This thesis examines the impact of the Reformation on the estates of ecclesiastical institutions and officials based in St Andrews. It argues that land and wealth were redistributed and power structures torn apart, as St Andrews changed from Scotland's Catholic ecclesiastical capital to a conspicuously Protestant burgh. The rapid dispersal of the pre-Reformation church's considerable ecclesiastical lands and revenues had long-term ramifications for the lives of local householders, for relations between religious and secular authorities, and for St Andrews' viability as an urban community. Yet this major redistribution of wealth has had limited attention from scholars. The first part of this study considers the role played by the Catholic Church in St Andrews before the Reformation, and the means by which it was financed, examining the funding of the city's pre-Reformation ecclesiastical foundations and officials, and arguing that (contrary to some traditional assumptions) the Catholic Church in St Andrews was on a reasonably sound financial footing until the Reformation. The second section considers the immediate disruption to St Andrews' religious lands and revenues caused by the burgh's public conversion to Protestantism, and then explores the more planned reorganisation of the 1560s. The disputes and difficulties triggered by the redistribution of ecclesiastical wealth are examined, as well as the longer term impact on St Andrews of the treatment of church revenues at the Reformation. Evidence for this study is chiefly drawn from the extensive body of manuscripts concerning St Andrews held by the National Library of Scotland, the National Records of Scotland, and the University of St Andrews Special Collections.

Text in German / Die wirtschaftspolitische Konzeption der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wird seit 1948 als „Soziale Marktwirtschaft“ bezeichnet. Es beruht auf den Prinzipien des Leistungswettbewerbs, geregelt durch staatliche Ordnungen und ergänzt durch einen sozialen Ausgleich. Die „Soziale Marktwirtschaft“ geht dabei einen Mittelweg zwischen einer liberalen laissezfaire Wirtschaftsordnung und einer staatlichen Planwirtschaft. Vorliegende Arbeit untersucht zum ersten Mal im Detail ein Vorläuferdokument der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft, die „Freiburger Denkschrift“ aus dem Jahr 1943. In dieser Nachkriegsordnung, eine Auftragsarbeit der „Bekennenden Kirche“, finden sich alle Grundprinzipien der später eingeführten Sozialen Marktwirtschaft, eingebettet in ein umfangreiches christliches Reformprogramm für den Wiederaufbau Deutschlands. Die Arbeit analysiert den Hintergrund der Verfasser und die Inhalte der Denkschrift. Konkret wird gezeigt, welche Überzeugungen der christlichen Ethik sich in den wirtschaftspolitischen Forderungen der Denkschrift niedergeschlagen haben. Außerdem wird die Denkschrift in den biographischen Kontext der Verfasser und die zeitgeschichtlichen theologischen Zusammenhänge eingeordnet, denn viele Thesen des Dokuments reflektieren Diskussionsprozesse der damaligen Zeit. Zudem kann gezeigt werden, dass in die Freiburger Denkschrift sowohl protestantische wie auch römisch-katholische Elemente Eingang gefunden haben. / Since 1948 the economic system of the Federal Republic of Germany is called “Social Market Economy”. It is based on the principles of competitive markets, ensured by governmental competition policy and supplemented by social insurance and public assistance. The “Social Market Economy” takes a middle road between a liberal laissez-faire economy and a a centrally planned economy. The current study examines for the first time in detail the document that preceded the “Social Market Economy,” the 1943 “Freiburg Memorandum”. In this work, commissioned by the Confessing Church of the Third Reich as a post-war system, all fundamental principles of the later “Social Market Economy” can be found embedded in a comprehensive Christian reform program for the reconstruction of Germany. This dissertation analyzes the background of the authors and the contents of the memorandum. We will show specifically which convictions of Christian ethics were incorporated into the economic-political requests of the document. In addition the memorandum will be connected to the biographical context of the authors and the theological context of their time, as many theses put forward in the document reflect discussions that were in progress at that time. Also, it can be shown that Protestant as well as Roman-Catholic elements found entrance into the “Freiburg Memorandum”. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)

