Die wissenschaftliche Arbeit wertet eine Umfrage unter 710 studentischen Teilnehmer*innen aus ganz Deutschland aus, die zu ihren Erinnerungen an Politikunterricht befragt wurden. Jenseits der deutlichen Unterschiede hinsichtlich der Anzahl an Schuljahren mit einem Fach für politische Bildung zeigt sich, dass der Politikunterricht in vielen Bundesländern auch nach dem Paradigmenwechsel im Zuge des „PISA-Schocks“ 2001 noch immer eine starke Fokussierung auf Faktenvermittlung und Auswendiglernen aufweist. Trotz dass Internetseiten und Nachrichten-Apps mit Abstand als häufigste Quelle der politischen Informationsbeschaffung angegeben wurden, kam in knapp 80 Prozent des erlebten Politikunterrichts nie das Handy oder ein Computer zum Einsatz. Dies entspricht nicht den Anforderungen eines modernen, an der Lebenswelt der Schüler*innen orientierten Unterrichts und macht es nicht verwunderlich, dass nur jeder zweite Befragte dem eigenen Politikunterricht einen Einfluss auf die eigene Urteilsbildung zuspricht. Wie schon frühere Studien konstatierten, wünschen sich Viele einen früheren Beginn des Unterrichtsfaches bzw. eine Ausweitung der schulischen politischen Bildung. In diesem Zusammenhang haben die Untersuchungen deutliche Zusammenhänge zwischen der Zeit politischer Bildung im Schulalltag und qualitativen Kriterien guter politischer Bildung ergeben. So steigt bspw. mit der Fachstundenanzahl auch die methodische Abwechslung im Politikunterricht. Deshalb sollte sich die Politikdidaktik bundesweit weiterhin für eine Stärkung und Verankerung der politischen Bildung an allen Schularten stark machen, da ausreichend unterrichtliche Zeit ein Bedingungsfaktor für eine nachhaltige Kompetenzausbildung darstellt. Des Weiteren muss es zu den primären Aufgaben der Politikdidaktik gehören, eine multimediale Lehramtsausbildung zu forcieren und die notwendige Medienkompetenz auf Seiten der Politiklehrer*innen auszubilden. Außerdem sollte sie politischen Bildner*innen bei Fragen der eigenen Meinungsäußerung beiseite stehen und ihnen bewährte Handlungsstrategien an die Hand geben, um dem Ruf der Indoktrination zu entgehen und politische Ideologisierung zu vermeiden, ohne dabei gleichwohl kontroverse und aktuelle Themen gänzlich zu vermeiden. Denn die Positionierung von Lehrkräften in der Schule weist in den Umfragedaten ambivalente Wechselwirkungen auf.:Vorwort Einleitung Zum aktuellen Stand schulischer politischer Bildung in Sachsen und Deutschland Forschungsinteresse und Fragebogen Umfragerealisierung und Stichprobenzusammensetzung Methodisches Vorgehen Untersuchungsergebnisse: Erinnerungen an Politikunterricht Schlussfolgerungen für die Politikdidaktik Ausblick und Methodenkritik Quellen Anhang Selbstständigkeitserklärung

Diploma Thesis: An analysis of the results from educational projects focused on the value attitudes of secondary school pupils that compares two concrete educational projects - Jeden svět na školách by NGO People in Need and Příběhy našich sousedů Post Bellum civic society. In the theoretical part, the thesis presents sources of civic and media education and the link between legislative and strategic documents in the Czech Republic thanks to the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) also under international comparison. In the practical part, the thesis focuses on the comparison of methodological, pedagogical, and other aspects of educational projects and solves questions regarding management and the meeting of set targets. KEYWORDS education management, educational projects, value attitudes, secondary schools, civic education, media literacy

<p>Recently, scholars in rhetoric and composition (e.g., Bruce McComiskey) have argued that their field has a key role to play in schools’ efforts to fight fake news. This field already engages with questions of how communicators build credibility and persuade audiences, and of how first-year writing courses (which many rhetoric and composition scholars teach) already often focus on skills like source evaluation and critical thinking. Thus, scholars like McComiskey have argued that rhetoric and composition can and should exert an influence on universities’ civic education efforts in the 21^st century. However, despite an uptick in scholarly interest in fake news, empirical study of whether first-year writing courses impart civic skills is scarce.</p><p>An exploratory study examined whether students who take first-year composition courses experience any growth in Civic Online Reasoning (COR) when those courses’ learning outcomes invoke the notions of critical thinking, source evaluation, and digital literacy. It also investigated whether students’ COR gains differed between course sections and identified curricular features that might contribute to those differences. COR assessments developed by the Stanford History Education Group (SHEG) were administered to students before and after completing a first-year writing course. Participating instructors’ course documents (syllabi and major assignment sheets) were also analyzed via a qualitative coding procedure.</p><p></p> <p>Students’ scores for the COR component skills of Ad Identification and Lateral Reading increased significantly after one semester of first-year composition instruction. However, students’ scores for the Claim Research and Evidence Analysis skills did not improve. Moreover, no significant differences were observed between sections. These results suggested the possibility that, even absent explicit COR instruction, first-year composition courses can impart some COR skill gains, but that the particular approach the instructor uses does not matter much. However, several methodological problems prevented the study from offering firmer conclusions. In addition to making a case for additional research, this dissertation argues that if scholars in rhetoric and composition wish to have a hand in defining universities’ approaches to civic education in the future, they should strive to generate robust, generalizable evidence of the benefits of their courses. This will require them to embrace empirical and quantitative methodologies and to engage with work in other fields more frequently.</p>

