L'arrivée d'Hugo Châvez en tant que président du Venezuela a provoqué des changements importants en Amérique latine. Il a été porté au pouvoir par les couches paupérisées de son pays en promouvant des changements importants qui assureraient une redistribution plus équitable des richesses. Dans le but de se maintenir au pouvoir et de garantir la continuité de sa révolution, M. Châvez a tissé des alliances avec des gouvernements qui suivraient son penchant idéologique, qu'il a nommé le socialisme bolivarien. Il est donc pertinent de se demander dans quelles mesures l'évolution de la politique étrangère du Venezuela a eu des conséquences à l'échelle de l'Amérique latine depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir d'Hugo Châvez. Le développement d'une politique étrangère fondée sur l'antiaméricanisme, la pétrodiplomatie et le développement de liens de dépendance avec plusieurs pays alliés a modifié les liens traditionnels que le Venezuela entretenait avec la majorité de ses voisins. Plusieurs pays amis s'étant ralliés à la cause de Châvez se sont volontairement détachés de toute forme d'influence occidentale tout en développant des liens économiques et politiques importants avec le Venezuela pour créer une nouvelle forme d'intégration régionale. Certains pays, comme la Colombie, ont développé des relations conflictuelles avec le gouvernement chavésien car leurs intérêts ont été menacés par l'agrandissement de la sphère d'influence de ce dernier. Néanmoins, d'autres pays, particulièrement le Brésil, ont été capables d'offrir un alternatif crédible au socialisme bolivarien. Cette évolution a aussi promu l'amenuisement de l'influence américaine en Amérique latine en favorisant une intégration régionale d'origine vénézuélienne, brésilienne ou latino-américaine. De plus, cette réduction d'influence a permis l'intégration de plusieurs nouveaux acteurs à l'échelle régionale, notamment la Chine et la Russie. Cette recherche a permis de déterminer que toute modification rapide de ces liens pourrait avoir des conséquences importantes au Venezuela, autant à l'échelle internationale que nationale.

Depuis une dizaine d’années, on s’était habitué à rechercher les sources de résistances à la globalisation néolibérale en-dehors des structures étatiques traditionnelles, jugées dépassées par un processus qui en remettait en question à la fois la nature et la portée. Toutefois, dans un contexte également marqué par l’annonce - certes un peu précipitée - de la « fin des idéologies », voici qu’un pays jusque-là plus ou moins sans histoire se lance dans une « révolution protagoniste et populaire » qui vient remettre en cause la plupart des préjugés contemporains consacrant l’inévitabilité de la globalisation ou encore l’indépassabilité de la démocratie représentative libérale. C’est pourquoi il nous a semblé pertinent de nous pencher sur ce processus bolivarien, à bien des égards inédit, et de chercher à en comprendre les dynamiques particulières au-delà de l’exubérance de son bouillant comandante, qui a tendance, volontairement ou malgré lui, à détourner l’attention des véritables enjeux sociaux, économiques et politiques qui sont soulevés à l’heure actuelle au Venezuela et, plus largement, dans l’ensemble de la région sud-américaine. Ce mémoire porte donc non pas sur des personnes, mais sur un processus, celui de la révolution bolivarienne, et de ses incidences sur un ordre mondial plus que jamais en proie à des bouleversements aux conséquences imprévisibles.

