Submitted by Edineia Teixeira (edineia.teixeira@unioeste.br) on 2018-02-06T10:53:28Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Bruna_Alves2015.pdf: 1835532 bytes, checksum: fa7d1a01d23c3583663512b70986b877 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-06T10:53:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Bruna_Alves2015.pdf: 1835532 bytes, checksum: fa7d1a01d23c3583663512b70986b877 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Fundação Araucária de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico do Estado do Paraná (FA) / The main objective of this bibliographic and documental research is the identification and the analysis of the theoretical-political influences of the called “Socialism of the XXI Century” in the restructuring process of the Venezuelan school system. The assumptions of this Socialism focused on the movement of creation, experimentation and consolidation of the Bolivarian Education. The educational historic of Venezuela, before Hugo Chavez’s election in 1998, was conditioned to the political and the economic situation established in the country, which, through democratic elections, held two right-wing parties in the power on an alternation regime. This political condition generated poverty and social, cultural and educational exclusion of the people, especially from the 1980s, it occurred the penetration of neoliberalism in the country, which led to a decrease of the resources for education, resulting in the abandon of the educations system, to the poorest. The democratic election of President Chavez in 1998, marks the economic policy history and also educational of Venezuela. As soon as Chavez took over and promulgated the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in 1999, occurred the re-foundation of the State, now anchored in a new democratic conceptual mark and in a participatory democracy parameter, with the popular prominence and of confronting the United States imperialism. With the reconfiguration of the political and economic context of the country, it emerged the need of forming a new social consciousness, which entailed the modification of the educational system in consonance with the historical and cultural Latin-American legacy, from political, philosophical and pedagogical authentic parameters from Bolivarian Education. The societal project, called Bolivarian Revolution, directed changes in the political, economic and social system of the country, reflecting also in the new composition of the educational system. Under the ideological, economic and legal support of the Bolivarian State, by the massive increase of financial resources to the social sectors and the elaboration of oriented documents of the revolutionary path chosen by Venezuela, of the socialist homeland construction, - 2 as the National Project Simón Bolívar – First Socialist plan. Economic and Social Development of the Nation (PPS-2007-2013); Proposal of the homeland candidate – Commander Hugo Chávez – for the Socialist Bolivarian management (2013-2019 (after his death, this document was redefined as a Second Socialist Plan); and second the United Socialist Party Program of Venezuela (USPPV), - the school education incorporates in this process the conceptual and pedagogical guidance, and the relative autonomy to become, both in the theoretical formal plan as in implemented pedagogical practices. Therefore, there was the consolidation of a socialist mark curriculum – Diseño Bolivarian National Curriculum (2007) -, followed by the officialization of Bolivarian Education in the (Ley Orgánica de Educación) (Organic law of Education), 2009. Therefore, the multiple transformations occurred in Venezuela during Chávez governments inflated and conditioned the implementation of a national system of education consistent with needs of Venezuelan people. The statistics proved that, in Chávez’s mandates, the social and educational advances were significant and would not be achieved without political will and a governmental plan and of State that covered, in full, a set of articulated and simultaneous actions in the economic, political, social and cultural spheres. / O objetivo central dessa pesquisa bibliográfica e documental é a identificação e a análise das influências teórico-políticas do chamado “Socialismo do Século XXI” no processo de reestruturação do sistema escolar venezuelano. Os pressupostos desse Socialismo incidiram sobre o movimento de criação, experimentação e consolidação da Educação Bolivariana. O histórico educacional da Venezuela, anterior a eleição de Hugo Chávez em 1998, esteve condicionado à conjuntura política e à situação econômica estabelecida no país, que, mediante eleições democráticas, mantinha dois partidos de direita no poder em regime de alternância. Essa condição política gerou pobreza e exclusão social, cultural e educacional do povo, sobretudo a partir da década de 1980, ocorreu a penetração do neoliberalismo no país, o que levou à diminuição dos recursos destinados à educação, resultando no abandono do sistema educativo, para os mais pobres. A eleição democrática do presidente Chávez, em 1998, marca a história política econômica e também educacional da Venezuela. Tão logo Chávez assumiu e promulgou a Constituição da República Bolivariana da Venezuela em 1999, ocorreu a refundação do Estado, agora ancorado em um novo marco conceitual democrático e em um parâmetro de democracia participativa, com o protagonismo popular e de enfrentamento ao imperialismo estadunidense. Com a reconfiguração do contexto político e econômico do país, emergiu a necessidade de formar uma nova consciência social, que implicou a alteração do sistema educacional em consonância com o legado histórico-cultural latino-americano, a partir de parâmetros políticos, filosóficos e pedagógicos autênticos da Educação Bolivariana. O projeto societário, denominado de Revolução Bolivariana, orientou mudanças no ordenamento político, econômico e social do país, refletindo também na nova composição do sistema educacional. Sob o respaldo ideológico, econômico e jurídico do Estado Bolivariano, mediante o incremento maciço de recursos financeiros aos setores sociais e da elaboração de documentos orientadores do caminho revolucionário escolhido pela Venezuela, de construção da pátria socialista, - como o Projeto Nacional Simón Bolívar - Primeiro Plano Socialista. Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social da Nação (PPS-2007-2013); Proposta do candidato da pátria - comandante Hugo Chávez - para a gestão Bolivariana Socialista (2013-2019 (depois da sua morte, esse documento foi redefinido como Segundo Plano Socialista); e o Programa do Partido Socialista Unido da Venezuela (PSUV), - a educação escolar incorpora nesse processo a orientação conceitual e pedagógica, e a autonomia relativa para transformar-se, tanto no plano teórico-formal quanto em prática pedagógicas implantadas. Por conseguinte, ocorreu a consolidação de um currículo de marca socialista ─ Diseño Curricular Nacional Bolivariano (2007) ─, seguido pela oficialização da Educação Bolivariana na Ley Orgánica de Educación, de 2009. Portanto, as múltiplas transformações ocorridas na Venezuela durante os governos Chávez inflaram e condicionaram a implementação de um sistema nacional de educação condizente com a necessidade do povo venezuelano. As estatísticas comprovaram que, nos mandatos de Chávez, os avanços sociais e educacionais foram expressivos e que não seriam alcançados sem vontade política e um plano governamental e de Estado que abrangesse, na totalidade, um conjunto

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:56:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SofiaAlexius.pdf: 851849 bytes, checksum: 7d74dd69a57854553f9fcffd195c4833 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-11 / The purpose of this project is to analyze president Lula s and Chávez s political speeches, relying on the theoretical support of the Rhetorical Discourse Theory (TRD), which organizes the argumentative discourse in three dimensions: rationalizing, aesthetics and politics. Technical, legitimating and sensitizing arguments are the objects of the analysis (rationalizing dimension), as well as language features (aesthetic dimension) and interaction between the subjects of discourse (political dimension) used by the presidents of Brazil and Venezuela when they give speeches on the integration process in Latin America. The research material consists of 10 speeches, 05 of each president, delivered between the years 2008 and 2010. The analysis shows that the concept of integration is highlighted in the defense of three main theses, supported by both presidents: a) integration is required; b) the integration is already happening; c) the need for integration. / O presente trabalho discorre sobre análises de discursos políticos dos presidentes Lula e Chávez, ancorando-se, para isso, no suporte teórico da Teoria Retórica do Discurso (TRD), que organiza o discurso em três dimensões argumentativas: racionalizadora, estética e política. Portanto, constituem objeto de análise os argumentos técnicos, sensibilizadores e legitimadores (dimensão racionalizadora), bem como os recursos da linguagem (dimensão estética) e de interação entre os sujeitos do discurso (dimensão política), utilizados pelos presidentes do Brasil e da Venezuela quando estes discursam sobre o processo de integração na América Latina. O material da pesquisa consta de 10 discursos, 05 de cada presidente, proferidos entre os anos de 2008 e 2010. As análises realizadas mostram que o tema integração é ressaltado na defesa de três grandes teses, sustentadas por ambos os presidentes: a) a integração é necessária; b) a integração já acontece; c) a necessidade de integração.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-02-20T12:01:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 glauciadasilvamendes.pdf: 1424890 bytes, checksum: d4d6bbf6c649ba09ab35401add20a6f3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-02-20T18:07:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 glauciadasilvamendes.pdf: 1424890 bytes, checksum: d4d6bbf6c649ba09ab35401add20a6f3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-02-20T18:07:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 glauciadasilvamendes.pdf: 1424890 bytes, checksum: d4d6bbf6c649ba09ab35401add20a6f3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-20T18:07:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 glauciadasilvamendes.pdf: 1424890 bytes, checksum: d4d6bbf6c649ba09ab35401add20a6f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-27 / FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / Os noticiários dos jornais El Universal (Venezuela) e O Globo (Brasil) sobre o governo Hugo Chávez - no mês que antecede o referendo de reforma constitucional venezuelana de 2007 - têm, na presente dissertação, suas estruturas discursivas analisadas para verificar a validade da hipótese segundo a qual as imagens identitárias projetadas pela grande mídia sobre governos latino-americanos anti-liberais reproduzem subliminarmente