La question posée par cette thèse est de savoir dans quelle mesure les adjoints en charge de la démocratie de proximité peuvent être considérés comme des acteurs engagés dans un travail de notabilisation politique faisant de leur délégation des espaces de recrutement et de mobilisation de soutiens. En posant cette interrogation, nous souhaitons questionner les rôles de ces adjoints et les usages qu'ils font de leur délégation en lien avec les pratiques clientélaires de l'activité politique. C'est le projet de cette thèse qui vise à éclairer la transformation de l'économie des délégations dédiées à la démocratie de proximité, de leur fondement symbolique et matériel et de leurs usages en relation avec la transformation des configurations politico-administratives dans lesquelles évoluent les adjoints. Nous montrerons ainsi qu'un enjeu central de la prise de rôle des adjoints en charge de la démocratie de proximité réside dans leur capacité à mobiliser les ressources de leur délégation en biens de fidélisation politique, de satisfaction matérielle transmise sur la base d'échanges personnalisés. Aussi, loin des objectifs normatifs affichés par les promoteurs de la participation citoyenne, cette offre municipale fait l'objet d'usages clientélaires. De ce point du vue, la réactivation de l'offre participative observée dans le gouvernement municipal d'Hélène Mandroux traduit une tentative de reconfiguration des échanges clientélaires institutionnalisés depuis plus de trente ans et portés par des coalitions d'acteurs dans lesquelles adjoints et représentants associatifs partagent des intérêts autrement plus déterminants que des principes moraux ou idéologiques. / The question treated by this thesis is to know to what extent mayor's councilors in charge of participatory projects use their executive position to build political leadership by recruitment and mobilization of supports among local society. By putting this interrogation, we analyze the role of these councilors and the use of their institutional resources in connection with clientelist practices of political activity. The demonstration aims at enlightening the transformation of executive positions dedicated to participatory democracy, their symbolic and material foundation and their uses in relation with the transformation of municipalities' political and administrative configurations. We demonstrate that those councilors convert their executive resources into material satisfaction transmitted on the basis of personalized exchanges with citizens. Far from the normative objectives promoted by political actors, participatory tools are in fact clientelist tools. Form this point of view, the reactivation of participatory offer observed in Montpellier in 2008 is an attempt lead by new political actors to reconfigure clientelist exchanges institutionalized over the past twenty years.

This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part deals with the issue that in a political environment wherein the development of a political career may encompass frequent transitions between offices, it is usually unclear how winning a given position may ultimately affect subsequent electoral performances and career formation. We exploit regression discontinuity designs in Brazilian elections to estimate the electoral advantage derived by incumbents of various positions both when running for reelection to the same held position, and when trying to win a different elective office. Then, we document that incumbency in legislative offices at state and federal levels is associated with a strong positive effect on the probability of winning the same position in the following election, whereas officeholders in diverse branches of local government do not appear to benefit electorally from their incumbency status and may even be harmed by it when they have relatively little political experience. Moreover, we find that state deputies also receive an incumbency advantage when running for the position of federal deputy, and that such a cross-office effect, along with all incumbency effects on winning the same position, is not due to selection into candidacy. Aside from the transition from state deputy to federal deputy, however, incumbents of any position tend to be less likely than their defeated counterparts to run for, and win, other positions. In the second part, we investigate whether incentive-compatible clientelistic transactions may be sustained through the observation of voters\' party-affiliation status by politicians. We argue that since affiliation consists of an instance of public demonstration of support for a given party, vote-buying attempts by parties may be made more effective by targeting voters that are (or in order for them to become) affiliated to them. Using electoral and demographic data on Brazilian municipalities, we find that voters affiliated to parties in the municipal coalition of the Workers\' Party are significantly more likely to start receiving benefits from the Bolsa Família program upon the incumbency of a party in that coalition. We also investigate political determinants of party affiliation and find that while partisan incumbency at the local level appears to affect affiliation only in restricted situations, the provision of payments from the Bolsa Família has a robust positive effect on affiliation. Lastly, the third part investigates the extent to which teachers with strong partisan stances are capable of influencing electoral outcomes through shaping their