Thesis advisor: Timothy Crawford / This thesis focuses on United States civil-military relations during the first decade of the twenty-first century. It examines interactions between principal-level civilian and top-tier military leadership during three strategic decision-making moments. Each case involves examples of subjective civilian control. The author's goal is to investigate and then categorize the processes that were used, assessing how variables influenced the nature of subjective control. Qualitative process tracing is the primary methodology. The author focuses on available sources from myriad avenues including but not limited to journalism, memoirs, primary documents, and social science literature. Case study analysis identifies numerous variables. Presidential leadership and process organization were found to be the most influential, spanning from engaged to "delegatory" and orderly to ad-hoc, respectively. Correlations are identified between the variables. Then, theories from established literature are reviewed and applied when possible. Research finds that subjective civil-military relations became increasingly moderate and theoretically "pure" over each case, chronologically. The author uses his analysis to create new typologies of subjective civil-military control, focusing on the relationships between presidential leadership and process organization. The resulting typologies are intended to assist political scientists' identification and categorization of varying civil-military relationships on the subjective end of Huntington's spectrum. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 2017 / The thesis analyses civil-military relations in Zimbabwe since independence, but especially during the period from 2000 through 2013. A central question is why an outright military coup has not occurred, despite severe political and economic crises. Thequestion is broken down into two linked sub- -military relations question of why the military have not seized power from civilians and (2) the question why no "populist military revolt" has occurred, despite the kind of hyperinflation that has triggered such revolts in countries like Ghana and Ethiopia: [Abbreviated Abstract. Open document to view full version] / XL2018

A investigação visa analisar o modo como alguns estudantes da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) representaram os dilemas sócio-políticos que assolaram a Universidade e o país nos anos em que o Brasil foi governado por uma aliança militar (1964-1985). Utiliza-se os pressupostos teóricos da História Cultural, além das reflexões da História da Educação para analisar as trajetórias de vida de sujeitos que participaram de um processo histórico, o qual, ainda hoje se faz presente nas memórias e discursos dos indivíduos que o viveram. O trabalho enfoca nas gerações de estudantes que participaram do Movimento Estudantil (ME) da UFRGS. Iniciasse analisando os relatos de memória dos jovens que lutavam na clandestinidade contra o estado autoritário em seus anos de chumbo. Estes personagens precisavam se adaptar ao cerco repressivo que vinha se fechando para os grupos de oposição. Muitos foram presos e torturados, além de se verem obrigados a fugir do país para sobreviver. Por fim, o texto se concentra nos anos da dita transição pactuada, anunciada pelo general Ernesto Geisel como sendo um período da abertura “lenta, gradual e segura”, do regime ditatorial rumo ao governo democrático. Tendo em vista o objetivo anunciado, o corpus documental foi formado por depoimentos orais elaborados junto aos personagens que atuaram nesta Universidade. Cumpre destacar que, durante o processo de abertura política, ocorrido entre as décadas de 1970 e 1980, verificou-se uma transformação no modo como o ME se organizava. Para aqueles que ingressaram neste movimento nessa época, a crítica às práticas da geração anterior, que havia optado por um combate à ditadura através da luta armada, fez com que emergissem novas estratégias de contestação. A vista disso, os discentes investiram nos movimentos de massa e na defesa do retorno às liberdades democráticas, na qual fosse garantido o direito a voto em todas as instâncias de governo. Procurava-se transformar a sociedade brasileira através do voto eleitoral, apostando nos partidos de esquerda que deixaram de ser ilegais e em novas siglas, como o PT. Ademais, essa geração incluiu outras pautas de discussão, diferentemente daquelas apresentadas pelo ME dos anos de 1960. Em suma, estes sujeitos buscaram politizar o cotidiano, abordando questões como o feminismo, a ecologia e o consumo de drogas. Sendo assim, o ME se mostra um movimento que soube se transformar através do tempo e dos processos históricos, desempenhando um adversário à altura na arena política da ditadura civil-militar brasileira. / The research aims to analyze how some students of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) represented the socio-political dilemmas that devastated the University and the country in the years when Brazil was governed by a military alliance (1964-1985). It used the theoretical presuppositions of Cultural History, as well as the reflections of the History of Education to analyze the life trajectories of the subjects who participated in a historical process, which is still present today in the memories and discourses of the individuals who lived it. The work focuses on the generations of students who participated in the Student Movement (SM) of UFRGS. The work begin analyzing the memory stories of the young who fought clandestinely against the authoritarian state in their lead years. These characters needed to adapt their acts against the repressive siege that was closing to their opposition groups. Many were arrested and tortured, and forced to flee the country to survive. Finally, the text focuses on the years of the political transition, announced by General Ernesto Geisel as a period of the "slow, gradual and safe" opening of the dictatorial regime towards democratic government. In the view of the announced objective, the documentary corpus was formed by oral statements elaborated with the characters who acted in this University. It should be noted that during the process of political openness, which occurred between the 1970s and 1980s, there was a transformation in the way the SM was organized. For those who entered this movement at this time, criticism of the practices of the previous generation, which had opted for a struggle against the dictatorship through armed struggle, led to the emergence of new strategies of contestation. In view of this, the students invested in mass movements and in the defense of the return to democratic freedoms, in which the right to vote was guaranteed in all instances of government. It was tried to transform the brazilian society through the electoral vote, betting on left parties that stopped being illegal and in new acronyms, like the PT. In addition, this generation included other discussion guidelines, unlike those presented by the SM of the 1960s. In short, these subjects sought to politicize everyday life, addressing issues such as feminism, ecology and drug liberation. Thus, the SM shows itself to be a movement that has been able to transform itself through time and a historical process, playing an adversary in the political arena of the brazilian civil-military dictatorship.

