by Chau Ho Wai. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 134-140). / Abstract also in Chinese. / ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- p.iv / LIST OF TABLES --- p.v / ABBREVIATIONS --- p.vi / CHAPTER / Chapter ONE --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- The Question: How the civil-military relations evolved during the post-Deng era? / Chapter 1.2 --- The Case of the 1996 Taiwan Straits Crisis / Chapter 1.3 --- Framework: Allison's Model of Decision-Making / Chapter 1.4 --- Data and Organization / Chapter TWO --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1 --- Non-Communist Regimes / Chapter 2.2 --- Communist Regimes / Chapter 2.3 --- Post-Communist World / Chapter 2.4 --- Military Politics in China / Chapter THREE --- INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF PLA: FROM DENG TO POST-DENG ERA --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1 --- PLA in the Deng Era / Chapter 3.2 --- PLA in the Post-Deng Era / Chapter 3.3 --- "Professionalization, Differentiation and Institutionalization" / Chapter FOUR --- ORGANIZATIONAL INTERESTS OF PLA IN THE TAIWAN STRAITS CRISIS --- p.64 / Chapter 4.1 --- The War Games and the Policy Handle / Chapter 4.2 --- Employing the Organizational Process Model / Chapter 4.3 --- Organizational Interests and Demands of the PLA / Chapter 4.4 --- Information Processing of the PLA / Chapter 4.5 --- Resource Acquisitions of the PLA / Chapter FIVE --- BRINGING THE PLA INTERESTS INTO GOVERNMENTAL POLITICS --- p.100 / Chapter 5.1 --- Employing the Governmental Politics Model / Chapter 5.2 --- Perspectives of Jiang Zemin and PLA on the Taiwan Question / Chapter 5.3 --- Political Pulls and Hauls in the Taiwan Straits Crisis / Chapter 5.4 --- Legitimacy and Leadership Succession / Chapter SIX --- CONCLUSION --- p.126 / Chapter 6.1 --- Summary of Findings / Chapter 6.2 --- Prospects of Future Research / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.134

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Notre Dame, 2009. / Thesis directed by Keir A. Lieber for the Department of Political Science. "April 2009." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 260-274).

Freie Univ., Habil.-Schr.--Berlin, 2000. / Literaturverz. S. 339 - 386.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Civil-military relations play an important role in Africa as these relations strongly influence the processes of development and democratisation. This thesis examines civil-military relations in Nigeria and Tanzania, as these two countries have experienced very different ‘patterns of influence, control, and subordination between the armed forces and the wider social environment’. Most theories of civil-military relations have been formulated by Western scholars and this study investigates if these theories are applicable to Nigeria and Tanzania. As only two cases are under focus, this thesis does not aim to dismiss any of the theories or to develop new theory; rather, I suggest new aspects and factors that should be included when studying African civil-military relations. The theoretical framework includes theories by Huntington, Finer, and Janowitz, as well as theories by more recent scholars. After presenting the history of civilmilitary relations in Nigeria and Tanzania, I analyse the theories’ validity in the two cases by evaluating five hypotheses based on these theoretical frameworks. The thesis concludes that even though the prevailing theories contain factors that are very important in the two countries and in Africa in general, it is important to keep the specificity of African countries in mind when studying their civil-military relations. The domestic context and internal factors in both Nigeria and Tanzania are very significant. The importance of identity and the economic situation should especially receive more attention in theories addressing civil-military relations in Africa. There is a strong interrelationship between the various theories, and as a result a holistic approach including all factors, actors and aspects should be used when studying civil-military relations in Africa and elsewhere.

This paper examines the role that military has played in the political development of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the modern Russian Federation. By utilizing the theoretical tenets of Eric Nordlinger, this paper endeavors to update and hopefully revise his classic work in civil-military relations, Soldiers in Politics. Chapter one of this paper introduces many of the main theoretical concepts utilized in this analysis. Chapter two considers the Stalinist totalitarian penetration model that set the standard for communist governments around the world. Chapter three follows up by addressing the middle years of Khrushchev and Brezhnev. Both reformed the military in its relation to the party and state and made the armed forces a more corporate and professional institution. Chapter four pinpoints the drastic changes in both the state and armed forces during Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost. The military briefly ventured to a point it never gone before by launching a short coup against the last Soviet president. Chapter five focuses on the last ten years in the Russian Federation. While still a professional organization typical of the liberal model of civil-military relations, the armed forces face great uncertainty, as economic and social problems demand more of their time and resources. Chapter six concludes by speculating on the future of Russian civilmilitary relations and reconsiders the importance of Nordlinger's elegant yet parsimonious work.

