The constitutio Antoniniana represents one of the most important legal documents of the Roman imperial period. By means of this edict, the emperor Caracalla enfranchised nearly every free person living within the borders of his empire. Despite its apparent significance, though, the constitutio remains a controversial document among modern scholars. Some consider it to be the logical conclusion to an evolutionary process in Roman citizenship that took over two centuries to achieve. Others, however, believe that it is a meaningless document given retrospective importance, changing little in the daily lives of the empire's population and representing nothing more than a superficial initiative brought forth by an absolute monarch. The primary focus of this thesis concerns the various reasons that Caracalla might have had for passing the constitutio Antoniniana in the opening half of AD 212. By considering elements such as the emperor's fascination with Alexander the Great and religious perspective, as well as issues surrounding the Roman imperial economy and army, I will construct an image of the constitutio that is more multi-faceted than has been presented in the past. The common thread running through these chapters, however, is that Caracalla employed his edict as a tool in a programme of refashioning the Severan dynasty - a programme that he found himself compelled to undertake in the aftermath of the murder of his brother and co-emperor, Geta. I will also argue that modern scholars have been wrong to dismiss the testimony offered by Cassius Dio, in which the senator claimed that a fiscal rationale underlay the legislation. Whilst the detail of Dio's argument is undoubtedly questionable, this thesis will demonstrate that, on a basic level, the senator was correct to identify a fiscal initiative contained within the terms of the constitutio text. The final chapter of the thesis will form a case study of Caracalla's imperial visit to Alexandria in AD 215/6. This is a challenging episode to analyse, since the hostile literary tradition appears content to label the violence which marked the emperor's stay in the city as the result of a merciless massacre ordered by Caracalla in revenge for an assortment of minor slights and insults. This chapter will re-assess the events of the imperial visit and argue that the disturbances were not the result of the emperor's uncontrollable temper, but rather that they resulted from riots among the local population that the local authorities were unable to control. Following this hypothesis, I will examine to what extent the effects and implications of the constitutio Antoniniana had a bearing on the disturbances in Alexandria. I contend that, although it is obviously impossible to draw a direct link between the edict and the unrest, it is possible to see that the social and fiscal implications of the legislation would have exacerbated pre-existing local sensitivities and pressures to breaking point. This work will represent one of the largest studies of Caracalla's constitutio undertaken in the English language to date. The aim of my study is not to function as an apology for the emperor, but it is an attempt to view the constitutio Antoniniana in a more rational way. My thesis thus acknowledges that the context in which the legislation was passed is of critical importance not only to our understanding of the constitutio as a document, but also to our assessment of Caracalla's actions following the murder of his younger brother.

This study focuses on the potential contribution of new information communication technologies in higher education, in particular the use of microblogging, in transforming teaching practices to enhance critical thinking skills. Recognising the dearth of critical thinking skills in higher education and its importance in the cultivation of an engaged citizenry which is necessary for the creation of a vibrant and thriving democracy, the study seeks to investigate teaching practices in the higher education sector, utilizing the Community of Inquiry model to examine the possible iterative dialogues between lecturer and students in a first year class , in the form of microblogging posts , for evidence of potential critical engagement. In its finding , the study, whilst not being able to demonstrate significant evidence of higher order thinking, ascribed to the use of the of the microblogging activity , does however support the notion that the microblogging platform offers the potential for critical engagement but emphasizes that this potential , is to a very large degree, dependent on the adoption of appropriate and sound pedagogical strategies .

This research explores the political debates surrounding changes in the law regulating citizenship revocation in Canada and how they reflect the tensions in the meaning of citizenship for dual national citizens. Borrowing from citizenship studies and critical criminology, the main argument in this thesis is that Bill C-24 seems to be an attempt on part of the Conservative Party to recalibrate the meaning of citizenship from a more liberal understanding (based on civic rights) to one that is more republican (based on civic duty). This research also demonstrates how this recalibration in the conception of citizenship from a more liberal notion to a more republican one parallels the shift in crime control policies of the state that were geared more toward prioritizing the welfare and equality of all citizens under the law in the 1960s-70s to ones that are presently oriented toward punishment, control and management of “dangerous groups”. The scholarly literature suggests that the modern conception of citizenship tends to draw from the republican and liberal traditions that are complementary but are also in tension, and the recent political discussions surrounding citizenship involves arguing for the best balance between rights and responsibilities of citizens. The analysis of the parliamentary debates surrounding Bill C-24 reveals that, in light of Canada’s current political landscape that is heavily influenced by penal-populist notions of punishing the offender populations and making “responsibilized” citizens, the pendulum of citizenship is generally being tilted toward the republican model (based on restoration of civic duties of citizens to the state and their fellow citizens) more so than the liberal model (based on preserving the welfare, liberty and equality of all citizens under the law).