o discurso de um supostamente atávico “atraso” latino-americano, que se encontra na base de representações essencialistas sobre as identidades política e do povo da região. O trabalho parte de referenciais teóricos nos quais as identidades são concebidas como construções sociais e simbólicas regidas por disputas de poder e nos quais o jornalismo é compreendido como uma atividade de (re)construção da realidade – e, portanto, também de representações identitárias. A análise do material, realizada sobretudo com base nos fundamentos teóricos e metodológicos da escola francesa de análise do discurso, revela que os jornais caracterizam o governo venezuelano no período com base em traços identitários que reverberam, de forma explícita ou subjacente, a idéia segundo a qual qualquer proposta política adversa ao corolário liberal associa-se ao conceito de “atraso”. / Les actualités des journaux El Universal (Venezuela) et O Globo (Brésil) sur le gouvernement Hugo Chávez - dans le mois qui précéde le référendum sur la réforme constitutionnelle au Venezuela en 2007 - ont, dans cette disssertation, leurs structures discursives analysées pour vérifier la validité de l'hypothèse selon laquelle les images identitaires projetées par les mass-médias sur les gouvernements latino-américains anti-libéraux reproduisent subliminalement le discours d’un supposement atavique "retard" de l'Amérique Latine, qui est basée sur les représentations essentialistes de l'identité politique et de la population de la région. Le travail part de références théoriques dans lesquelles les identités sont conçues comme des constructions sociales et symboliques régis par le pouvoir et dans lesquelles le journalisme est compris comme une activité de (re)construction de la réalité – et, donc, aussi des représentations identitaires. L'analyse du matériel, principalement basée sur des fondations théoriques et méthodologiques de l'école française d'analyse de discours, montre que les journaux caractérisent le gouvernement vénézuélien dans la période sur la base des traits identitaires qui répercutent, explicitement ou derrière, l'idée selon laquelle toutes les propositions politiques opposant le corollaire libérale sont associeés à la notion de "retard".

<p>The aim of the study is to examine how the executive leadership and the decision-making process are shaped by the leadership environment in a transition democracy as Venezuela. The questions I intend to answer are: What kind of leadership environment surrounds the leadership and what kind of consequences does it have on the leadership and the decision-making process in Venezuela? To answer my questions I will use the literature: Political Leadership in Liberal Democracies (Elgie, Robert 1995, London: Macmillian), together with the method “The cultural determinist school of history” by Tomas Spencer, later reproduced by Kellerman. The leadership environment provides unique opportunities for a leader to gain control over the decision-making process. Institutional structures and the needs of the society are major parts in determining how the political leadership is exercised. In Venezuela, charismatic President Hugo Chávez is head of the executive branch. The President enjoys great executive power that has diminished the role of the legislature. The policy of a more governmental controlled economy and direct democracy, based on populism has led to a more polarized society. Both historical and socio cultural failures have benefited the presidency. The “partyarchy” is abolished and has been replaced by a personalized policy-making process. The tendency is a leadership environment with a consolidation of the extended power within the executive, and a decision-making process outside the traditional institutional structures that favours the executive.</p>

Los orígenes de nuestra aviación están cubiertos por un aparente manto de indiferencia. La historiografía existente dedicada exclusivamente al tema de la aviación en el Perú es escasa y constituye una prueba de ello. Las causas se podrían plantear en una serie de hipótesis, pero siendo en el Perú la aeronavegación y las actividades conexas eminentemente técnicas, con poca vinculación con las letras, las ciencias humanas y las ciencias sociales, no ha sido un tema que haya motivado el interés de los investigadores; como resultado encontramos escasos trabajos de investigación, en su mayoría por convocatoria institucional, con una orientación determinada y no como producto de una espontánea inquietud o interés. / Tesis

El presente estudio es de tipo descriptivo, de corte transversal y correlacional, teniendo como objetivo determinar la relación que existe entre el nivel de conocimiento y actitud de los padres sobre la estimulación temprana con el desarrollo psicomotor en los niños de 4 a 5 años de la I.E. “Jorge Chávez”. Se utilizó el Test de Desarrollo Psicomotor elaborado por el Ministerio de Salud y un cuestionario validado por expertos para evaluar el nivel de conocimiento y actitud de los padres sobre la estimulación temprana. Para el análisis se utilizó el paquete estadístico SPSS. Se obtuvo como resultados de la evaluación a los padres: el nivel de conocimiento alto sobre estimulación temprana (50,00%), la actitud positiva sobre la estimulación temprana (60,42%) y también a los niños con un normal desarrollo psicomotor (61,46%). Se concluye finalmente que existe relación significativa entre el nivel de conocimiento y actitud de los padres sobre estimulación temprana con el desarrollo psicomotor de los niños.