No description available.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Islam permeated throughout the military institutions of Malaysia, Pakistan and Indonesia and replaced the Western and foreign military cultures the military had inherited due to society becoming Islamized following the revival of Islam. The implementation of true Islamic model practices and values differ slightly from country to country depending first on the level of piousness of its existing military personnel, new personnel input and the military leadership. The second factor is the degree of motivational drive of the head of state in encouraging Islam. Islamized military institutions are also faced with the challenges created as a result of sects and schools that emerge in the form of Islamic parties and extremist groups. The argument will be that Islamic teachings in military affairs can result in peace, solidarity and solve the Civil-Military Relations (CMR) problems. In the final analysis, guided moderate Islamic influence' bring harmony to CMR in Malaysia, while the uncoordinated influence of Islam in the Indonesian military made the CMR problematic. It is different in Pakistan because the strong influence of Islam has encouraged the generals to wrest political power from civilians. / Lieutenant Colonel, Royal Malaysian Air Force

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Civil Military Operations (CMO) has often been blamed for the politicization of the armed forces and a loss of civilian control. This thesis confronts this traditional approach and argues that CMO need not lead to these outcomes. It introduces democratic civilian control of the armed forces, a well-established military mission, and civilian and military expertise as the basic requirements for the application of CMO. If the requirements are fulfilled, a multiplier effects starts giving legitimacy to the government, consolidating the democratic process and increasing civilian control over the armed forces. This thesis examines Ecuador as a case study. Ecuador fulfills partially the requirements for the application of CMO. The State's structure allows democratic civilian control. There is a well-established mission: the north frontier of Ecuador has become a "gap" in the national security system that demands the assistance of the armed forces. But there is lack of civilian and military expertise in the application of CMO. The demand of CMO in the north frontier can be the perfect scenario for training and education in Civil Military Affairs, fulfilling the requirement of expertise and thus allowing the application of CMO in Ecuador without risking the democratic regime. / Civilian, National Congress, Ecuador

Internal strife has plagued the South American country of Colombia for well over forty years. In an effort to combat the different subversive elements within its borders, the Government of Colombia developed an interagency counterinsurgency strategy that takes a whole-of-government approach. This approach takes many governmental functions and institutions and places them under one counterinsurgency "umbrella". The cornerstone of this interagency model is strong civil-military cooperation. What this research project seeks to accomplish is to first apply the Concordance Theory of Civil-Military Relations to Colombia's unique civil-military relationship. Secondly, this research project seeks to understand how the Colombian interagency counterinsurgency model has balanced the country's security and socio-political development and sustainability. Specifically, this research project attempts to answer the question of how this interagency model of counterinsurgency influences socio-political and security sustainability since the implementation of Plan Colombia. The methodology for this research project will include a combination of primary source reviews, comparative case study examination and simple trend analysis of significant security and socio-political variables. This methodological approach will best describe the unique political, military and social dynamics taking place within Colombia. This analysis of Colombia's interagency counterinsurgency strategy is relevant not only to Colombia but to many other countries facing similar challenges in Latin America and around the world. The applicability of this model to other insurgency scenarios will also be briefly examined. / by Harvey A. Schoonover. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

<p>Frågan om civil-militär samverkan i multinationella insatser har länge diskuterats. I takt med att den säkerhetspolitiska situationen i världen förändras, förändras också inställningen som de i multinationella insatser ingående aktörerna har till civil-militär samverkan. Sedan det kalla krigets slut har konfliktmönstren i världen förändrats. Trenden pekar mot färre mellanstatliga krig, och fler inomstatliga konflikter. I dessa konflikter samexisterar militära och civilaaktörer, och samverkan dem emellan blir därför viktig.Detta har uppmärksammats i det internationella samfundet, medan det har varit tystare i Sverige.Den här uppsatsen söker finna en möjlig förklaring till att det blivit så. Jag gör det med hjälp av NilsBrunssons teori om Svampmodellen. Brunsson presenterar i modellen ett antal variabler sompåverkar införandet av nya idéer i en organisation. Han menar att en organisation som befinner sig ien reformeringsprocess kan ha svårt att ta till sig ytterligare nya idéer, eftersom den är upptagen medatt genomföra den ifrågavarande reformen.Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka om Svampmodellen kan bidra till en förståelse avvarför Sverige, senare än andra länder, anammat idén om civil-militär samverkan i multinationellainsatser. Den svenska Försvarsmakten har det senaste decenniet genomfört en omfattandeförsvarsreform; övergången från invasionsförsvar till insatsförsvar. Jag kommer alltså att undersökaom denna reform utgjort ett hinder för Försvarsmakten, och den politiska nivån, att samtidigt ta tillsig idén om civil-militär samverkan i multinationella insatser.</p> / <p>The issue of civil-military relations in multinational missions has been discussed a lot over the past decades. As the security situation in the world changes, with new threats evolving and others fading away, the approach to civil-military relations change. Since the end of the Cold War, the patterns of conflict around the world have changed. The trend points towards fewer inter-state conflicts, and more intra-state. In this kind of conflict, civil and military actors exist side by side, and thus, coordination and cooperation between them is important. The importance of this cooperation has been highlighted in the international context, while it’s been a bit quieter in Sweden. This paper seeks to find a possible explanation to this relative silence. I will try to find the explanation with help from Nils Brunssons theory of “The standardization or organizational forms as a cropping-op process.” Brunsson presents here an amount of variables that affect the introduction and implementation of new ideas in an organization. Brunsson states that an organization that faces a major reform may, at the same time, have problems with incorporating additional ideas, since the organization is already occupied with the first reform in question. The aim of this paper is to examine whether Nils Brunssons theory can contribute to anunderstanding of why Sweden, later that other countries, has adopted the idea of civil-military cooperation in multi-national missions. The Swedish Armed Forces has the last decade been involvedin a far-reaching reform, namely the transition from being organized as an invasion army, with the aim to deter a possible enemy even from attacking, to an organization that should be ready to be usedat all times. This also involved a considerably higher emphasis on the international commitment. I will examine if this reform has constituted an obstacle for the Swedish Armed Forces, including the government, to also adopt the idea of civil-military relations.</p>