students\' voting behavior. We address this question by exploiting unique datasets on party-affiliated voters and on public high school teachers in the state of São Paulo, Brazil---through which we are able to identify teachers\' political affiliations. Along with such information, we also make use of very rich datasets on election results and voter characteristics to explore the relationship between the density of affiliated teachers in a given region and electoral outcomes observed for that region. To overcome endogeneity issues such as that of selection in the assignment of teachers to schools and of voters to polling places, for instance, we explore the varying intensity of the hypothesized effect according to electorate characteristics at the polling station level, a very specific site within the polling district to which voters and teachers are suggested not to be able to select themselves. Our results are suggestive of a positive and significant effect of the presence of affiliated teachers on the electoral performance of the corresponding party, especially in elections based on plurality voting systems. However, our evidence also indicates that such an effect is more relevant for (and possibly restricted to) teachers affiliated to the Workers\' Party, and that these teachers appear to be altering political / Esta tese se divide em três partes. A primeira parte lida com a questão de que, em um ambiente político em que o desenvolvimento de uma carreira política possa envolver frequentes transições entre cargos, não se tem claro como a ocupação de uma dada posição eletiva pode fundamentalmente influenciar o desempenho eleitoral subsequente e a formação de uma carreira pelos políticos. São exploradas regressões descontínuas baseadas em eleições brasileiras com o intuito de se estimar o impacto eleitoral de ser o mandatário experimentado por políticos tanto ao concorrerem à reeleição ao cargo que ocupam, quanto ao disputarem outro cargo eletivo. Documenta-se, então, que a incumbência de cargos legislativos aos níveis estadual e federal encontra-se associada a um expressivo efeito positivo sobre a probabilidade de vitória da disputa seguinte pelo mesmo cargo, ao passo que mandatários de governos locais não aparentam ser eleitoralmente beneficiados por tal status, podendo ainda ser prejudicados por tal condição no caso de exibirem pouca experiência política. Além disso, verifica-se que deputados estaduais também usufruem de uma vantagem eleitoral da incumbência ao disputarem o cargo de deputado federal, e rejeita-se que tal efeito, bem como os impactos sobre a probabilidade de ser reeleito a um mesmo cargo, seja devido à seleção em novas candidaturas. À exceção da transição do cargo de deputado estadual para o de deputado federal, no entanto, mandatários de qualquer cargo tendem a ser menos propensos do que seus homólogos derrotados a se candidatar e a vencer eleições para outros cargos. Na segunda parte, investigamos se transações clientelistas podem ser sustentadas através da observação, por parte de partidos políticos e candidatos, do status de filiação partidária dos eleitores. Argumenta-se que, sendo tal filiação um exemplo de demonstração pública de apoio a um partido, tentativas de compra de voto por partidos podem se tornar mais eficazes quando direcionadas a eleitores que sejam filiados, ou no intuito de que venham a sê-lo. Por meio do emprego de dados eleitorais e demográficos acerca de municípios brasileiros, observa-se que eleitores filiados a partidos das coligações municipais do Partido dos Trabalhadores são significativamente mais propensos (relativamente a eleitores em geral) a passar a receber benefícios do Programa Bolsa Família quando da eleição de tais partidos. Investigam-se também determinantes políticos da filiação partidária, e encontra-se que o simples fato de ser o mandatário de governos locais afeta os níveis de filiação ao partido correspondente apenas em situações específicas; por outro lado, a provisão de pagamentos do Bolsa Família apresenta um efeito positivo e robusto sobre a evolução dos índices de filiação. Por fim, a terceira parte investiga o potencial exibido por professores com elevada participação política de influenciar resultados eleitorais ao induzirem os votos de seus alunos. Explora-se tal questão através da utilização de dados sobre filiação partidária e sobre professores de ensino médio de escolas estaduais no estado de São Paulo, Brasil. Combinando-se informações sobre o status de filiação partidária de tais professores com dados sobre resultados eleitorais e características do eleitorado, investiga-se especificamente a relação entre a densidade de professores filiados e o desempenho eleitoral dos partidos em uma dada região. Problemas de endogeneidade, como os possivelmente decorrentes da alocação de professores a escolas, são evitados por meio da exploração de variação na intensidade do efeito proposto de acordo com características do eleitorado em um nível ao qual eleitores (e professores) não são capazes de se selecionar. Os resultados relacionados sugerem um efeito positivo e significante da presença de professores filiados sobre o desempenho eleitoral dos partidos, particularmente em eleições majoritárias. No entanto, a evidência apresentada indica que tal efeito é aparentemente restrito a professores filiados ao Partido dos Trabalhadores, e que tais professores são capazes de alterar as preferências políticas de alunos que compareceriam à votação independentemente de sua influência. .