By comparative analysis of Swedish cultural policy (including art policy, heritage policy and Church policy) during the Riksdag periods of 1970-73, 1991-94, 1994-98 and 1998-2002 the relationship between cultural policy and the concept of the nation as a homogenous cultural community (defined by either an ethnic or a state-framed concept) is explored. Neoinstitutional analysis of cultural policy as an organisational field is combined with analysis of how the nation is conceived as an imagined community, and what values it strives to uphold to show how these values and concepts are institutionalised in its cultural policy and how this supports the legitimacy of the State as a nation-state. In the early seventies, when a general cultural policy was first established in Sweden, most of its fields were already institutionalised and bound by strong path dependencies, binding art policy to protecting universal aesthetic values within the state-framed nation and heritage policy to ethnic particularism while Church policy stood between universalism and ethnic particularism (which infected the relationship between Church and State). These contradictions were managed by strong borders between the fields. In the early seventies these were overlaid with a general cultural policy focused on universal civil values within the state-framed nation. Since then the conflict between Church and State has been defused and the norms of heritage policy have become closer to those of cultural policy at large by the claim that cultural heritage should be used to uphold civil values (e.g. democracy and tolerance). In the late nineties cultural policy has again become less integrated by new government initiatives with specific goals. Civil universal values remain dominant while concepts of the nation are increasingly multi-ethnic. / Genom jämförande analys av svensk statlig kulturpolitik (inklusive konstpolitik, kulturarvspolitik och religionspolitik) under riksdagsperioderna 1970-73, 1991-94, 1994-98 and 1998-2002 undersöks relationen mellan kulturpolitiken och föreställningen om nationen som en homogen kulturell gemenskap som i vissa fall tänks inkludera dess innevånare och i andra fall en etnisk grupp. Nyinstitutionell analys av kulturpolitik som organisatoriskt fält kombineras med analys av hur nationen konceptualiseras som en föreställd gemenskap och vilka värderingar den upprätthåller för att visa hur dessa värden och koncept institutionaliseras i statens kulturpolitik och hur denna bidrar till att upprätthålla nationalstatens legitimitet. När en enhetlig kulturpolitik etablerades i Sverige i början av 1970-talet var de flesta av de ingående fälten redan låsta i sedan länge etablerade stigberoenden som band konstpolitiken till upprätthållandet av estetiska värden inom ramarna för en med utgångspunkt i staten definierad nation samtidigt som kulturarvspolitiken bundits vid etniskt partikularistiska nationskoncept och kyrkopolitiken slets mellan universalism och etnisk partikularism (vilket komplicerade kyrka-stat-relationen). Motsättningar hanterades genom kraftiga institutionella gränser mellan fälten. Till dessa fogades en övergripande kulturpolitik baserad på universella civila värden inom ramarna för den statsdefinierade nationen. Sedan dess har konflikten mellan kyrka och stat lösts upp och kulturarvspolitiken integrerats i den generella kulturpolitiken bl.a. genom organisatoriska reformer. I slutet av 1990-talet tycks trenden mot en allt mer integrerad kulturpolitik dock ha vänt bl.a. genom direkta men begränsade regeringsinitiativ. Den domineras fortfarande av universella civila värden, men också av alltmer mångetniska föreställningar om nationen.

Univ., Diss.--Erlangen-Nürnberg, 2004. / Literaturverz.: S. 173 - 187.

In the year 2004 South Africa celebrated its first ten years of democracy, which reflected the success of the struggle for the liberation of this country. The year 1960 was considered as a year of strong resistance throughout South Africa. Political leaders like Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Raymond Mhlaba, Chief Albert Luthuli, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Lionel Bernstein, Dennis Goldberg and others played a vital role in leading the black people to resist the plan of the current Prime Minister Hendrick Verwoerd, who deprived Africans of their citizenship by forcing the Bantustan system upon them. On the 6th June 1960 more than four thousand Pondos from eastern Pondoland (Bizana, Lusikisiki, Flagstaff and Ntabankulu) met at Ngquza Hill with the intention of discussing their problems. They demanded the withdrawal of the hated system of the Bantu Authorities Act, the representation of all South Africans in the Republic's Parliament, relief from increased taxes and the abolition of the pass system. Before these problems were tabled before the people, a military force had occupied Ngquza Hill. The peaceful meeting was turned into a massacre of innocent people, when police shot victims, tear-gassed them and beat them with batons. Eleven people were killed, many of them were shot in the backs of their heads; and more than 48 casualties were hospitalized and arrested. The Paramount Chief, Botha Sigcau, was blamed for the massacre because he was seen as supporting the government, and this led to the uprising in Pondoland from 1960 to 1963. This event happened three months after the Sharpeville shooting of the 21st March 1960. More than 200 casualties were reported and 69 unarmed protesters were shot dead outside the police station. The ANC and PAC, the liberation movements of the day, were banned and a state of emergency was declared. The Nationalist government suspected the African National Congress of being behind the revolt in Pondoland. The ringleaders of the Pondo Revolt were Mthethunzima Ganyile, Anderson Ganyile, Solomon Madikizela and Theophulus Ntshangela. They listed the Acts that were to be protested against as follows: The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951, the Bantu Education Act of 1953, the Pass Law System of 1952, as well as rehabilitation and betterment schemes. These Acts were imposed by the National Party through Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau. All were detrimental to the future of the Pondo people. Church leaders such as Beyers Naude, Ben Marais and Bartholomeus Keet of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), Archbishop Geoffrey Clayton and Archbishop Desmond Tutu of the Anglican Church, Rev Charles Villa-Vicencio of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, Allan Boesak of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church (DRMC) and others played a major role in confronting and challenging the Nationalist government, which justified apartheid as grounded on Scripture. Not all church leaders opposed this policy: the Dutch Reformed Church was the bedrock of apartheid, along with other Afrikaans speaking churches. This dissertation will serve as a tool to determine the involvement of the church regarding the Pondo Revolt in South Africa from 1960 to 1963. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Church History)

