and participation. Finally, a high level of commitment from associates create a proper environment for the strengthening of social capital in co-ops.

O entendimento dos determinantes sociais, valorizando não somente as condições biológicas é fundamental para efetivar a promoção da saúde. Desta forma, nos deparamos com a abordagem do Capital Social que valoriza as relações entre a saúde, as desigualdades nas condições de vida e o grau de desenvolvimento da trama de vínculos e associações entre indivíduos e grupos. Partindo do pressuposto de que o ambiente escolar é um meio apropriado para a promoção da saúde, já que pode oferecer uma estrutura mais suportiva um programa socioeducativo, decerto que pode contribuir para a formação das crianças dentro de um contexto de qualidade de vida. Sendo assim, o estudo analisa a contribuição de um programa socioeducativo desenvolvido em algumas Unidades do SESC no Estado de São Paulo na saúde bucal das crianças participantes. Para a análise do impacto bucal nas atividades diárias das crianças, foi aplicado um questionário (OIDP-Infantil) adaptado que considera a qualidade de vida, como uma variável importante dos indicadores clínicos. No estudo foi aplicado também, um questionário aos educadores que acompanham o programa, com a finalidade de verificar as atitudes e o nível de conhecimento em saúde bucal. O pesquisador responsável pelo estudo compareceu nas Unidades Operacionais para a aplicação dos questionários a todos os envolvidos no estudo (620 crianças e 60 educadores). Os resultados mostraram que os impactos bucais mais prevalentes nas atividades diárias ocorreram durante a alimentação, seguido de higiene bucal e de alteração que tivesse afetado o estado emocional. Quando os impactos bucais foram associados com as Unidades Operacionais classificadas com menor Capital Social, os dados foram estatisticamente significantes durante a alimentação, ao falar, durante a higiene bucal, no estado emocional e no contato com outras crianças. O reconhecimento da importância da participação das crianças, durante o desenvolvimento, em estrutura que proporcione um suporte adequado, com um acompanhamento de educadores capacitados para a formação do Capital Social, reforça a proposta, no entanto, iniciativas com a finalidade de aperfeiçoar os conhecimentos em saúde bucal, incluindo esta pauta no currículo do programa, pode contribuir para efetivar um trabalho em parceria, possibilitando um desenvolvimento saudável, com mais qualidade na vida das crianças participantes. / The understanding of social determinants of health, and not only biological conditions, is fundamental to achieve health promotion. In this way, we face the Social Capital approach, which considers the relations among health, life condition inequalities and the development level of the association and bonding between individuals and groups. Assuming that the scholar environment is appropriate to health promotion, offering a more supportive structure, a social-educative programme, though having a broader scope, may contribute to the formation of children within a life quality context. The main goal of this work is to analyse the contribution of this social-educative programme undertaken in a few SESC units of the Sao Paulo State aiming the oral health of the participating children. For the analysis of oral impact on daily activities of the children, an adapted index (Child- OIDP), that considers life quality as an important variable of clinic indicators, was applied. A questionnaire was also directed to the educators that followed the programme, in order to verify the behavior and oral health knowledge level. The researcher visited some company operational units and applied the questionnaires to every person involved in the study (620 children and 60 educators). The results show that the more prevailing oral impacts on daily activities were observed during feeding, oral hygiene and emotional state. When oral impacts were associated to the company units classified as one of those which presented lower Social Capital, the data were statistically significant during feeding, speaking, oral hygiene, emotional state and contact with other children. The importance of childrens participation acknowledgement during their development, within a structure that provides an adequate support, followed by capable educators for the formation of Social Capital, reinforces this kind of approach. Nevertheless, initiatives aiming at an increase of knowledge in oral health, including this subject in the program curriculum, may contribute to reinforce an effective partnership, enabling a healthy development with enhanced life quality for the participating children.