O presente trabalho tem como proposta principal analisar a trajetória de José Maria Cândido Ribeiro, pintor português condenado por falsificação de moeda, enfatizando suas relações com a justiça no Brasil do século XIX. Cândido Ribeiro chegou ao Rio de Janeiro entre as décadas de 1820 e 1830, onde passaria a viver de sua arte de retratista e pintor a óleo. Casando-se com uma brasileira, em algum momento das décadas de 1830 e 1840 partiria para a província da Bahia, onde aconteceria sua principal condenação por falsificação de moeda, em 1849. A partir dessa condenação passou a se desenvolver uma complexa relação entre José Maria Cândido Ribeiro, a justiça do período e seus agentes. Preso em Salvador e agindo como delator e espião da polícia baiana entre 1851 e 1855, Ribeiro conseguiu paulatinamente atenuar e retardar o cumprimento de sua sentença, para isso estabelecendo relações com personalidades importantes ligadas a política e a justiça do período imperial. Em 1855, após participar de uma bem-sucedida operação contra a moeda falsa na Bahia, Cândido Ribeiro seguiu para a Corte do Rio de Janeiro, onde conseguiu a comutação de sua pena de galés para degredo no interior da província do Paraná, onde terminaria seus dias, no início da década de 1860. Perseguindo o personagem pelos lugares por onde passou, o trabalho reconstrói suas principais relações, observando de que forma elas podem ter influenciado nos processos e nas decisões da justiça. A tese propõe analisar, através de uma trajetória específica, o funcionamento de práticas de hierarquização, reciprocidade e clientelismo existentes na sociedade brasileira oitocentista, que interferiam no funcionamento da justiça, e que em alguma medida remetem a práticas existentes nas antigas monarquias coorporativas. / The main goal of this dissertation is to analyze the trajectory of José Maria Cândido Ribeiro, a Portuguese painter convicted of currency counterfeiting, emphasizing his relations with justice in Brazil of the nineteenth century. Cândido Ribeiro arrived in Rio de Janeiro between the 1820s and 1830s, making a living there from his art as a portraitist and oil painter. As he had married a Brazilian woman, at some point from the 1830s to the 1840s, he left for the province of Bahia, where his main condemnation for forgery of money took place in 1849. From this conviction, a complex relationship developed between José Maria Cândido Ribeiro, the justice of that period and its agents. Imprisoned in Salvador and acting as an informant and spy of the Bahian police between 1851 and 1855, Ribeiro gradually managed to mitigate and delay the execution of his sentence by establishing relationships with important personalities linked to politics and justice of the imperial period. In 1855, after taking part in a successful operation against the counterfeit currency in Bahia, Cândido Ribeiro went to the Court of Rio de Janeiro, where he could commute his Welsh judgment for exile in the interior of the province of Paraná, the place in which he had ended his days in the early 1860s. Pursuing the character throughout the places he had passed, the research reconstructs his main relationships, noting how they may have influenced the processes and decisions of justice. The dissertation aims to analyze, through a specific trajectory, the operation of the practices of hierarchization, reciprocity and clientelism existing in the nineteenth-century Brazilian society, which interfered in the operation of justice, and to some extend refer to the existing practices in the old corporative monarchies.