Ce mémoire se veut un reflet général sur la situation de la diaspora africaine dans les Amériques et plus particulièrement sur les populations noires dans l'espace social vénézuélien. Le projet désire surtout examiner différents lieux culturels dans lesquels la discrimination raciale est particulièrement apparente. Du discours populaire en passant par l'industrie touristique et les concours de beauté jusqu'à la politique nationale, la recherche tente de démontrer que malgré certaines avancées depuis l'avènement d'Hugo Chavez au pouvoir, il subsiste un processus actif de discrimination raciale dans la réalité actuelle. La recherche se base entre autres sur une série d'entretiens réalisés en 2007 auprès d'Afrodescendant-es de la région de Barlovento. Le cadre théorique utilisé est un amalgame entre les études dé/coloniales, post-coloniales, subalternes, féministes et culturelles qui permet de faire intervenir les relations de pouvoir (de genre, de race ou encore de classe) à l'échelle internationale, régionale et locale. La pertinence scientifique de ce projet réside dans le fait qu'au Venezuela, les études anthropologiques se sont avant tout centrées sur les populations autochtones, ce qui par conséquent a réduit de façon considérable le nombre de recherches se penchant sur les communautés noires. Cette étude vise à combler cette lacune en établissant un certain nombre de constats empiriques et en les interprétant à la lumière d'un cadre théorique qui fait intervenir les enjeux de pouvoir. Cette recherche répond également à un besoin pressant de mieux comprendre les enjeux réels qu'englobe la pauvreté au Venezuela. De plus, elle correspond à une contribution dans la lutte pour la reconnaissance des différentes identités qui forment la société vénézuélienne. Elle contribue à l'éveil des consciences pour mettre un frein aux attitudes qui stigmatisent les communautés noires des sphères socialement valorisées par la société. Enfin, cette étude a l'ambition de faire connaître hors des frontières du Venezuela une population trop longtemps ignorée ainsi qu'un combat identitaire qui a obtenu peu d'écho. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Afrodescendant, Venezuela, Race, Identité, Hugo Chavez

Quelle est la finalité de l'intégration politique du mouvement indigène dans un pays où les peuples indigènes ne représentent que 2,3% de la population du Venezuela? Cette interrogation justifie ce présent mémoire qui se veut une réflexion critique sur les enjeux de la politique indigène menée par le nouveau régime bolivarien, depuis l'arrivée de Chavez à la présidence, le 6 décembre 1998. L'ampleur du prolongement politique de la question indigène dans le régime bolivarien contraste avec un mouvement indigène peu institutionnalisé sur le plan national. En effet, les peuples indigènes du Venezuela ne comptent pas avec un passé solide de convergence de leurs luttes sociales. Néanmoins, l'arrivée au pouvoir du mouvement politique porté par Chavez consacre une reconnaissance juridique sans précédent des droits des peuples indigènes. Quelle est la nature des modalités d'inclusion mises en œuvre par le régime bolivarien? Peut-on pour autant parler de l'essor du mouvement indigène au Venezuela? Ces questionnements guident le développement de cette présente recherche dans le but de cerner les ressorts à l'œuvre dans ce processus d'intégration. Dans cette perspective, cette étude distingue deux types de facteurs qui aident à comprendre cette visibilité politique nouvelle de l'enjeu indigène au Venezuela. D'une part, nous relevons des facteurs conjoncturels déterminants, liés au contexte de crise institutionnelle du pays et à la transnationalisation du mouvement indigène. D' autre part, nous tentons de cerner la relation spécifique qu'entretient l'idéologie bolivarienne avec la question indigène dans le processus politique du mouvement chaviste. Notre démonstration s'articule en relation avec une démarche empirique, issue d'une recherche de terrain effectuée pendant un mois, en mars 2006. Après avoir exposé les ressorts théoriques de notre analyse, nous appréhendons les ressorts contextuels de cette émergence, pour aboutir ensuite, dans un troisième chapitre, sur l'analyse du « cadre » bolivarien comme facteur surdéterminant de ce processus d'intégration. Enfin, nous terminons cette recherche en nuançant la portée effective d'une telle intégration et en traçant les lignes de défis pour l'avenir du mouvement indigène vénézuélien. Cette recherche est guidée par l'hypothèse que l'intégration politique de la question indigène est au service de l'idéologie bolivarienne et sert ainsi à légitimer le processus de la Révolution chaviste. Cette intégration se définit alors davantage comme un instrument de légitimation dans une stratégie politique spécifique, plutôt que comme l'aboutissement d'un travail soutenu de convergence mené par un mouvement social solide. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : mouvement indigène, CONIVE, idéologie bolivarienne, populisme, intégration politique, chavisme.