My main argument in this dissertation is that popular nationalism in post-war South Korea, unlike the conventional claim to it among many South Korean critical intellectuals and unification policy-makers, cannot serve as an antidote to anti-North Koreanism. On the contrary, it is problematic that the cultural politics of national identification, prescribed as an authentic critical tool of challenging anti-North Koreanism, helps program hierarchical inter-Korea relationships by exposing the South Korean public to anomalous cultural-political characteristics of North Koreans. It also does so by creating popular discourses that have reinforced unification policy agendas that frame the development of North Korea in terms that would make it amenable to the needs of transnational capitalism and the legitimacy of liberal human rights discourse. This critical endeavor claims that the critique of anti-North Koreanism cannot be successful without problematizing the idea of discontinuity that stresses there is a rupture between cold war and post-cold war forms of anti-North Koreanism. This is because any un-scrutinized presumption of the historical transition can only confuse critical interpretations of the role of national identification while thereby reinforcing policy-driven resolutions for inter-Korea sociability. Thus, I locate the significance of my work in a democratic call for South Korean critical communication and cultural studies as well as the public to effectively deconstruct the contingent discursive collaboration of national identification and anti-North Koreanism that complies with transnational globalization.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of employee input in the development stage of a new performance appraisal system on their attitudes and work behaviors. A field quasi-experiment with pre-test and post-test measures was conducted in two plants of an organization. The results, consistent with the hypotheses, show that the employees in the experimental plant report higher proximal (satisfaction with the performance appraisal system, procedural justice of the performance appraisal system) and distal (organizational satisfaction, fairness of the organization and citizenship behaviors) outcomes. Also, the proximal outcomes were stronger than the distal ones. Implications for theory and practice are discussed.

The challenge facing liberal theories of democracy is to describe an organization of state that both legitimates state power and protects individual liberty. In Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self-Government, Corey Brettschneider develops the value theory of democracy that resolves this tension. By locating the democratic ideal in a set of core values with both procedural and substantive implications, the value theory legitimates state coercion only when it protects citizens’ rights. While the value theory guarantees both substantive and procedural rights, this thesis will show that Brettschneider fails to account for the necessity of a secure cultural context, without which members of a minority culture may not be able to enjoy the core values as Brettschneider intends. Yet, the value theory of democracy can maintain a commitment to equality and autonomy when amended to have specific ethnic and cultural identity protections. Ultimately, this thesis will argue that the amended value theory provides a framework for citizens to both evaluate laws and correct injustices based on whether or not the policies uphold the core values.

Hannah Arendt desenvolveu uma compreensão da política cujo fundamento é o exercício da cidadania. Este trabalho objetiva investigar a crítica realizada por Arendt acerca das instituições políticas, elegendo como critério o lugar reservado à pluralidade e à ação em uma ordem política instituída. Por um lado, constata-se que o Estado-Nação, por sua própria natureza, não promove a recepção da diferença, de modo a recusar-lhe o atributo da dignidade; por outro, o governo republicano, cuja pluralidade é elemento essencial de sua estrutura, pode entrar em conflito com determinadas coletividades. Parte-se, portanto, da análise das experiências políticas concernentes ao Estado-Nação europeu e à República norteamericana com o fito de compreender os desafios da cidadania em tais ordens. / We aim to investigate Arendt\'s critique of political institutions. The criterion will be the plurality allied to the action. First, we have seen that the Nation-State, by its very nature, does not promote the reception of difference, Second, the republican government, whose plurality is an essential element of its structure, may be in conflict with certain collectivities. Therefore, we will start from the analysis of political experiences concerning the European Nation State and the American Republic in order to understand the challenges of citizenship.

The purpose of this study was to conduct an exploratory investigation of OCB, trust, and commitment among faculty and staff within Catholic IHEs. Faculty and staff from two Catholic IHEs were the focus of the study. Twenty-five schools were randomly selected from the 50 largest Catholic IHEs by undergraduate enrollment, identified from the 2012 list of Catholic IHEs officially recognized by the Association of Catholic Colleges and Universities (ACCU). The successful operation of Catholic IHEs appears to require high levels of trust and commitment. They benefit from higher levels of OCB, as they endeavor to work in common with other IHEs and, concurrently, extend efforts to adhere to the norms and expectations of John Paul II's 1990 Apostolic Constitution on Catholic Universities, Ex Corde Ecclesiae. Catholic IHEs are tasked with fostering spiritual growth and the Catholic intellectual tradition of dialogue between faith and reason. To address the study objectives, the relationships between the variables of OCB, employee trust, and organizational commitment within two Catholic IHEs were investigated. The research included (a) investigating the traditional conceptualizations of OCB, trust, and commitment with the goal of further defining them as multi-level concepts; (b) designating core concepts of OCB, interpersonal- and system-level trust, and commitment; (c) developing a model of OCB, employee trust, and commitment refining from existing theoretical bases; (d) application of core concepts to explore the dimensionality of faculty and staff members' OCB; (e) exploring the relationship between OCB constructs and levels of trust and organizational commitment; and (f) identification of any moderating effects by comparing these relationships at the different IHEs.