Cette thèse porte sur le rapport des femmes au politique, étudié à travers le prisme de la participation locale des classes populaires. Au Venezuela, sous les gouvernements Chávez, la volonté étatique de favoriser la participation locale et de lutter contre les inégalités de genre, croise et rend visible des dynamiques et des trajectoires individuelles d’acteurs ordinaires, qui sont en majorité des femmes. La politique bolivarienne de la participation se réalise à partir de l’expérience quotidienne et des relations interpersonnelles. Les structures étatiques locales que sont les Conseils Locaux de Planification Publique et les Conseils Communaux articulent ainsi espace public et espace privé. Dans ce pays matrifocal, la pratique de cette politique territorialisée permet aux femmes des classes populaires de transformer leur autorité en une ressource politique qui est désormais reconnue et institutionnalisée. Ce processus modifie le rapport à soi, à la famille, à la communauté, mais aussi au pouvoir institué, allant jusqu’à transformer les rapports gouvernants-gouvernés. Fruit de sept années de recherche et de près de deux ans de terrain, cette thèse allie les techniques classiques de l’enquête sociologique à de nouveaux outils révélant l’importance du tournant affectif induit par l’expérience participative dans la vie des enquêtés. / This PhD dissertation is about women’s relations to politics, viewed from the perspective of the popular background’s local participation. During the Chavez’s governments in Venezuela, the State’s will to favour local participation and fight against gender’s inequalities allows ordinary actors’dynamics and individual paths to meet and in the meantime, to make them visible. These actors occur to be mostly women. The Bolivarian participation politics is performed from the daily experience and interpersonnal relationship. The local State institutions - that are the Consejos Locales de Planificación Pública and the Consejos Comunales - intertwine public and private space. In this matrifocal country, this territorialized politics allows women from popular background to convert their authority into a political ressource that has been acknowledged and institutionnalized. This process changes the relationships to oneself, to the family and the community but to the institutionnalized power as well, going as far as to transform relationships between the ruling classes and the ones who are ruled by them. Based on a seven years research and a two years fieldwork, this PhD dissertation associates sociological studies’classic techniques and new tools revealing the importance of the affective turn brought by the participative experience in the interviewees’s life.

This thesis analyses the political and socioeconomic changes in Venezuela during the presidency of Hugo Chávez. Its main goal is to find out whether the current Venezuelan government has the attributes of an authoritarian regime and what effects have the governmental reforms brought so far in the fields mentioned above.

En la actualidad la economía del Perú ha evolucionado satisfactoriamente llegando a ser considerado un país en donde se puede hacer grandes inversiones. Uno de los sectores que generan mayores ingresos es el sector Transporte y Comunicaciones, el cual experimento un crecimiento del 5,33% el año 2013. El crecimiento del subsector transporte, fue contribuido por el mayor tráfico aéreo de pasajeros y carga. El Aeropuerto Internacional Jorge Chávez, el cual forma parte de este crecimiento debe solucionar el problema de no contar con una adecuada gestión de control de tráfico aéreo, el cual involucra el control, coordinación de los vuelos y asignación de puertas de embarque. Este problema se intensificó, debido a que en la actualidad el flujo aéreo se ha incrementado generando que ya no se puedan mejorar las comunicaciones internas con respecto a las coordinaciones de asignación y disponibilidad de puertas de embarque, así como la asignación de turno de atención de cada uno de los vuelos de salida. Para el desarrollo del proyecto se consideró la información en tiempo real proporcionada por la herramienta Flight Tracking and Flight Status API. Esta información servía como dato de entrada para el funcionamiento del algoritmo, el cual consideraba variables como el tiempo promedio por pasajeros, tiempo promedio por carga, la disponibilidad de las puertas de embarque, velocidad permitida del avión dentro del aeropuerto y un tiempo extra considerado para evitar ciertos retrasos. La ejecución del algoritmo daba como resultado un tiempo de inicio y fin de abordaje de cada uno de los vuelos programados para el día. Asimismo, como parte del resultado, se podía ver el número de puerta de embarque asignado a cada uno de los vuelos. Como parte del proceso considerado en el proyecto, también se asignaban tareas a cada uno de los controladores aéreos de acuerdo a la disponibilidad y a su horario de trabajo, teniendo en cuenta ciertos estándares y recomendaciones establecidos por la Organización de Aviación Civil Internacional. Por último, se generan reportes para la verificación de asignaciones de vuelos a controladores y asignación de vuelos a puertas de embarque. En conclusión, este proyecto ayuda a una mejor distribución del tiempo en el Aeropuerto Internacional Jorge Chávez, brindando servicios en las horas programadas y sin retraso alguno, cumpliendo estándares de calidad que son exigibles para el funcionamiento de un aeropuerto. / Tesis