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-07-26T15:59:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 hiltonmanoeldiasribeiro.pdf: 1797654 bytes, checksum: cfa9f70b41cc8eee3a8d325e65dd8a4c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-27T11:30:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 hiltonmanoeldiasribeiro.pdf: 1797654 bytes, checksum: cfa9f70b41cc8eee3a8d325e65dd8a4c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T11:30:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 hiltonmanoeldiasribeiro.pdf: 1797654 bytes, checksum: cfa9f70b41cc8eee3a8d325e65dd8a4c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-23 / A análise de desenvolvimento econômico requer uma compreensão multidimensional, revelando a importância da relação entre fatores econômicos e não-econômicos. Esta compreensão pode ser feita a partir dos conceitos de Instituições e Capital Social. A identificação desses conceitos não é tarefa simples e, assim, analisar os seus efeitos sobre variáveis econômicas torna-se relevante. As definições destes termos envolvem tanto noções mais objetivas, como regras formais, leis, redes de interação social, como outras estruturas menos tangíveis, como as normas, valores, confiança ou quaisquer elementos de caráter mais cognitivo. Assim, o objetivo dessa tese é avaliar a relação entre a dimensão econômica (renda individual e renda nacional) e a dimensão sócio-institucional (capital social e instituições formais), levantando a hipótese geral de que o capital social e/ou as instituições formais influenciam positivamente tanto na renda dos indivíduos quanto na renda dos países. O enfoque reside no caráter cognitivo (valores) dos microdados. Para se alcançar esse objetivo, utilizou-se o modelo de regressão logística ordenado para o caso em que a variável dependente é a renda individual ordenada em 3 categorias (baixa, média e alta); para responder ao modelo que inclui variáveis em diferentes níveis (indivíduos e países), lançou-se mão do modelo de regressão logística hierárquico; e para compreensão da análise no nível exclusivo de países, em que a variável dependente é o PIB per capita, empregou-se o modelo de dados em painel. A base de dados para capital social é a World Values Survey (WVS) da WVSA e para instituições formais é a Index of Economic Freedom, da Heritage Foundation, compreendendo o período que vai de 1994 a 2014. Os primeiros resultados formaram um conjunto de associações entre instituições informais (capital social) e renda, revelando quais dessas instituições elevam (ou reduzem) as chances do indivíduo ser de alta renda. Valores como a família, confiança, igualdade de gênero, interesse por política e democracia, competição, tamanho do governo (menos intervenção) apresentaram-se positivamente relacionados à renda individual mais alta. Por outro lado, valores como a religião, obediência, autoridade e igualdade de renda apresentaram-se inversamente relacionados à renda mais alta. Sobre as instituições formais (resultados do modelo hierárquico), analisou-se o nível de interferência dessas variáveis de segundo nível (direito de propriedade e liberdade fiscal) sobre a renda individual, corroborandose a associação positiva entre estas variáveis, ou seja, um ambiente caracterizado por maior garantia de direito de propriedade e menos intervenção do governo ampliam as chances do indivíduo estar em categorias mais elevadas de renda. Por fim, especificamente para a análise de vii países (modelo de dados em painel), corroborou-se a relação direta entre o ambiente institucional e o crescimento econômico dos países. Pensar em ambiente institucional envolve complexidade dada a multidimensionalidade atribuída às instituições informais e formais que o compõem. Dessa forma, o processo de desenvolvimento vai depender de como são elaboradas instituições formais para organizar a sociedade, respeitando as instituições informais existentes. / The economic development analysis requires a multidimensional understanding, revealing the importance of the relationship between economic and non-economic factors. This understanding comprehends the concepts of institutions and social capital. Identifying these concepts is no simple task, therefore analyze their effects on economic variables becomes relevant. Defining these terms involves as objective notions, such as formal rules, laws, networks of social interaction, as other less tangible structures, such as norms, values, trust, or any cognitive elements. The objective of this thesis is to evaluate the relationship between the economic dimension (individual income and national income) and the social and institutional dimension (social capital and formal institutions), raising the general hypothesis that the capital and/or formal institutions positively influence both on the income of individuals and on countries’ income. The focus is on cognitive character (values) microdata. To achieve this objective we used the ordered logistic regression model in which the dependent variable is the individual income, ordered in three categories (low, medium and high); to respond to the model that includes variables at different levels (individuals and countries), we employed the hierarchical logistic regression model; and to understand the analysis of the country dimension, where the dependent variable is GDP per capita, we used the panel data model. The database for the social capital belongs to the World Values Survey (WVS) from WVSA and for formal institutions to the Index of Economic Freedom, from Heritage Foundation, comprising the period from 1994 to 2014. The first results have formed a set of associations between informal institutions (social capital) and income, showing which of these institutions increase (or reduce) the chances of the individual to have a high income. Values such as family, faith, gender equality, interest in politics and democracy, competition, government size (less intervention) were positively related to the highest individual income. On the other hand, values such as religion, obedience, authority and income equality had an inverse relation to the highest individual income. On formal institutions (results