The purpose of this master thesis has been to investigate how private economics is taught in social studies teaching for grades 4-6 through teachers' descriptions of personal finance as part of the social studies subject's civic education assignment. The purpose has also been to investigate how and in what way teachers use teaching materials in their teaching of personal finance. The selected research and literature for the degree project deal with the subject social studies and the civic education assignment, the curriculum and syllabus, social science didactic research and teaching of economics in general and personal finance in particular. Furthermore, research and literature on teachers' difficulties with the subject of personal finance and the use of teaching aids in the subject of social studies are also presented. Little research can be found regarding the teaching of personal finance, especially for younger ages such as grades 4–6, which strengthens the relevance of investigating the purpose of this master thesis.  The theoretical perspectives used as a starting point for analyzing the empirical work of the master thesis are Dewey's pragmatic perspective and Vygotsky's socio-cultural perspective. The survey was conducted using qualitative semi-structured interviews as a method. The survey involved six respondents, all of whom are active social studies teachers in grades 4-6. The results show that the respondents see a clear and important purpose of the teaching to enable the students to become responsible adult citizens who can make wise financial decisions. Furthermore, it appears from the results that teaching materials are common in the teaching of personal finance. The respondents mainly link the concept of personal finance with household or an individual's financial planning.  A conclusion that can be drawn from the results of this master thesis and the previous research is that even though personal finance teaching is a relatively new social science didactic research area, its relevance increases when research emphasizes the importance of teaching being a part of schools’ mission to succeed in their civic education. In step with this, personal finance is given more space in the syllabus for social studies, which is an important factor in the work with a school where students are given the right conditions for adult life.

Citizenship - commitment to and participation in a political community - is the heart of constitutional democracy and a free society. Knowledge of the rights, responsibilities, and privileges are the electrical impulses that keep a steady beat. Without the participation of educated citizens, a democratic republic can not and does not function. This study analyzed the relationship between adolescent behavior and civic engagement. This task was accomplished by examining the amount of civic knowledge possessed by two groups within a population. The population examined, a high school in Flagler County, was composed of "at risk" students (those who had an Individualized Education Plan) and "regular" students (those that did not). The study uncovered the message that the amount of civic knowledge possessed by American youth was not as important as it was for them to be engaged in extracurricular activities. During the course of time, educators appear to have restricted their own ability to plan for and provide learning experiences that take in to consideration the physical characteristics; physical needs; patterns of growth and maturation; physiological changes; intellectual development; intellectual characteristics; learning preferences and styles; emotional development; personality development; and social development of each and every young adolescent attending school. When interesting, affordable activities are not made available, students become bored and get in to trouble during after school hours. Adolescent behaviors such as moral judgment and risk taking (or lack thereof) affect their decision to become civically involved.

This study aimed to visualize how and when teachers in civics can use digital techniques and tools. A discussion concerning digital literacy took place to clarify the concept. Questions that were investigated include:  -          How and when can teachers work with digital tools in teaching? -          How can civics teachers prepare students for digital citizenship?  -          How is digital literacy perceived among students?  -          How is digital literacy perceived among teachers?    Through interviews, data was collected. The results show that civic teachers should prepare students to become responsible citizens who can make reasonable decisions in the future, whether online or in real life. To do so, knowledge is needed about the student's digital literacy. The teachers must constantly update themselves with new technology to vary the workload. Society and the school subject of civics are constantly renewed, and digital tools are becoming more common in Swedish schools. A mixture of analogue and digital tools is in favor of learning outcomes.    Further, there is a mixed vision of the perceived digital literacy amongst the students. The study revealed that female teachers estimated digital literacy among the students to be higher than men's perception. The result can be related to the teachers' digital interests, whereas men declare their digital interests as good, while women declare their digital interests as limited and necessary. Digital tools can be used in every teaching phase and in different ways to create a variation of lesson planning. AI tools are a relatively new area and need more research. / <p>Godkänd 2024-01-19</p>

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No description available.