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tiago Santos Salgado.pdf: 1751953 bytes, checksum: b6e8a2f4cd3c384d0cbef2f819526008 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-15 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The objective of this study is to determine how one of the three largest circulation national newspapers in Brazil Folha de S. Paulo covered Venezuela and President Hugo Chávez between the years 2002-2005. During this period Venezuela went through one of the most troubled times in its recent history with a coup in 2002, strikes, social demonstrations, recall referendums and the opposition refusal to participate in the legislative elections in 2005 facts that justify the attention given to the country by the communications media. In the development of this dissertation points pertinent to the methodology adopted and relevant historical aspects recovered from the trajectory of the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo are clarified within its chapters. A full background on recent Venezuelan history is seen, from the introduction of liberal democracy in the country in 1958, based on the role of traditional political parties such as Acción Democrática and COPEI and the agreement known as the Punto Fijo Pact, that was responsible for the adoption of neo-liberal policies that led to crises in the decades of the 1980s and 1990s and which resulted in the election of Hugo Chávez in 1998. Analysis is also seen of Folha de S. Paulo s editorial coverage in relation to the Venezuelan government and highlighting of the arguments that led this paper to consider it undemocratic, besides explaining the paper s understanding of democracy and how this could be linked to a liberal definition of the concept, as well as proceeding to an analysis of the Venezuelan opposition newspaper and the similarities between the coverage of Folha and that of private Venezuelan communication media against the government established by Chávez. In this way the analysis recurs to the interwoven critique of Hugo Chávez and the construction of his images as a populist leader a concept that became the subject of considerable historical discussion, bearing negative value from the links of his profile as a politician who deceived and manipulated the populace. Thus, we have aimed at a critical look at the concepts used by the Folha de S. Paulo to explain the nature of the Chávez government, beginning with data of the Venezuelan social reality that could explain the nature of the Chávez government and how it became possible to identify the ideology propagated by the Brazilian newspaper recovered from identification of the social function to which it complies as a vehicle of the major press and media and its influence in shaping Brazilian public opinion in relation to its neighboring country / O trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar a cobertura realizada pelo jornal brasileiro Folha de S. Paulo um dos três jornais do país que conta com ampla circulação nacional no que se refere à Venezuela e ao presidente Hugo Chávez entre os anos de 2002 e 2005. Durante este período a Venezuela passou por um dos momentos mais conturbados de sua história recente, com golpe de Estado em 2002, greves, manifestações sociais, referendos revogatórios e a recusa da oposição em participar das eleições legislativas em 2005, fatos que justificaram a atenção dada ao país pelos meios de comunicação. Na elaboração desta dissertação e ao longo de seus capítulos são esclarecidos os pontos pertinentes à metodologia adotada e resgata-se da historiografia aspectos relevantes da trajetória do jornal Folha de S. Paulo. A realização de uma retrospectiva sobre a história recente venezuelana foi observada desde a instauração da liberaldemocracia no país em 1958, com o protagonismo de seus partidos políticos tradicionais como Acción Democrática e COPEI e o acordo que ficou conhecido como Pacto de Punto Fijo, responsável pela adoção de políticas neoliberais que levaram às crises ocorridas durante as décadas de 1980 e 1990 e que resultou na eleição de Hugo Chávez em 1998. Também se observa a análise da cobertura da Folha de S. Paulo em seus editoriais sobre o governo venezuelano e a destacada argumentação que promoveu este periódico em considerá-lo antidemocrático, além de explicitar o entendimento do jornal sobre democracia e como pode ser vinculada à definição liberal do conceito, bem como se procedeu a análise dos jornais de oposição na Venezuela e as semelhanças entre a cobertura da Folha e a realizada pelos meios de comunicação privados venezuelanos, contrários ao governo implantado por Chávez. Desse modo, a análise recai sobre a crítica tecida a Hugo Chávez e a construção de sua imagem como um líder populista conceito que se tornou alvo de grande discussão historiográfica ao carregar em sua definição um valor negativo , além de vincular seu perfil ao de um político que enganou e manipulou a população. Nesse sentido, procurou-se fazer a crítica aos conceitos utilizados pela Folha de S. Paulo, a partir de dados da realidade social venezuelana que explicitaram a natureza do governo Chávez e que tornaram possível identificar a ideologia propagada pelo jornal brasileiro, resgatada a partir da identificação da função social que este cumpre como veículo da grande imprensa e de interferência na construção da opinião pública brasileira em relação ao país vizinho