The main argument of this thesis is that the penitentiary crisis in Venezuela is brought about an inept criminal justice system whose functioning (or lack thereof) further exacerbates overcrowding in penitentiary facilities as well as violates the most basic human rights. More elaborately, I argue that the unintentional (mis)use of pre-trial preventive detention, one of the consequences of the inept criminal justice system, further exacerbates the overcrowding in prisons and creates serious human rights implications. The purpose of this study is to establish a connection between the penitentiary crisis in Venezuela, with a focus on pre-trial preventive detention, and the larger criminal justice system failure in the country. The data source and data gathering technique for the thesis consists of a content analysis and a secondary literature review. Since the theoretical framework of the project is international human rights, instruments from the United Nations and the Organization of American States are used. Reports from non-governmental organizations like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and Observatorio Venezolano de Prisiones provide the data to conduct the analysis which is specific to pre-trial preventive detention in Venezuela. These reports are produced on a yearly basis and will help to compliment the data obtained from government sources, mainly the Venezuelan Ombudsman's office. The findings of the thesis support the argument that contrary to common belief, the (mis)use of pre-trial preventive detention in Venezuela is in fact mainly accidental, it is not systematic in the sense that it is not targeting a particular group of people due to their political affiliation and/or beliefs. Furthermore, I prove that Venezuelan penitentiary facilities are overcrowded due to the (mis)use of pre-trial preventive detention. Immediate recommendations for the Venezuelan state include re-categorizing the penal population in Venezuela as well as diminishing the use of deprivation of liberty, specifically pre-trial preventive detention.

This dissertation analyzes the discourse of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in his weekly television show Aló Presidente. It focuses on the discursive practices in this genre by Chávez as an essential element in the Bolivarian Revolution; an exercise of power in itself, and a means to establish a direct relationship with the Venezuelan public. The analysis shows that Aló Presidente employs unique discursive strategies to engage in a national dialogue, including: the use of repetition, lists, and fragmentation through the alternation of discursive genres, as well as deictic shift; the establishment of an ideology, the presentation of selected themes and stories; the construction of relationships with established social categories (middle-aged women, high-ranking military personnel, militant youth, etc.) through dialogue with interlocutors during the show; and a strict hierarchy in which Chávez appears as the ultimate leader, through deixis, turn-taking, and the use of targeted speech acts. This study uses the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis, drawing mainly from Fairclough (2003) and van Dijk (1998, 2010). It also draws from theories of: (a) discourse genre, as in Charaudeau (2004) and Smith (2003); (b) deixis, as in Agha (2007); (c) dialogue, defined by Weigand (2009) and Tannen (2007); (d) political discourse, discussed in Chilton (2004); and (e) media discourse, as in Bourdieu (1991). The corpus is drawn from broadcasts ending with the digit 8 randomly selected between 2005 and 2007 (shows 218, 248, 278, 288, 298). The conclusion is that the show serves as the main communication strategy of the Revolution, establishing a direct relationship with viewers, in which several conventional procedures of television discourse are flaunted. The discourse, which is anchored in the category of space, is well established as a new genre in political media discourse. It is directed to Chávez’s followers, divided into specific target groups, in a hierarchical fashion in which he occupies the power position. The strategies adopted allow for a high level of involvement with the audience. The discursive practices developed are a key element in the advancement of the Revolution and are in line with its beliefs and attitudes. / text