Esta pesquisa trata dos discursos da imprensa paulista acerca do futebol praticado por mulheres durante o período da ditadura civil-militar em que este era proibido no Brasil (1965-1983). Faz-se esta análise em cinco periódicos O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha de S. Paulo, Placar, A Gazeta Esportiva e A Gazeta Esportiva Ilustrada para apontar de que maneiras o futebol feminino era retratado ou silenciado - na imprensa, assim como identificar as diversas práticas de futebóis e pontuar os fatores que motivaram os marcos que separam os capítulos desta dissertação: a proibição (1965), a revogação (1979) e a regulamentação do esporte (1983). / This research analyzes the discourses of São Paulos press about the football played by women when it was banned during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1965-1983). This examination is done in three journals and two magazines - O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha de S. Paulo, Placar, A Gazeta Esportiva and A Gazeta Esportiva Ilustrada - pointing to the ways in which women\'s football was seemed - or silenced - in this press, and identify the various practices of footballs and scoring the factors that motivated the landmarks that separate the chapters of this dissertation: the prohibition (1965), the repeal (1979) and the establishment of the rules for this sport (1983).

A pesquisa teve como objetivo recuperar as redes de solidariedade formadas por mulheres que mantiveram ou não vínculos orgânicos com a ALN (Ação Libertadora Nacional) e que prestaram os mais diversos tipos de colaboração a essa organização, participando não apenas dos levantamentos para ações armadas ou diretamente de sua execução, mas desempenhando também um papel primordial na retaguarda do movimento armado. A colaboração dessas mulheres foi parte também das transformações que se processaram na sociedade da época com relação à participação da mulher no espaço público. Na militância política, elas também introduziram mudanças na divisão de papéis entre os sexos e ressignificaram sua participação no interior dos grupos nos quais se incorporaram. Sua atividade foi fundamental para garantir a vida de pessoas, bem como permitir a continuação das atividades da organização no Brasil, em especial nos momentos mais repressivos da ditadura. Muito além de pequenos gestos, como se supõe, essas mulheres formaram uma força discreta, que deu aos militantes clandestinos a estabilidade necessária para continuarem na luta. / The research aimed to restore the solidarity networks formed by women who maintained or no organic links with the ALN (National Liberation Action), which provided the most diverse types of contributions to that organization, participating not only from surveys or directly to armed actions his execution, but also playing a pivotal role in the rear of the armed movement. The collaboration of these women was also part of the changes which were processed in the society of that time with respect to women\'s participation in public space. In political activism, they also introduced changes in the division of roles between the sexes, and resignify their participation within the groups of which it is incorporated. Its activity was essential to safeguard the lives of people as well as to enable continuation of the organization\'s activities in Brazil, especially in the most repressive dictatorship. Much more than a minor adjustment, as is supposed, these women formed a slight force, which gave the clandestine militants stability to continue the fight.

abstract: This dissertation proposes a theory of authoritarian control of the armed forces using the economic theory of the firm. To establish a “master-servant” relationship, an organization structures governance as a long-term contractual agreement to mitigate the vulnerabilities associated with uncertainty and bilateral dependency. The bargaining power for civilian and military actors entering a contractual relationship is assessed by two dimensions: the negotiated political property rights and the credible guarantee of those rights. These dimensions outline four civil-military institutional arrangements or army types (cartel, cadre, entrepreneur, and patron armies) in an authoritarian system. In the cycle of repression, the more the dictator relies on the military for repression to stay in office, the more negotiated political property rights obtained by the military; and the more rights obtained by the military the less civilian control. Thus, the dependence on coercive violence entails a paradox for the dictator—the agents empowered to manage violence are also empowered to act against the regime. To minimize this threat, the dictator may choose to default on the political bargain through coup-proofing strategies at the cost to the regime’s credibility and reputation, later impacting a military’s decision to defend, defect, or coup during times of crisis. The cycle of repression captures the various stages in the life-cycle of the political contract between the regime and the armed forces providing insights into institutional changes governing the relationship. As such, this project furthers our understanding of the complexities of authoritarian civil–military relations and contributes conceptual tools for future studies. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Political Science 2019

Europe is currently in a stage of increased military spending due to greater insecurity in the region. Previous studies claim that one consequence of such an increase may be greater reliance on the military in matters that had previously been handled by civil agencies. Are societies in Europe facing a change in which the military will be more involved in crisis incident response? The purpose of this study is to examine if the role of the military in a society depends on the level of militarization of the country. With the foundational question of why the military has different roles within different societies, this study focuses on civil-military cooperation (CIMIC) dealing with CBRN (Chemical, Biological, Radioactive and Nuclear)-related issues, in order to investigate the possible relationship between CIMIC and militarization. Empirical data from countries with high- and low levels of militarization are collected, and thereafter analyzed and categorized into “ideal types” of CIMIC. The forms of each country are then compared and put in the context of militarization in order to answer the foundational question. This study initiates the closing of a research gap regarding examination and analysis of the relationship between militarization and CIMIC during CBRN incident response. Additionally, this study marks the initial development of a method, including new “ideal types”, that enables the comparison of CIMIC, opening new doors for analysis of civil-military cooperation.