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elton Frederick Souza.pdf: 880420 bytes, checksum: fee7ec7f2a3ffe4b646599c40b6e98b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-14 / This research Bolivarism and Chavism: similarities, mystification and paradoxes intend to make a rescue of the political thought of Simon Bolivar in order to examine how the president of Venezuela, Hugo Chavez, appropriates the legacy of The Liberator . The symbolic expression of Bolivar is analyzed in the light of a reflection on the role of political myths in modern societies. Despite a presumed rationalization of contemporary political life, the myths still present themselves as powerful instruments for the maintenance of consensus and, as in the case of Hugo Chavez, to legitimize and give substance to an alleged proposal to break. Beyond this symbolic dimension, the research aims to answer whether there is indeed a material correspondence between the Bolivarian ideas and the political project undertaken by the Venezuelan president. The hypothesis is that the mythical legacy of Bolivar plays a key role in the Chavez project, but the relationship between Simon Bolivar and Hugo Chavez does not end only in the symbolic plan. Finally, it reflects the relationship of both with the people , indicating that there is, in this particular aspect, a paradoxical component: Chavez subverts the impressions of Bolivar on the masses for supposedly implement the Liberator Hispanic American unfinished project / A pesquisa Bolivarismo e Chavismo: aproximações, mitificação e paradoxos se propõe a fazer um resgate do pensamento político de Simón Bolívar para analisar de que forma o presidente da Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, se apropria do legado do Libertador. A expressão simbólica de Bolívar é analisada à luz de uma reflexão sobre o papel desempenhado pelos mitos políticos nas sociedades modernas. A despeito de uma presumida racionalização da vida política contemporânea, os mitos ainda se apresentam como vigorosos instrumentos para a manutenção de consensos e, como no caso de Hugo Chávez, para legitimar e dar substância a uma suposta proposta de ruptura. Além desta dimensão simbólica, a pesquisa se propõe a responder se há, efetivamente, uma correspondência material entre o ideário bolivariano e o projeto político levado a cabo pelo presidente venezuelano. A hipótese deste trabalho é que o legado mítico de Bolívar desempenha um papel determinante no projeto chavista, mas que a relação entre Simón Bolívar e Hugo Chávez não se encerra no plano exclusivamente simbólico. Por fim, reflete-se sobre a relação de ambos com o povo , apontando que há, neste aspecto particular, um componente paradoxal: Chávez subverte as impressões de Bolívar acerca das massas para, supostamente, pôr em curso o projeto inacabado pelo Libertador da América hispânica