This dissertation explores two inter-related questions: a) how US born Muslim Americans (converts, second generation and African American individuals) negotiate national and transnational belonging in the post- 9/11 context and b) how competing discursive practices around the concept of umma (transnational Muslim community) influence the way in which American Muslims negotiate an American-Muslim identity. The research presented in the dissertation is based on in-depth interviews and ethnographic fieldwork conducted in six ethno-racially and socio-economically diverse American Muslim communities in Boston and San Francisco Bay Area, including mosque communities, educational institutions and third-space organizations. By contrast to work focused on organized political movements, the interviews in this research focused on the way in which ordinary American Muslims give meaning to their identity as Muslims through everyday discursive practices and quotidian understandings of community, belonging, and identity. The 22 months-long data collection reveals that rather than primarily through saliently foreign policy related or “ideological” considerations, American Muslims negotiate transnational and national belonging through i) simultaneous considerations of inclusion and exclusion in the wider American religious landscape, ii) citizenship practices that respond to voices that seek to marginalize American Muslims, and iii) through the medium of cultural belonging and identity. The discourse analysis and ethnographic fieldwork suggests that American Muslims primarily utilize cultural notions of belonging an identity rather than political considerations relating to national or international developments in giving meaning to their dual identity. The dissertation also notes some differences across and within research sites in Boston, San Francisco Bay Area and Los Angeles. American Muslims imagine themselves a particular micro-community with particular needs, priorities, and cultural outlook that is different from other Muslim populations, in both Muslim majority and minority contexts. On the other hand a hybrid set of factors, not simple political considerations, shape American Muslims’ understanding of transnational Muslim identity. This is also reflected in their internal debates about questions of inclusion and exclusion (gender- based or racial), and whether unity requires uniformity regarding contentious domestic and international developments. / 2018-02-01T00:00:00Z

[pt] A dissertação trata do processo de construção do regime da apatridia em dois momentos: o momento de formação (1947-1976) e o momento de institucionalização (1988-2011). A articulação deste regime em diferentes conjunturas internacionais é tomada para estabelecer uma reflexão sobre o tratamento normativo internacional do apátrida. Argumenta-se que a figura do apátrida permite a reafirmação de concepções de pertencimento político baseadas em identidades homogêneas que contribuem para a delimitação de fronteiras espaciais e ideacionais, contribuindo assim com a reprodução estatal e a manutenção da ordem internacional. O papel do nacionalismo, como substrato ideacional para esse processo de construção identitária, e o atual estágio do desenvolvimento dos diversos projetos de construção estatal são apontados como responsáveis pela tentativa de reprodução do cunho estadocêntrico imprimido ao regime da apatridia desde seu momento de formação. Apesar de avançar garantias importantes para pessoas que não teriam outra plataforma de proteção, o regime dos apátridas funciona como parte de mecanismo disciplinar de controle da mobilidade e de perpetuação do modelo estatal e nacional como norma para as dinâmicas de pertencimento político e social. / [en] The dissertation analyzes the construction process of the International Regime for the Protection of Stateless Peoples in two moments: the formation (1947-1976) and institutionalization (1988-2011) of the regime. The articulation of this regime in these different international conjunctures is used to inspire reflection on the normative treatment given to statelessness in International Law. The argument put forth is that the stateless may be taken by the state as one locus to promote the reaffirmation of conceptions of political belonging based on homogeneous identities that contribute to the delimitation of spatial and ideational frontiers, cooperating to state reproduction and maintenance of International Order. Nationalism, as the ideational substrate for this homogeneous process of identity construction, and the current stage of many projects of state construction are considered responsible for the attempt of reproduction of the statist logic that marked the statelessness regime since its inception. Despite providing important guarantees to people who otherwise would not have another platform of protection, the International Regime for the Protection of the Stateless Peoples works as part of a disciplinary mechanism that controls mobility and perpetuates the national state centered model as the norm of political and social belonging.