Por mais que a negociação do voto em troca dos mais variados benefícios tenha desembarcado no país junto da coroa portuguesa ao início do século XIX, se percebe que ela não definhou na história política brasileira. Nem a queda da monarquia e instauração da república e seus valores, a perda de poder dos coronéis de terras, a implantação de punições eleitorais mais duras aos negociantes do voto, ou mesmo a introdução do voto eletrônico para dificultar a prestação de contas do eleitor cliente ao político patrão ao final do século XX foram capazes de conter o desenvolvimento do fenômeno político denominado clientelismo. Um tipo de prática difícil de mensurar, sobretudo, porque para confirmar a troca do voto por algum benefício é necessário que o eleitor admita ter participado desse tipo de transação, ou que o candidato admita ter proposto esse tipo de situação aos eleitores. A confissão é pouco provável de ocorrer, principalmente em decorrência das punições eleitorais e jurídicas que recaem sobre ambos. Para contornar essa dificuldade se optou por tomar apenas o eleitor brasileiro como objeto de análise, e questionar se suas características demográficas, socioeconômicas ou culturais favorecem o clientelismo no Brasil? A delimitação temporal consistiu no período com início no ano de 2000 e término no ano de 2010. Se decidiu trabalhar com duas linhas de investigação: a) mensurar a oferta do clientelismo pelo político ao eleitor; b) mensurar a aprovação do eleitor para uma situação específica de clientelismo vivenciada por si ou por outros. As hipóteses adotadas de início foram: (H1) residir em município de pequeno porte populacional aumenta a probabilidade da oferta clientelista ao eleitor brasileiro; (H2) possuir pouca renda mensal aumenta o risco da oferta e da aprovação ao clientelismo no Brasil; (H3) possuir uma cultura política paroquial aumenta a probabilidade da aprovação do clientelismo pelo eleitor brasileiro. Os resultados obtidos ao final da tese desmentem a maioria das afirmações embasadas no senso comum, algumas realizadas por pesquisadores da área, e todas as hipóteses da tese. Eles demonstram que a região de residência do eleitor e sua idade foram significativas para a ocorrência da oferta clientelista, e que nenhuma das características da população de eleitores foi capaz de influenciar em sua aprovação ao clientelismo na primeira década de 2000. / Even though the negotiation of the vote in exchange of the most varied benefits has landed in the country along with the Portuguese crown at the beginning of the XIX century, it is noticed that it does not decreased in Brazilian political History. Not even the fall of the monarchy and instauration of the Republic and their values, the loss of the power of the colonels, the implementation of harsher electoral punishments to the voting dealers or even the introduction of eletronic voting to difficult the accountability of the cliente elector to the political boss at the end of the 20th century were able to contain the development of the political phenomenon called clientelism. A type of practice that is difficult to measure because to confirm the exchange of votes for some benefits is necessary that the voter admits to having participated of this type of transaction or that the candidate admits that he has proposed this type of situation to the voters. The confession is unlikely to occur mainly due to electoral and legal punishments that fall in both. To get around this difficulty, it was decided to take only Brazilian voter as the object of analysis and question whether if their demographic, socioeconomic and cultural characteristics favor clientelism in Brazil. The temporal delimitation constitutes in the period beginning in the year 2000 and finish in the year 2010. It was decided to work with two lines of research: a) measure the offer of the clientelismo by the politician to the voter; b) measure the voter approval for a specific situation experienced by itself or others. The hypotheses adopted at the beginning were: (H1) inhabit in the municipality of small population increases the probability of clientelist offer to the Brazilian voter; (H2) having a small monthly income increases the risk; (H3) have a parochial political culture increases the probability of the clientelism approval by the Brazilian voter. The results obtained at the end of the thesis disprove most of the common sense affirmations, some performed by researchers in the área and all hypotheses of the thesis. They demonstrate that the region of residence to the voter and his age were significant for the occurence of clientelistic and that none of the characteristics of the population of the voters was able to influence their approval to the clientelism in the first decade of 2000.