The thesis is about the relationship between State and Church, taking note of alternative relations which existed over the ages. The government of Bophuthatswana declared their state to be Christian. The main emphasis was that the Batswana were religious people who were deeply Christian and thus the state was to become Christian as well. This was not separated from the issue of land which also was seen as a gift from God for them. Winterveld was used as a case study to show how the state was justifying its own actions to discriminate against non-Batswana from obtaining citizenship and denying them access to land. The transition period showed that the church stood on the other side of the fence when it supported changes that were sweeping South Africa and calling for the end of states such as Bophuthatswana. This saw the new secular state of South Africa coming into existence. / Theology and Religion / D. Th. (Church History)

Text in English / The phenomenon of the 2007/8 post-election violence in Kenya is complex and has numerous facets. This is because of the historical and socio-political dimensions connected with it, some of which the present study has attempted to discuss. The main objective of this research is to develop a missiological model of reconciliation by understanding and addressing the underlying causes of the 2007/8 post-election violence through an interpretive and missiological reading of the 2008 report of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights. The concepts of politics, ethnicity, human rights and violence are chosen as analytical units for this study and through an integrated approach to their interconnectedness, a more adequate framework to identify and analyze the causes of violence is created. The churches in Kenya have played ambiguous roles in the social-political arena and this study surveys these roles and suggests different missional approaches through which the churches in Kenya can participate in the mission of reconciliation. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Missiology)

During the period 1884-1925 Ethiopian-type schisms from mission churches occurred for a number of reasons. Generalisations of these reasons have been made by numerous authors. By generalising the causes of schism the particular reasons why each independent church 1 eader 1 eft the mission church are ignored. The thesis shows how each schism was due to unique circumstances in the mission church as well as to factors, for example, the personal feelings of the independent church leader. In each case there was a point of no return when the founder of the independent church no longer felt he could accept the status quo. There were two government commissions that investigated the independent or "separatist" churches during these years - the South African Native Affairs Commission of 1903-1905 and the 1925 South African Native Affairs Commission which investigated the "Separatist Churches". The testimony of the white government officials and missionaries and the black church leaders has been compared with the findings in the reports. Four case studies are investigated to show how general causes of schism may occur for a number of years until a reason, peculiar to the particular independent church, manifests itself and leads to the formation of an independent church. The case studies are the Ethiopian Church and related independent groups, the independent churches which joined the African Methodist Episcopal Church in 1896 with the Ethiopian Church but later left to form their own churches, for example the Order of Ethiopia, schisms from the Presbyterian Church during the 1890' s and the Independent Methodist Church. / Christian, Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th (Church History)