Esta pesquisa trata dos discursos da imprensa paulista acerca do futebol praticado por mulheres durante o período da ditadura civil-militar em que este era proibido no Brasil (1965-1983). Faz-se esta análise em cinco periódicos O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha de S. Paulo, Placar, A Gazeta Esportiva e A Gazeta Esportiva Ilustrada para apontar de que maneiras o futebol feminino era retratado ou silenciado - na imprensa, assim como identificar as diversas práticas de futebóis e pontuar os fatores que motivaram os marcos que separam os capítulos desta dissertação: a proibição (1965), a revogação (1979) e a regulamentação do esporte (1983). / This research analyzes the discourses of São Paulos press about the football played by women when it was banned during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1965-1983). This examination is done in three journals and two magazines - O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha de S. Paulo, Placar, A Gazeta Esportiva and A Gazeta Esportiva Ilustrada - pointing to the ways in which women\'s football was seemed - or silenced - in this press, and identify the various practices of footballs and scoring the factors that motivated the landmarks that separate the chapters of this dissertation: the prohibition (1965), the repeal (1979) and the establishment of the rules for this sport (1983).

Submitted by Vanessa Nunes (vnunes@unisinos.br) on 2015-03-26T12:49:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 EduardoChaves.pdf: 1102857 bytes, checksum: b09bf1b4ec67bc38f676b0afb5518270 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-26T12:49:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EduardoChaves.pdf: 1102857 bytes, checksum: b09bf1b4ec67bc38f676b0afb5518270 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Nenhuma / A dissertação intitulada Do outro lado da colina: a narrativa do Exército sobre a ditadura civil-militar procurou analisar uma coletânea de depoimentos produzida e publicada pela Biblioteca do Exército, a Bibliex, em 2003 e 2004, sobre o golpe e a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil. São memórias de militares e civis que, em sua maioria, atuaram na defesa do movimento de 31 de março de 1964 e na sustentação do regime dos cinco generais presidentes. O escopo deste trabalho é o de averiguar como foi construída a narrativa sobre a ditadura civil-militar a partir dos depoimentos desses indivíduos, assim como as estratégias utilizadas pelo Exército na montagem da coletânea. Cabe dizer que essas narrativas estão inseridas em disputas de longa data, travadas no campo da memória entre os que estiveram em luta contra o regime e os que defenderam este, inclusive denominando seu momento inicial de Revolução, ao invés de Golpe, e Governos Revolucionários, ao contrário de Anos de Chumbo. / The dissertation entitled On the other side of the hill: the story of the Army on the civil-military dictatorship sought to examine a collection of statements produced and published by the Army Library, the Bibliex, in 2003 and 2004, about the coup detat and the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil. These are memories of soldiers and civilians that, in their majority, acted in the defense of the movement of March 31st, 1964, and in the support of the regime of the five general presidents. The scope of this paper is to examine how the narrative on the civil-military dictatorship from the testimony of these individuals operated, as well as the strategies used by the military in mounting this collection. It must be said that these narratives are embedded in long-standing disputes, fought in the field of memory among those who were fighting against the regime and those that supported it, even naming his starting point of Revolution, instead of Coup detat and Revolutionary Government instead of The Years of Lead.