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This thesis argues that General Abdul Haris Nasution, the most influential military strategist that Indonesia has produced, developed an elective affinity between his strategies for 'people�s resistance' and an organicist vision of the proper relations between the state (including the military) and society that led to the Indonesian Army�s formulation of a unique, pervasive and highly durable means of military intervention in politics, the economy and society. Organicism is a stream of political thinking that views state and society as a single organic unity. Corporatist / functional modes of interest representation are often associated with organicist thinking. Nasution�s 'people�s resistance' strategies emerged during the armed struggle for national independence (from the Dutch) in the second half of the 1940s. The thesis argues that unlike the 'people�s war' strategies that emanated from the political left at roughly the same time, Nasution�s concepts were designed to uphold organic 'traditional' authority structures and depoliticise the national struggle. Associated with these strategies was a system of territorial commands that shadowed and supervised the aristocratically led civilian administration. The form of military intervention that grew out of this elective affinity reached its peak during the New Order regime of former President Suharto (1966 � 1998), when the army used its 'people�s resistance' doctrines and their associated territorial commands to control the population and the regime championed state-sanctioned corporatist / functional modes of interest representation. The identification of this elective affinity is a major point of departure from previous political biographies of Nasution. Another is the emphasis placed on Nasution�s family and personal life, particularly in the early chapters. This thesis explains how personal and family influences encouraged Nasution towards organicist thinking. It identifies how, in the early 1950s, Nasution idealised his 'people�s resistance' strategies and the support given to him during the armed struggle by organic 'traditional' authority figures. It shows how Nasution�s elective affinity between organicist thinking and 'people�s resistance' infused the interventionist doctrines that the army began to develop in the mid-to-late 1950s. In recent years the Indonesian Army has distanced itself from corporatist / functional forms of interest representation and has largely retreated from an active involvement in politics. Nevertheless, the thesis identifies a continuing adherence within the Army leadership to Nasution�s system of territorial commands and concepts of 'people�s resistance' that cannot readily be reconciled with democratic processes.

<p>Doktriner utgör väpnade styrkors viktigaste beskrivning avseende hur man avser använda militära medel för att uppnå politiska mål. För att tjäna sitt syfte bör doktriner utvecklas med rationella utgångspunkter som omvärldens utveckling och senaste forskning. Dock menar många att andra faktorer sprungna ur kulturella traditioner och organisationers särintressen påverkar tillkomsten av doktriner.</p><p>Civil-militärt samarbete har i moderna konflikter blivit allt mer betydelsefullt. Strategier för fredsfrämjande insatser i dagens komplexa konflikter bygger i allt högre grad på integrerade insatser mellan flera olika funktioner och aktörer. Civil-militärt samarbete har dock traditionellt haft en underordnad, stödjande roll i militära organisationer.</p><p>I denna uppsats undersöks forskningens roll i doktrinutveckling. Mer specifikt undersöks om doktriner inom det högaktuella området, civil-militärt samarbete, tagit till sig och omfattar den aktuella forskningen inom ämnesområdet. Storbritanniens och USA:s doktriner för civil-militärt samarbete har jämförts med aktuell forskning. Resultatet visar att dessa doktriner på ett bra sätt tillvaratagit forskningens uppfattningar. </p> / <p>Doctrines constitute armed forces most important guidelines on how to achieve political objectives with military means. To serve its purpose doctrines should be developed on rational grounds based on current world situation and most recent research. However many thinks that other factors such as organisations cultures and special interests influence doctrinal development.</p><p>Civil-military cooperation has in contemporary conflicts gained in importance. Strategies in complex peace support operations are increasingly based on integrated approaches between various functions and actors. Civil-military operations have traditionally played a secondary and supportive role in military organisations.</p><p>This paper will study the role of scientific research in doctrinal development. More to the point, doctrines within the highly topical field of civil-military cooperation are tested regarding coherence with recent research. Doctrines concerning civil-military cooperation in Great Britain and United States have been compared to recent research. The result shows that these doctrines have taken care of relevant opinions within recent scientific research.</p>

Despite many economic and state reforms in South America, no comparable changes have taken place with regard to civil-military relations: Neither do the armed forces have a clearly defined mission of their own nor are they adequately democratically controlled. The article looks at the present civil-military relations from various angles and explicitly deals with examples from Argentina, Bolivia, Chile and Peru. It presents the reasons for the lack of civilian control over the military and discusses the resulting consequences for domestic and foreign politics.

The role of the military in the Peruvian revolution of 1968 is the key point of this article. The author, founder of the ELN guerrilla organization, worked together with the military and describes its situation and intentions in a very personal way. Different internal and external factors that led to the failure of the revolution are analysed in detail. The conflicts between the left-wing military and the civilian left are especially emphasized.

Humanitarian logistics is a young science and complex discipline compared to business logistics because not only are actors in that arena compelled to work with outmost speed in interrupted environments having undetermined demand, they are also forced to work closely with other unknown players. Even more complex are civil-military relations because as studies show, the differences between these two humanitarian actors run deep to include contrasting missions, humanitarian principles, organizational and cultural differences. The purpose of this work is to examine civil-military relations during the preparedness and response phases of humanitarian crises. We developed a frame of reference, set forth some operational and theoretical definitions, examined overlapping supply chains, modeled organizational structures and coordination mechanisms, established civil-military cooperation framework, disaster cycle studies and proposed a working model. Our methodology included primary data collection through an empirical study of two NGOs and the military force through a series of interviews. Data culled was then analyzed in conjunction with the models and literature outlined in the frame of reference. Based on our analysis, a number of observations were made in the conclusion. To begin with a number of strategies are employed during the preparedness and response phase where speed and agility are crucial. Also, overlapping roles between the military and NGOs have both positive and negative impact. Different organizational structures and funding outlay mean differences abound in how actors coordinate activities and share information. Cooperation, trust, information sharing and coordination are closely linked when finding a strategic fit among actors. In spite of the attempt at seeking a right formula for civil-military relations, it would be erroneous to ‘standardize’ relations as no two cases are ever the same.