<p>This study considers the pedagogical significance of mourning and remembrance in the context of the commemorative culture surrounding the “9/11” attacks on America, which have stimulated recent explorations of what it might mean to commit to ethical remembrances of the dead. Critical of “9/11” memorial discourses that provide justifications for heightened “homeland” security and military mobilization in the “War on Terror,” this project not only addresses the educative force of memorial-artistic responses in creating meaning out of mass deaths, but also dissociates the concept of the public memorial as foremost an apparatus of the state, private corporations, and other institutions which seek to use memorials towards amnesiac or ideological objectives. Analyses of the memorial responses addressed in this project unpack how particular modes of remembering “9/11” and its victims are themselves reflections upon the meanings and objectives of collective remembrance. The project first explores the “September 11^th Families for Peaceful Tomorrows” organization and how it negotiates the ways public sentiment is mobilized “in the name of” victims and their families. Through an analysis of Art Spiegelman’s <em>In the Shadow of No Towers</em>,<em> </em>I examine the capacity of graphic narrative to bear witness to traumatic events and speak to their legacies in non-hegemonic ways. Lastly, the project explores how Samira Makhmalbaf’s film <em>God, Construction and Destruction</em> calls for the re-evaluation of strategic memorial practices that risk reducing “9/11” remembrance pedagogies to universalizing modes of remembrance that further subjugate already marginalized communities. Stimulated by such memorial responses that interrogate conventional practices and assumptions of collective remembrance, the project argues that the public remembrance of “9/11” is a crisis of and for education: that is, an important occasion to seek and call for modes of remembrance and sites of pedagogies that foster an openness to the critical and transformative force of historical trauma.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Die Studie „Demokratische Bildung im ‚Förderdickicht“‘ untersucht die komplexe Finanzierungs- und Förderstruktur der außerschulischen politischen Bildung in Sachsen. Basierend auf leitfadengestützten Interviews und einem Forschung-Praxis-Dialog mit Akteur:innen aus Politik, Verwaltung und Bildungsprojekten beleuchtet die Analyse die dickichtartige sächsische Förderlandschaft und deren Herausforderungen. Jene ist u.a. durch eine Vielzahl von Förderprogrammen und -bedingungen gekennzeichnet, welche die Übersichtlichkeit und Zugänglichkeit erheblich erschweren. Die Ergebnisse zeigen vier zentrale Spannungsfelder auf: Erstens führen divergierende Erwartungen und Misskommunikation zwischen Projektträger:innen und Fördermittelgeber:innen zu Unsicherheiten und Unverständnis. Zweitens belasten aufwändige bürokratische Vorgaben und ein inhärenter Innovationszwang die Projektträger:innen, während öffentliche Fördermittelgeber:innen unter politischem Rechtfertigungsdruck stehen. Drittens erschwert die kleinteilige Förderlandschaft und mangelnde Übersicht die Orientierung und Abstimmung zwischen verschiedenen Förderprogrammen. Viertens führt das Ungleichgewicht zwischen Projektförderung und Daueraufgaben politischer Bildung zu prekären Arbeitsbedingungen und Fachkräftemangel. Auf Basis dieser Ergebnisse werden Lösungsansätze entwickelt, um die Effizienz der Fördermittelvergabe zu erhöhen und die Arbeit der Projektträger:innen zu erleichtern. Die Studie zielt darauf ab, Wege aufzuzeigen, wie das sächsische „Förderdickicht” gelichtet werden kann, um die Finanzierung politisch-demokratischer Bildung transparenter und zugänglicher zu gestalten. Es finden sich zudem Anregungen zur Diskussion über die zukünftige Ausgestaltung einer nachhaltigen Finanzierungsstrategie für politisch-demokratische Bildung in Sachsen und darüber hinaus.:1. Einleitung 2. Methodisches Vorgehen 3. Die Förderlandschaft demokratischer Bildung – Das sächsische „Förderdickicht“ 4. Die Finanzierung außerschulischer politischer Bildung in Sachsen – Ein Spannungsfeld 4.1 … zwischen divergierenden Erwartungen und Misskommunikation 4.2 … zwischen Bürokratie, Innovationszwang, Verwaltungsvorgaben und Rechtfertigungsdruck 4.3 … zwischen kleinteiliger Förderlandschaft und mangelnder Übersicht, Abgrenzung und Gesamtstrategie 4.4 … zwischen Projektförderung und politischer Bildung als Daueraufgabe 5. Lösungsansätze für eine passfähige Förderlandschaft 5.1 Kommunikation und Beziehungsarbeit 5.2 Flexibilität und Digitalisierung 5.3 Strukturierung und Koordinierung 5.4 Kontinuität und Verstetigung 6. Diskussion von Handlungsempfehlungen und Schlussfolgerungen 6.1 Was bereits getan wird 6.2 Was es darüber hinaus braucht 7. Literaturverzeichnis