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elton Frederick Souza.pdf: 880420 bytes, checksum: fee7ec7f2a3ffe4b646599c40b6e98b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-14 / This research Bolivarism and Chavism: similarities, mystification and paradoxes intend to make a rescue of the political thought of Simon Bolivar in order to examine how the president of Venezuela, Hugo Chavez, appropriates the legacy of The Liberator . The symbolic expression of Bolivar is analyzed in the light of a reflection on the role of political myths in modern societies. Despite a presumed rationalization of contemporary political life, the myths still present themselves as powerful instruments for the maintenance of consensus and, as in the case of Hugo Chavez, to legitimize and give substance to an alleged proposal to break. Beyond this symbolic dimension, the research aims to answer whether there is indeed a material correspondence between the Bolivarian ideas and the political project undertaken by the Venezuelan president. The hypothesis is that the mythical legacy of Bolivar plays a key role in the Chavez project, but the relationship between Simon Bolivar and Hugo Chavez does not end only in the symbolic plan. Finally, it reflects the relationship of both with the people , indicating that there is, in this particular aspect, a paradoxical component: Chavez subverts the impressions of Bolivar on the masses for supposedly implement the Liberator Hispanic American unfinished project / A pesquisa Bolivarismo e Chavismo: aproximações, mitificação e paradoxos se propõe a fazer um resgate do pensamento político de Simón Bolívar para analisar de que forma o presidente da Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, se apropria do legado do Libertador. A expressão simbólica de Bolívar é analisada à luz de uma reflexão sobre o papel desempenhado pelos mitos políticos nas sociedades modernas. A despeito de uma presumida racionalização da vida política contemporânea, os mitos ainda se apresentam como vigorosos instrumentos para a manutenção de consensos e, como no caso de Hugo Chávez, para legitimar e dar substância a uma suposta proposta de ruptura. Além desta dimensão simbólica, a pesquisa se propõe a responder se há, efetivamente, uma correspondência material entre o ideário bolivariano e o projeto político levado a cabo pelo presidente venezuelano. A hipótese deste trabalho é que o legado mítico de Bolívar desempenha um papel determinante no projeto chavista, mas que a relação entre Simón Bolívar e Hugo Chávez não se encerra no plano exclusivamente simbólico. Por fim, reflete-se sobre a relação de ambos com o povo , apontando que há, neste aspecto particular, um componente paradoxal: Chávez subverte as impressões de Bolívar acerca das massas para, supostamente, pôr em curso o projeto inacabado pelo Libertador da América hispânica

<p>By using a quantitative content analysis, this thesis examines how the Latin American television channel Telesur was established, and the character of Telesurs programme listings and news broadcasts. The thesis also examines how Telesurs agenda to promote pan-Latin American integration, is visible in the material broadcasted.</p><p>The theories used are the media dependency theory, framing of news, news bias and media globalization and regionalization.</p><p>The media development and current situation in Latin America and Venezuela is described.</p><p>The results show that Telesur came into existence in a polarized mass medial and political climate, as part of the communicational strategy of the Chávez government to promote the “21th century socialism”. The news broadcasts are not directly related to the Telesur agenda. The news does not differ much from other international news broadcasts in aspects of length, tempo and topics. The broadcasts lack economical segments but empathizes political segments. The geographical representation is to a great part concentrated to and around Venezuela. In the programme listings, the aim of being an educative and news providing television channel is clearly visible, as the channel provides a great part of news and documentaries.</p>

By using a quantitative content analysis, this thesis examines how the Latin American television channel Telesur was established, and the character of Telesurs programme listings and news broadcasts. The thesis also examines how Telesurs agenda to promote pan-Latin American integration, is visible in the material broadcasted. The theories used are the media dependency theory, framing of news, news bias and media globalization and regionalization. The media development and current situation in Latin America and Venezuela is described. The results show that Telesur came into existence in a polarized mass medial and political climate, as part of the communicational strategy of the Chávez government to promote the “21th century socialism”. The news broadcasts are not directly related to the Telesur agenda. The news does not differ much from other international news broadcasts in aspects of length, tempo and topics. The broadcasts lack economical segments but empathizes political segments. The geographical representation is to a great part concentrated to and around Venezuela. In the programme listings, the aim of being an educative and news providing television channel is clearly visible, as the channel provides a great part of news and documentaries.