of the hierarchical model), it was analyzed the level of interference of these second-level variables (property right and fiscal freedom) on individual income, the positive association is confirmed between these variables, meaning, an environment characterized by greater guarantees of property rights and less government intervention amplify the chances of the individual be in higher income categories. Finally, specifically for countries analysis (panel data model), it corroborated the direct relationship between the institutional environment and countries’ ix economic growth. Thinking of institutional environment is complex given the multidimensionality attributed to informal and formal institutions that compose it. Thus, the development process will depend on how formal institutions are drawn to organize the society, respecting the existing informal institutions.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-12T18:27:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 arquivo7783_1.pdf: 1416175 bytes, checksum: 94e2e131d5095dbd660d8dadaea94a55 (MD5) license.txt: 1748 bytes, checksum: 8a4605be74aa9ea9d79846c1fba20a33 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Analisa-se o Programa de Mobilização de Recursos (PMR) desenvolvido pela Oxfam Grã-Bretanha, de forma pioneira e inédita no Brasil, desde 1999. Para tanto, investigou-se como o PMR contribui para que haja fortalecimento institucional e geração de capital social entre as Organizações da Sociedade Civil (OSC s) do País. O estudo mostra que a Oxfam elaborou um programa de cooperação internacional, cuja linha temática e programática de parceria focaliza a mobilização de recursos, o desenvolvimento institucional e a sustentabilidade dessas organizações. O público alvo da Oxfam é constituído tanto por indivíduos como por organizações do setor privado, para quem é direcionada sua ação, visando a promover: (a) conhecimento das causas e conseqüências dos problemas sociais; (b) engajamento de todos no apoio das causas e missões das OSC s; e (c) mobilização de recursos no nível local. Como levantar recursos públicos e gerar recursos próprios veio em um segundo momento a fazer parte deste programa. No trabalho, foram estudadas as organizações parceiras integrantes do núcleo central do PMR, a saber: ASSEMA; AQCC; IBASE; Escola Pernambucana de Circo; e Ação Educativa. Outras três organizações foram também estudadas, duas por serem disseminadoras de experiências e conhecimento sobre o tema mobilização de recursos: ASHOKA e Aliança Interage. Já a terceira, a ABONG, foi escolhida por trazer ao programa o contexto do seu campo político de atuação. O trabalho delimitou o perfil institucional das OSC s parceiras do PMR, estabelecendo relação com as fontes e manifestações de capital social que emergiram nesse processo. Como estratégia de pesquisa, adotou-se o estudo de caso, utilizando-se abordagem qualitativa com referência cruzada dos dados coletados, ou seja, roteiro de pesquisa aplicado durante uma oficina com o grupo de pessoas responsáveis pelo PMR nas organizações parceiras, análise das falas obtidas por meio de entrevistas abertas e análise documental. Como resultado se constatou que: (a) a diversidade é o ponto forte do perfil das organizações parceiras do PMR, sendo a mesma responsável pelo elevado grau de troca de experiências; (b) as organizações parceiras do PMR comungam valores e práticas que demonstram seu comprometimento para com o processo de democratização da sociedade brasileira; (c) existem muitos pontos e desejos em comum no discurso e na prática das organizações parceiras, quando o assunto é mobilização de recursos para sustentabilidade dessas organizações; (d) são muitas as contribuições do PMR para o processo de fortalecimento e desenvolvimento institucional das organizações parceiras, mesmo sem haver relação direta com a geração de capital social no PMR; (e) apesar de terem sido identificadas várias fontes e manifestações de capital social, o PMR não se propõe a ser um fomentador de capital social e sim a contribuir para o fortalecimento da sociedade civil organizada, a partir da formação de bases sociais de apoio local. Assim, espera-se ter colaborado para com o trabalho da Oxfam na construção de uma sociedade que apóie política e financeiramente as OSC s brasileiras

Submitted by Marcia Silva (marcia@latec.uff.br) on 2016-06-13T20:07:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissert Marcelo Neves Torreão.pdf: 2868734 bytes, checksum: 1defccd8f539b6bfc88dd463c25be179 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-13T20:07:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissert Marcelo Neves Torreão.pdf: 2868734 bytes, checksum: 1defccd8f539b6bfc88dd463c25be179 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-15 / A inovação tem se mostrado como um processo extremamente importante à sobrevivência e desenvolvimento de empresas e regiões, entretanto, diversas pesquisas apontam para dificuldades encontradas pelas empresas, independente de seu porte, em manter seu mercado ou desenvolver atividades de inovação. Estas dificuldades podem ser de ordem financeira, técnica, aversão ao risco ou falta de pessoal qualificado. Outros elementos como a rede de relacionamentos do empreendedor, os códigos e narrativas compartilhadas, bem como os níveis de confiança presentes entre os diversos atores que interagem em um ecossistema interferem na dinâmica do processo de inovação das