This study sets out to contribute to the expansive development of Systematic Theology and Black Theology, particularly in the struggle for economic justice in the democratic South Africa. The liberation of black people in South Africa and across the globe is the substantive reason for Black Theologies‘ existence and expression. The study‘s reflections on economic justice and Black Theology as sites of the intellectual focus and analysis is central to understanding the conditions of existence for the majority of South Africa‘s citizens, as well as understanding whether the fullness of life based on dignity and freedom as articulated in biblical witness, particularly John 10:10 is manifest for black people in South Africa. The study also seeks to identify, describe, analyse and understand the emancipatory theories and praxis, which entail a plethora of efforts they undertake to liberate themselves. Understanding and engendering the nexus of social practice and theological insights in the articulation of Black Theology as a particular expression of systematic theology, and drawing attention to the ethical foundations undergirding Black Theology, are important in demonstrating Black Theology‘s role and task as a multi-disciplinary discipline which encompass and engender dialogue within and between theory and praxis, and theology and ethics. This study thus suggests that since the locus of Black Theology and spirituality is embedded in the life, (ecclesial and missional) work (koinonia) and preaching (kerygma) of black churches, they have the requisite responsibility to engage in the efforts (spiritual and theological) in the struggle to finding solutions to the triple crises of unemployment, inequality and poverty which ravage the quality and dignity of life of the majority black people in post-apartheid South Africa. This study therefore concludes by asserting that, there are a variety of viable options and criteria relevant for facilitating economic justice in South Africa. These strategies include transformational distribution of land to the majority of South Africans, the implementation of heterodox economic policies which engender market and social justice values in the distribution of economic goods to all citizens. It also entails prioritization of the social justice agenda in economic planning and economic practice. In theological language, economic justice must involve the restoration of the dignity and the wellbeing of the majority of South Africans, who remain poor, marginalised and disillusioned. It also entails promoting justice as a central principle in correcting the remnants of apartheid injustices, which limit transformational justice which enables and facilitates equality, freedom and economic justice for all South African citizens. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Systematic Theology)

O propósito dessa dissertação é investigar a presença ascendente de representantes do pentecostalismo evangélico e dos católicos carismáticos nas legislaturas alagoanas, a partir dos anos de 1990, consolidando-se na primeira década do século XXI. Refletimos as repercussões políticas da intensa movimentação no campo religioso brasileiro a partir de 1980, provocado pelo crescimento das doutrinas evangélicas pentecostais e da reação dos católicos carismáticos. Buscamos compreender a estratégias religiosas e políticas desses segmentos na busca por mais espaço na sociedade, e na arena política. Nesse cenário representantes e líderes dessas doutrinas religiosas passam a transitar entre o púlpito da igreja e o plenário das casas legislativas. Realidade essa também presente em Alagoas, onde parlamentares evangélicos e católicos apresentam uma agenda comprometida com o assistencialismo social e projetos políticos assentados na moral-cristã. Na década de 1990, no contexto das políticas neoliberais, Alagoas, que historicamente apresentava graves índices socioeconômicos, mergulhou numa crise política sem precedentes atingindo o executivo estadual e, diretamente, as oligarquias tradicionais agrárias ali representadas. No legislativo, abriu espaço para novos personagens que já se destacavam com um forte trabalho assistencial e doutrinário por meio de iniciativas próprias, ou interligadas as suas respectivas igrejas. Esses personagens, suas trajetórias pessoais, políticas e religiosas e o panorama histórico desses acontecimentos configuram essa pesquisa. Vale salientar que na elaboração desse trabalho recorremos às fontes bibliográficas e documentais: nos apoiamos nos postulados teóricos de Joanildo Burity, Leonildo de Campos, Paul Freston, René Remond e André Cellard. / This dissertation purpose is to research the ascendant presence of evangelical Pentecostalism and charismatic Catholics representatives in Alagoas legislatures, beginning in the 1990s and consolidating in the first decade of 21st century. We reflect on the political repercussions of the intense movement in the Brazilian religious field since 1980, provoked by the growth of Pentecostal evangelical doctrines and by the reaction of charismatic Catholics. Seeking to understand the religious and political strategies of these segments in the search for more space in society and in the political arena. In this scenario, representatives and leaders of these religious doctrines pass between the church pulpit and the legislatives houses plenary. This reality is also present in Alagoas, where evangelical and Catholic parliamentarians present an agenda committed to social assistance and political projects based on Christian morality. In the 1990s, in the neoliberal policies context, Alagoas, which historically had severe socioeconomic indexes, plunged into an unprecedented economic and social crisis, affecting the state executive and directly affecting the traditional agrarian oligarchies represented there. In the legislative, a new space was open for new characters that had already stood out with a strong welfare and doctrinal work through their own initiatives, or interconnected by their respective Churches. These characters, their personal, political and religious trajectories, and the historical panorama of these events configure this research. It is noteworthy that in preparation for work we rely in bibliographical and documentary sources: we support the theoretical postulates of Joanildo Burity, Leonildo de Campos, Paul Freston, René Remond and André Cellard.