Cette thèse étudie pourquoi et comment les forces armées déploient des activités anticriminelles, et évalue l'impact de ces interventions sur les régimes démocratiques. À partir de l’institutionnalisme historique et de la théorie du choix rationnel, la thèse porte sur deux villes, Rio de Janeiro (Brésil) et Tijuana (Mexique), où les gouverneurs de l'Etat ont demandé aux militaires d’assister dans les tâches de sécurité publique entre 2007 et 2014. À partir de l'analyse des 100 entretiens semi-structurés, des archives historiques et des informations obtenues grâce à des lois sur la liberté d'information, la recherche suit les différentes phases des opérations militaires en matière de sécurité, de la prise de décision à la mise en œuvre de ces politiques. L'analyse systématique des statistiques criminels avant et après les opérations montre que ces actions ont un effet très limité sur la réduction permanente de la violence criminelle. En autre, les interventions militaires sont généralement suivies d'une série d'actions sociales susceptibles d'améliorer la réputation des forces armées au détriment de l'image des agences civiles. Finalement, la recherche montre que ces interventions militaires transforment la législation, la juridiction, la doctrine militaire et l’éducation, et entraînent des changements permanents dans la portée des activités militaires et des actions policières. En raison de ces modifications institutionnelles, les politiciens de façon générale et les gouverneurs des États en particulier sont plus que jamais tentés d’utiliser les forces armées pour obtenir des gains politiques à court terme, même au détriment de la dimension libérale de la démocratie. / This thesis investigates why and how Armed Forces deploy anti-crime activities, and it assesses the impact such interventions entail for democracies. Combining historical institutionalist and rational choice approaches, the thesis focuses on two cities, namely, Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) and Tijuana (Mexico), where the state governors requested the military to assist public security efforts from 2007 to 2014. Relying on analysis of 100 semi-structured interviews, archival sources and information obtained through freedom of information acts, this research tracks the different phases of military operations in security, from decision-making to policy implementation. The systematic analysis of criminal statistics before and after operations indicate that such actions have a limited effect on permanently reducing lethal violence. Moreover, military interventions are usually followed by a set of social actions that will potentially improve the reputation of the Armed Forces to the detriment of the image of civilian agencies. Finally, and contrary to conventional wisdom that military urban patrols are merely temporary events, the research in this thesis demonstrates that military interventions in anti-crime activities transform legislation, jurisdiction, military doctrine and education, and that they bring long-lasting changes in the scope of military and police actions. Due to institutional modifications, politicians in general, and state governors in particular, are more tempted than ever to rely on Armed Forces for short-term political gains, even at the expense of the liberal dimension of democracy.

The changing security environment in Asia has led to a renewed interest in the Japanese Self Defense Forces (SDF). However, the SDF itself remains a black box: assessed either in terms of its problematic legal standing or physical military capacity, but with limited understanding of the people within; who they are, what they do, and how they think. This dissertation opens up the black box and brings the SDF officers into the analysis of civil-military relations in post-war Japan. I present a theoretical framework inspired by principal-agent theory, in which I hypothesize that the type of control (ex-ante or ex-post) and preference divergence between the civilians and the military produces four different outcomes in civil-military relations: containment, auto pilot, conflictual, and cooperative (possibly excessive). I examine how civil-military relations in Japan evolved over time and across three realms of defense policy making, budget, personnel, and use of force; utilizing the findings from an opinion survey conducted among SDF officers and civilian elite addressing the "civil-military gap," oral history records of former SDF leaders and civilian defense officials, and interviews with active duty SDF officers and civilian officials. My research shows that civil-military relations in Japan was generally calm, not because the ex-ante constraints were strong and suppressed the opposing views of the SDF, but because the policy preferences of SDF officers and civilian bureaucracy converged in support of the alliance relationship with the United States. Such preference convergence made it possible for the politicians to continue "auto-pilot control" of the SDF, which was convenient for politicians who preferred to avoid dealing with military matters in face of the anti-militaristic public. However, this led to two paradoxical outcomes: (1) the SDF came to enjoy their relative autonomy within the ex-ante constraints, and (2) the ex-ante constraints turned out to be self-binding for politicians, possibly hampering their ability to control the SDF ex-post. Institutional changes through the electoral and administrative reforms in the 1990s along with the perceived changes in the security environment surrounding Japan enhanced both the incentive and capacity of politicians to release the ex-ante constraints and to control the SDF in their own hands. Re-interpretation of the constitution to allow for collective self defense is a step in the same direction. Looking towards the future, the shift from ex-ante to ex-post control may result in tension between the civilians and SDF officers, in cases where their preferences diverge.