Cette thèse a pour objet la régulation de la pauvreté au Brésil dans le cadre du Programme « Bolsa Família », une politique sociale de transferts conditionnels de revenus qui cristallise de manière exemplaire le débat et l’expérience vécue de la pauvreté au Brésil. On y explique comment les mécanismes de régulation de la pauvreté interagissent avec les pratiques locales de citoyenneté. En effet, l’accès des pauvres aux droits sociaux et l’exercice de leurs droits politiques sont l’objet d’un processus de régulation par les valeurs familiales dans un contexte de fortes inégalités sociales. Au-delà du fait que l’aide sociale dépende de l’organisation familiale, la mise en œuvre du Programme « Bolsa Família » se fait selon des règles informelles, reflétant les représentations sociales dominantes de la pauvreté au Brésil. De plus, l’octroi des allocations sociales dépend en partie de rapports personnels entre les bénéficiaires et les élus et les candidats politiques. Ces relations varient selon un répertoire d’évaluation des candidats politiques par les bénéficiaires du programme. Ce travail s’appuie sur une étude de cas dans la région Nordeste du Brésil — dans une municipalité moyenne de l’État du Ceará. Une approche ethnographique a permis l’identification de la logique de fonctionnement d’une machine politico-électorale impliquant assistance sociale, élus, assistantes sociales et bénéficiaires. De façon plus générale, cette thèse étudie les interactions qui lient les pauvres à l’ensemble de la société, sous l’angle localisé des enjeux contemporains de la régulation de la pauvreté, et contribue à l’étude de l’utilisation politico-électorale de l’assistance sociale. / This thesis’ object is the poverty regulation in Brazil within the framework of the ‘Bolsa Família’ Programme, a conditional cash transfer social policy assembling several elements of the debate and the experience of poverty in Brazil. This work explains how the mechanisms of poverty regulation interact with local citizenship practices. In effect, the access of the poor to social rights and the exercise of their political rights are both object of a process of regulation by family values ​​in a context of strong social inequalities. Beyond the fact that social assistance depends on family organisation, the implementation of the ‘Bolsa Família’ Programme is based on informal rules, reflecting the dominant social representations of poverty in Brazil. In addition, the allocation of social benefits depends in part on personalised rapports between the programme’s beneficiaries and political candidates and elected representatives. This work is based on a case study in the Northeast region of Brazil—in a middle-sized municipality of the Ceará state. An ethnographic approach allowed the identification of the logic of operation of a political machine involving social assistance, elected officials, social workers and beneficiaries. More generally, this thesis examines the interactions between the poor and the society as a whole, from a local perspective of contemporary issues of poverty regulation and contributes to the study of the political and electoral use of social assistance.

O presente estudo investiga a história política de Sobral no período entre 1963-1996. Ao longo dessas décadas, o executivo municipal esteve sob a liderança dos grupos políticos Prado e Barreto que se revezaram na direção do poder local na vigência do Regime Militar no Brasil, sobrevivendo ainda uma década do fim da ditadura. Para alguns analistas, foram três décadas de estagnação econômica e política, mas para outros, foi um período de importantes investimentos infraestruturais, com resultados positivos ainda hoje. O objetivo desta tese é compreender as mudanças e permanências ocorridas na cidade de Sobral ao longo da gestão desses administradores. A investigação está balizada pelo referencial teórico-metodológico da Nova História Política que, embora não tenha a pretensão de afirmar que tudo é político, compreende que o político é o lugar para onde conflui a maioria das atividades humanas. O conceito de cultura política, pensada como conjunto coerente de elementos que permite definir uma forma de identidade do indivíduo que dela se reclama; é aqui o instrumento de análise do objeto proposto. As fontes analisadas foram documentos do Poder Executivo, do Poder Legislativo e do Judiciário, além de periódicos, peça de teatro, fotografias, vídeos, depoimentos, entre muitos outros materiais que permitiram elucidar as questões propostas a esta investigação. / The present study investigates the political history of the period between 1963-1996 Sobral. Throughout these decades, the municipal executive was under the leadership of political groups Prado and Barreto who took turns in the direction of local power in the presence of the military regime in Brazil, even surviving a decade of the end of the dictatorship. For some analysts, it was three decades of economic stagnation and political. For others it was a period of major infrastructure investments with positive results today. The goal is to understand the changes and continuities that occurred in the city of Sobral over the management of these administrators. Research will be buoyed by the theoretical framework of the New Political History, which although not pretend to say that everything is political, the political is understood that the point to where converges most human activities. The concept of political culture, thought of as coherent set of elements that defines a form of identity of the individual who it is claimed, will be the instrument of analysis of the proposed object. The sources were documents of the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary, periodicals, plays, photographs, videos, testimonials, and many other materials that help to clarify the issues proposed in this research.