empresas. O Programa Tecnova, a partir da transferência de recursos de subvenção econômica, busca suprir uma lacuna relacionada ao risco de investimento no processo de inovação. Durante as fases de seleção, avaliação, contratação e acompanhamento dos projetos submetidos ao Programa Tecnova são solicitadas informações pelos parceiros estaduais da FINEP tanto dos projetos quanto das empresas beneficiadas pela subvenção econômica. Esse conjunto de informações é a base, em primeiro momento, do processo decisório que define se a empresa terá ou não o seu projeto apoiado e em seguida integram o acompanhamento da evolução do projeto, da empresa e do próprio programa. Este trabalho parte da identificação dos atores de primeiro grau que operam o Programa Tecnova no nível nacional, avalia com maior profundidade os resultados obtidos pelo primeiro parceiro a efetuar as contratações com as empresas selecionadas e busca entender de que forma o capital social interfere na dinâmica do processo de inovação do empreendedor que recebeu tais recursos, agregando, dessa forma, maior conhecimento acerca da dinâmica do processo de inovação no nível local. Tem por base revisão bibliográfica, documental e de campo, bem como a realização de estudo de caso múltiplo com foco na avaliação do capital social de micro e pequenas empresas, tomadoras de recursos de subvenção econômica operada de forma descentralizada. Como resultado da pesquisa foi possível observar que: • Capital social, Aprendizagem Organizacional e Capacitação Tecnológica influenciam positivamente o desenvolvimento do Programa Tecnova; • O capital social é relevante para o parceiro que opera o programa, uma vez que a performance de suas ações são influenciadas pela interação com diversos atores do Sistema Regional de Inovação, como SEBRAE Estadual, Incubadoras, Associações, dentre outras entidades ou representações de classe, bem como para as empresas que se beneficiaram do programa, visto que contam com acesso a recursos e informações, além de resultados internos que são influenciados também pelo capital social em suas perspectivas estrutural, relacional e cognitiva; • O processo de seleção conduzido pela FAPEG teve com resultado a contratação de empresas que apresentavam nível de maturidade em aprendizagem organizacional/capital social e capacidades tecnológicas satisfatório; • A empresa com nível de maturidade em aprendizagem organizacional/capital social e capacidades foi a que necessitou de menos recursos para o desenvolvimento do projeto. / Innovation has been shown to be extremely important to the survival and development of enterprises and regions process, however, several studies point to difficulties encountered by enterprises, regardless of size, to maintain its market or develop innovation activities. These difficulties may be financial, technical, risk aversion and lack of qualified personnel. Other elements such as network entrepreneur relationships, shared codes and narratives, as well as the confidence levels present among the different actors that interact in an ecosystem interfere with the dynamics of the corporate innovation process. The Tecnova program from the transfer of economic support funds, seeks to fill a gap related to the risk of investment in the innovation process. During the phases of selection, evaluation, contracting and monitoring of projects submitted to Tecnova Program information is requested by state partners FINEP both projects as companies benefited from a subsidy. This set of information is the basis, in the first instance, the decision-making process that determines whether or not the company will have supported your project, and then integrate the monitoring of the evolution of the project, the company and the program itself. This work of the identification of the first degree of actors who operate the Tecnova program at the national level, assesses in greater detail the results of the first partner to perform the contracts with the selected companies and seeks to understand how the social capital affects the dynamics of Entrepreneur of the innovation process that received such funds, adding thus more knowledge about the dynamics of the innovation process at the local level. It is based on literature review, document and field as well as conducting multiple case study focused on the evaluation of the capital to micro and small companies, makers of economic support funds operated in a decentralized manner. As a result of research it was observed that: • Social Capital, Organizational Learning and Technology Skills positively influence the development of Tecnova Program; • Social Capital is relevant to the partner who operates the program, since the performance of his actions are influenced by the interaction with different actors of the Regional Innovation System as State SEBRAE, Incubators, Associations, among other entities or class of representations as well as for companies that have benefited from the program, as they have access to resources and information, as well as internal results are also influenced by social capital in their structural, relational and cognitive perspectives; • The selection process conducted by FAPEG result had with hiring companies that presented level of maturity in organizational learning / social capital and satisfying technological capabilities; • The company with Maturity on organizational learning / social capital and skills was needed fewer resources for project development.