This dissertation explores civil-military relations in democratizing contexts, specifically how the historical relationship between the military and the broader public shapes responses to political crises such as riots and revolutions. I develop a novel theory, rooted in civil-military relations literature from political science and sociology, for how an army's historical interactions with the population and with foreign sponsors create doctrine by shaping organizational culture and practices toward the population. Doctrine, in turn, influences the military’s response to a popular uprising. The foundations of military doctrine are historical and include the military's institutional origins, role in national independence, and relationship to the ruling party. Subsequently, doctrinal innovation occurs as a result of interacting with the domestic population and foreign military sponsors. The dissertation features qualitative case studies of Tunisia, Egypt, and Syria during the Arab Spring and a quantitative data analysis of major uprisings worldwide since 1950. Both qualitative and quantitative evidence demonstrate that the nature of military doctrine explains soldiers' behavior during popular uprisings better than alternative arguments based on capacity, patronage, and ethnicity.

No description available.

Submitted by Leonardo Lima (leonardoperlim@gmail.com) on 2017-04-03T14:24:18Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) SILVEIRA,Marília Brandão Amaro da.pdf: 1463584 bytes, checksum: 060984355c65b2ee1490fcef1f9d644b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-05-09T14:46:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 SILVEIRA,Marília Brandão Amaro da.pdf: 1463584 bytes, checksum: 060984355c65b2ee1490fcef1f9d644b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-05-09T14:48:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 SILVEIRA,Marília Brandão Amaro da.pdf: 1463584 bytes, checksum: 060984355c65b2ee1490fcef1f9d644b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-09T14:48:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 SILVEIRA,Marília Brandão Amaro da.pdf: 1463584 bytes, checksum: 060984355c65b2ee1490fcef1f9d644b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / No presente trabalho intenta-se trazer novos elementos sobre a pesquisa em ditadura civil militar focando um tema cuja produção é ainda muito escassa. Propõe-se explorar a forma como o período expressou-se, no que remete ao Rio Grande do Sul, em cidades do interior onde percebemos uma grande particularidade: a organização das rotas de exílio. Delimitaremos o presente trabalho às atividades de oposição à ditadura civil militar nas cidades de interior e de fronteira, considerando as principais atividades de oposição e, também, a repressão, os apoios ao golpe, dentre diversas particularidades. Focar-se-á, mais especificamente, na organização das rotas de exílio, atividade peculiar que envolveu diversos grupos em solidariedade para garantir a vida de militantes procurados e, também, para a organização da militância no exílio. A principal fonte será a memória, tanto dos organizadores das atividades, quanto dos transladados para fora do país. Deter-se-á o período compreendido entre o ano do golpe até o início dos anos de 1970, em que os grupos de resistência foram duramente combatidos e se encontravam bastante desarticulados. / The present paper attempts to bring new elements to civil-military dictatorship research focusing at a topic which production is yet scarse. It is proposed to explore the way, concerning the Rio Grande do Sul state, which the period was expressed in the countryside cities and we can point it out a certain particularity: the organization of the exile's routes. Therefore, we'll limit the present paper to the opposing activities against the civil-military dictatorship at the contryside and boundary cities accounting opposing activities, repression, the coup support, among many other particularities. However, it will focus on the establishment of the exile's routes, singular activity which envolved many groups in symphaty to ensure the life of the wanted militants and, also, to the militancy arrengement at the exile. The main source will be the memory from both - activities organizers and exileds. It will concentrate on the period counting from the year of the takeover until the early 1970s in which resistance groups were starkly fought and could be found very disarticulated.