Cette thèse porte sur l'étude d'un réseau composé d'élus du Vaucluse de 1870 à 1898, autour de la figure d'Alfred Naquet et de ses amis politiques. On s'attachera à montrer comment ce réseau s'est peu à peu constitué et implanté à partir de 1870 grâce aux victoires électorales, et structuré par des fidélités personnelles, des échanges d'influence, et l'utilisation d'un vocabulaire de l'amitié. Cela avant d'être progressivement détruit et écarté de la scène politique locale durant les années 1888 à 1897, remis en cause par l'engagement d'une partie de ses membres dans le boulangisme, puis par leur implication dans le scandale de Panama. Au travers de l'étude de ce réseau, on cherche à appréhender les relations de clientèle et de fidélité entre ces élus du Vaucluse, leur relais locaux et de simples citoyens, dans la cadre de la politique des patronages, grâce à l'étude de la correspondance de ces élus et des fonds publics. Le deuxième évènement qui cause la fin du réseau Naquet est le scandale de Panama, plus précisément "l'affaire Arton". Accusés d'avoir reçu de l'argent pour leur vote lors d'une loi favorable à la compagnie universelle du canal interocéanique du Panama, certains membres du réseau sont poursuivis en justice. Par ailleurs, le scandale révèle des liens entre les puissances de l'argent et le monde politique, notamment au travers de la société centrale de la dynamite, et pose la question de l'existence d'un groupe de pression composé d'hommes politiques et d'hommes d'affaires à la chambre. De la même manière, les stratégies de défense des élus face à l'accusation de corruption, les déviances et les débats normatifs autour de cette thématique seront étudiées en ce qui concerne ce réseau. / This thesis deals with the study of a network composed with MPs of Vaucluse from 1870 to 1898, gathered around Alfred Naquet and his political friends.We will try to show how this network works, how it was built and got rooted from 1870 thanks to electoral victories, then structured by personal loyalties, exchanges of influence and the use of friendship vocabulary.This was before it got progressively destroyed and isolated from the local political scene from 1888 to 1898, questionned first by the engagement from one part of its membersin the boulangisme, then by their implication in the Panama scandal. Throught the study of this network, we search to apprehend the relation of clientelism and loyalty between the MPs of Vaucluse, their local relay and simple citizens. The second event that caused the end of Naquet's network is the Panama scandal, more precisely the "Arton Affaire". Being accused of receiving money for their vote when a law in favour of the Panama company is voted,some members of the network are being prosecuted. The scandal also reveals links between businessmen and political men, especially throw the société centrale de la dynamite, created by Alfred Nobel, and raise the question of the existence of a group of pressure composed by politcal and business men. In the same way, the defence strategies of the electives facing corruption accusation, the deviances and normative debates around this theme will be studied regarding this network.