The central goal of this dissertation has been mapping, discussing and making sense of the political activities undertaken by Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations based in Brussels. I therefore identified these organisations in the national register of moral personalities. I furthermore administered a standardised questionnaire among a representative sample of the registered organisations. I focused in this questionnaire on both what I call institutional and non-institutional political activities. In making sense of the political activities by ethnic minority organisations I started this dissertation with a focus on the hypothesis developed by the Dutch scholars Fennema and Tillie on the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community. They argue a positive association between a high level of collaboration within a particular ethnic minority associative field on the one hand and a high level of political participation that is observed among the associative elite on the other. They argue an aggregate effect following a high degree of ethnic civic community. It would not only affect the political activity undertaken by the organisations that are involved in the collaborations but also the political activity of those not involved and thereby it is thought to influence the level of participation of the entire ethnic minority associative field. To operationalise this hypothesis Fennema and Tillie designed an index for the measurement of the degree of ethnic civic community. They measure the level of collaboration among the ethnic minority organisations by mapping the interlocking directorates that occur in the ethnic minority associative field. They identify in other words the directors that are seating in the administrative board of more than one organisation. The index is composed by 4 different measures that are summed in one aggregate score. To discuss the aggregate effect they confront the ranking the ethnic minority group holds on both the index and on the level of political participation. For the Amsterdam case they find a strong parallel between both. They find the Turkish group to stand out compared to the Moroccan and Surinamese both in regard to the degree of ethnic civic community and concerning the level of political participation. During the process that has been this dissertation I gradually changed the initial hypothesis. I argue on the one hand that Fennema and Tillie put a too strong emphasis on the presence of interlocking directorates to operationalize the idea of ethnic civic community. I argue the importance to consider equally the collaborations that occur in the daily practice of the organisations. I furthermore argue the pertinence to discuss the collaborations that ethnic minority organisations establish with the Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field. I argue on the other hand that they put too little emphasis on contextual elements. I argue the importance to consider characteristics of the political setting in which the organisations are operating and to the social inequality and power imbalances that characterises the relation between ethnic minority and majority groups. I equally argue the importance of considering the presence of other than social resources that characterises the ethnic minority associative field and to pay attention to the anchoring of the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group in the Belgian society. I basically argue that these contextual elements can interact with the ethnic civic community hypothesis. Based on these arguments I created a more complex research design in which I discuss both the importance of bonding and bridging social capital and in which I essentially argue the multidimensional relation between the two multi-facetted concepts of social capital and political participation. I argue that bonding and bridging collaborations can have a differential influence on the outcome of political participation according to the political activity that is considered. I argue that the direction of the relation is shaped by elements of the Brussels setting. I argue that the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community for the Brussels case could well be limited to the non-institutional dimension of political participation. I find for the Brussels case the Belgian Moroccan group to obtain the highest score on the index of ethnic civic community. The network of interlocking directorates is characterised by the presence of large clusters of interconnected organisations and a high level of connectivity. The Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group share a second position in this regard. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan associative field to be more politically active as compared to both other groups, neither concerning institutional political activities, nor regarding non-institutional activities. I observe in fact very few differences in the level of political participation across the three ethnic minority groups I study in Brussels. I do not find any statistical significant difference regarding electoral participation, involvement in consultation and the participation to claim making activities. I find only one significant difference between the groups and this concerns the presence of direct of particularized contacting of public or political authorities. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan group to stand out in this regard. I find on the other hand the Belgian Turkish associative field to hold a first position. I do in other words not find a parallel between the ranking the three groups hold on the index of ethnic civic community and the ranking the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group show as for the level of political activities undertaken by the associative elite. I read in this result a strong empirical evidence to reject the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis. However I argue that comparing the rank order that the groups hold on both independent and dependent variable essentially equals confronting uni-variate analyses and therefore is not fit to study an association between both type of variables. A third variable could for instance act as a suppressor or mediator variable making it as such impossible to make sense of the presence or absence of a parallel. I therefore argue the importance of studying the individual effect prior to discussing the aggregate effect. I additionally discuss the individual association between being embedded in the network of interlocking directorates on the one hand and the outcome on the different indicators of political participation. I thereby pay attention to the particular position an organisation holds within the network but also to the possible interactions that can occur with other than social resources of an organisation. For the Brussels case I only find one main individual effect. I find being part of one of the larger components to reliably predict the outcome concerning the direct or particularized contacting of representatives of political institutions. I find this to be true for all three groups, but in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. However the particular strong association I observe for the Belgian Moroccan organisations does not coincide with a highest group level of particularized contacting. On the contrary, I find the Belgian Turkish group to show a significant higher level of this type of political activity, followed by the Belgian Congolese. Based on these observations, I reject for the Brussels case the hypothesis on the aggregated effect following the size and structure of the network of interlocking directorates. I either do not find an individual effect or in case I find an individual effect it does not add to the understanding of the differences in the level of political participation I find across the three groups. If it is not the size and the structure of the network of interlocking directorates that allows to make sense of the level of political activity observed among an ethnic minority associative elite for the Brussels case, what is then? To answer this question I explore the individual effect of other types of collaborations and of other than social resources an organisation has to its disposition. Across these analyses, I find two independent variables to be of particular importance to understand the political participation by ethnic minority organisations. I find the information on receiving public funding and on being involved in collaborations with Brussels pro-migrant associative life to predict most reliably the outcomes on the different dependent variables on political participation except as for the variable on electoral participation. In uni-variate analyses I find moreover that these two resources attain relatively similar levels for the three ethnic minority groups. I understand the similarities I find across the three groups concerning the level of participation to consultation and to claim making activities strongly by referring to the predominant influence of these two resources. I note that the presence of these resources is strongly determined by the decisions that are made at the institutional level. I argue that the similar opportunities the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations meet within the Brussels institutional and political setting are strongly important in shaping the access to consultation and claim making. However I equally find that resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative field as for example the presence of an advocacy mission still adds to the understanding of these types of political participation, even after controlling for the information on public funding and contacts with the pro-migrant associative field. I argue notwithstandingthat top down processes in Brussems outnumber bottom-up processes to understand the participation of the ethnic minority organisations to consultative mechanisms and to claim making. The same can be argued concerning the involvement of the organisations in the electoral process. I find similar levels of electoral participation across the three ethnic minority associative fields. However I do not find an influence of public funding or of an embeddedness in Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field in this regard. I do not find any of the selected independent variables to reliably predict the outcome on the dependent variable. In my entire database I find only one characteristic of the organisations to allow a reliable prediction concerning the outcome on electoral participation namely that on the presence of personal relations with Brussels political parties. I argue therefore that the link between ethnic minority associative life and the electoral process is structured