This thesis proceeds with my bachelor's thesis Financing of Political Parties in Czech Republic. Party patronage is additional field of study of how political parties work in real life. We can analyze different factors while studying party patronage such as the overlap or intrusion of political parties in state administration, the way how patronage is practised and it's criteria, similarly to studying the way how party financing influences for example electoral outcomes. I will point out main theoretical approach to this relatively new field of studies and its methological foundations. I will devote a seprate chapter to a non-existing Law on Public Service and see whether this should be enacted or not.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2018-09-19T14:42:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 - Leonardo Angelo da Silva.pdf: 993384 bytes, checksum: ad459aeedc901e7751f23a25a79e1a02 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-19T14:42:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 - Leonardo Angelo da Silva.pdf: 993384 bytes, checksum: ad459aeedc901e7751f23a25a79e1a02 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-17 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior, CAPES, Brasil. / The subject of this master thesis is the arrival of a huge contingent of migrant workers to the construction of the largest steel mill of the country, the formation of a collective identity among those workers and their relationship to other social classes, aiming to overcome their most immediate need. More specifically, this work searches to understand the imbricate relationship among the CSN construction, the class formation of its workers and the relationship among both and the local political space, as well as with the political emancipation of the town of Volta Redonda. Once we analyze the relationships between the workers-inhabitants and institutional politics, we notice that the survival strategies, for some, and the building up of political capital and patronage, for other were part of the complex social reality that comprised workers organization as well as paternalism and clientelism. Individual trajectories, comparisons to other industrial towns and their emancipations, as well as analysis focusing on the electoral scenario of the post-1945 period, particularly in Rio de Janeiro state, are also included in this work. / O tema dessa disserta??o ? an?lise que enfoca a chegada de um enorme contingente de trabalhadores migrantes para a constru??o da maior usina do pa?s, a forma??o de uma identidade coletiva desses trabalhadores e sua rela??o com outras classes sociais, objetivando a supera??o de suas necessidades mais imediatas. Mais especificamente, o estudo busca o entendimento da imbricada rela??o entre a constru??o da CSN, a forma??o de classe de seus trabalhadores e a rela??o de ambos com o espa?o pol?tico local e com a emancipa??o da cidade de Volta Redonda. Ao analisarmos as rela??es entre os trabalhadores-moradores e a pol?tica institucional notamos que as estrat?gias de sobreviv?ncia, para uns, e da constru??o de capital pol?tico e clientela, para outros, estavam inclusas na complexa realidade social que englobava tanto a organiza??o dos trabalhadores quanto paternalismo e clientelismo. Trajet?rias individuais, compara??es com outras cidades industriais e suas emancipa??es, bem como an?lise do cen?rio pol?tico-eleitoral no p?s-1945, principalmente do Rio de Janeiro, est?o contidos nesse trabalho.

abstract: Anthropogenic land use has irrevocably transformed the natural systems on which humankind relies. Understanding where, why, and how social and economic processes drive globally-important land-use changes, from deforestation to urbanization, has advanced substantially. Illicit and clandestine activities--behavior that is intentionally secret because it breaks formal laws or violates informal norms--are poorly understood, however, despite the recognition of their significant role in land change. This dissertation fills this lacuna by studying illicit and clandestine activity and quantifying its influence on land-use patterns through examining informal urbanization in Mexico City and deforestation Central America. The first chapter introduces the topic, presenting a framework to examine illicit transactions in land systems. The second chapter uses data from interviews with actors involved with land development in Mexico City, demonstrating how economic and political payoffs explain the persistence of four types of informal urban expansion. The third chapter examines how electoral politics influence informal urban expansion and land titling in Mexico City using panel regression. Results show land title distribution increases just before elections, and more titles are extended to loyal voters of the dominant party in power. Urban expansion increases with electoral competition in local elections for borough chiefs and legislators. The fourth chapter tests and confirms the hypothesis that narcotrafficking has a causal effect on forest loss in Central America from 2001-2016 using two proxies of narcoactivity: drug seizures and events from media reports. The fifth chapter explores the spatial signature and pattern of informal urban development. It uses a typology of urban informality identified in chapter two to hypothesize and demonstrate distinct urban expansion patterns from satellite imagery. The sixth and final chapter summarizes the role of illicit and clandestine activity in shaping deforestation and urban expansion through illegal economies, electoral politics, and other informal transactions. Measures of illicit and clandestine activity should--and could--be incorporated into land change models to account for a wider range of relevant causes. This dissertation shines a new light on the previously hidden processes behind ever-easier to detect land-use patterns as earth observing satellites increase spatial and temporal resolution. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Geography 2019