not so much by a systematic knowledge of which are the larger, more established or more influential organisations but by processes of personal acquaintanceship. I interpret this result by referring to the presence of assimilationist perspective on integration that is predominant in Brussels. I argue that this predominant discourse creates obstacles for that leaders of strongly resourceful ethnic minority organisations are seen as more legitimate actors to access institutional political arena. To sum up, I understand the similarities that I find across the three group concerning the level of political participation by referring to both the similar opportunities and obstacles they meet in the Brussels context. A last question that then remains concerns the difference I observe between the group concerning the level of direct contacting of representatives of the institutional political arena. I understand the first position the Belgian Turkish group holds in this regard by referring to the Turkish migration history and the particular anchoring of the group in Belgian society. I refer in particular to the more collective integration strategy that characterises this group, as compared to both other groups. I understand the second position that is hold by the Belgian Congolese group by referring to the significant higher level of two resources that occur within the Belgian Congolese associative field. I find the significant higher level of advocacy organisations and of an organising along community interests to add strongly to the understanding of the higher level of direct contacting as compared to the Belgian Moroccan group. To end with I point to the fact that the differences I observe on direct contacting are all the more remarkable since the number of elected politicians of Moroccan origin in Belgium is strongly higher as compared to the number of elected politicians of Turkish and Congolese origin. I argue that the favourable position the Belgian Moroccan group holds at the individual level concerning the access to the institutional political arena is not repeated at the collective level. On the contrary I observe an inverse relation. I therefore argue that this difference in direct contacting between the Belgian Moroccan organisations on the one hand and the Belgian Turkish and Congolese on the other should at least partly be understood in terms of a compensatory mechanism for the lack of opportunities these communities hold at the individual level. This compensatory mechanism is supported and made possible by resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative fields. I find these resources however not to be social resources, but to concern the presence of a strong collective group identity and of an intrinsic political motivation. I started this dissertation with the hypothesis on the importance of internal collaboration to understand the differences and similarities in the level of political participation undertaken by the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese associative field. However instead of bonding social capital I find the presence of public funding of bridging social capital and of characteristics of the Brussels context and of the ethnic minority groups to be of more importance for understanding both institutional and non-institutional political activities. However this does not mean that the level of internal collaboration is of no importance at all to make sense of the political activity undertaken by ethnic minority organisations in Brussels. Even after controlling for the presence of other resources, I find that the presence of internal collaborations adds to the contentious capacity of ethnic minority organisations. I find the presence of informal collaborations to add to the understanding of the presence of proclaiming activities. I find an embeddedness in the network of interlocking directorates to reliably predict the outcome on direct contacting. If it were not for the organisations involved in the network of interlocking directorates, the level of particularised contacting would be much lower in Brussels, in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. Although the first position the Belgian Moroccan group holds on the index of ethnic civic community did not show to be a good predictor for finding a higher level of political participation among the Belgian Moroccan associative elite, it still is meaningful in the more restricted sense that the Belgian Moroccan network more strongly as compared to both other networks adds to the understanding of the level of direct contacting. To end with I find the hypothesis on the multidimensional relation between two multifaceted concepts of social capital and political participation to be confirmed for the Brussels case. Bonding and Bridging social capital relate differently to the outcomes on political participation according to the type of political activity. I moreover find the hypothesis on the importance of taking into account contextual elements to make sense of the direction of these relations to be equally confirmed. The interpretation of the empirical results I collected has not been possible without referring to characteristics of the Brussels context, of the three ethnic minority groups and of the particular anchoring of these groups in Belgian society. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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