Tesis doctoral--Geografía e historia--Pamplona--Universidad pública de Navarra, 2003. / Bibliogr. p. 571-601.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Georgetown University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 504-521)

Notre thèse s’intéresse à la couverture médiatique de la BBC pendant la guerre en Irak (2003) et s’interroge sur son impact politico-militaire dans les médias. Afin d’examiner la délicate relation entre la couverture médiatique des guerres récentes et l’opinion publique, notre thèse s’appuie sur une analyse quantitative et qualitative des bulletins d’informations de la BBC ainsi que sur divers documentaires. Il en découle plusieurs constats : à l’image des médias anglo-américains, la BBC demeure perméable à la propagande de guerre et privilégie la communication propre aux Relations Publiques. Sa complicité avec le gouvernement britannique témoigne de son rôle de garant mais aussi de celui d’acteur politique et public. En effet, notre étude de la couverture de cette guerre démontre un glissement du statut de la BBC qui, d’observateur actif et critique, tend à devenir un observateur partial et sélectif. Bien plus, la gestion de l’information et les contraintes culturelles qui y sont liées ont contribué à faire évoluer la couverture de cette guerre qui devait être « politiquement correcte » du point de vue britannique. Ceci a permis de renforcer ce que l’on pourrait envisager comme la possible illustrationd’une complicité voire d’une allégeance politique de la BBC. La « Corporation », ainsi fidèle serviteur d’une « censure patriotique », est partie prenante dans la construction d’un récit militaire épuré et transforme la couverture médiatique de cette guerre en une propagande volontaire. Dans cette guerre en Irak, à l’image du reste des médias, la BBC ne résiste pas aux pressions politiques. L’utilisation de l’« infotainment » par les forces de coalition vise à reconstituer « la réalité de la guerre » et à mettre en avant le prestige des alliés en présentant leur victoire comme indéfectible et incontestée, dans un cadre bien circonscrit, afin de répondre aux attentes du public mais aussi de renforcer son récit patriotique et d’éradiquer toute déception politique et/ou culturelle. Enfin, la couverture de ce conflit par la BBC tend à minimiser l’impact des révélations émanant des médias adversaires et propose une présentation apparemment plus objective de penser la guerre / This dissertation explores the BBC’s coverage of the 2003 Iraq War. It investigates the implications of the politico-military intervention in Iraq for the media system. In examining the sensitive relationship binding the media coverage of contemporary wars and public opinion, this thesis is based upon quantitative and qualitative analysis of BBC news bulletins as well as different documentaries. This investigation shows that, along with the rest of the British-American media, the BBC was susceptible to war propaganda and favoured the kind of communication specific to Public Relations. Its complicity with the British government shifted its role from a watchdog to a publicist and political agent. In fact, our study of the Iraq War coverage chronicles the transition of the BBC from an active, critical and communicative medium into a simply passive, partial and selective observer. Moreover, the news management and the cultural as well as political constraints helped to transform the coverage of this war which had to be “politically correct” from a British perspective. This helped reinforce what could be considered as a possible illustration of the BBC’s complicity and even its political allegiance. The Corporation, afaithful servant of “patriotic censorship” was involved, as a partner, in the construction of a sanitized military story and transformed its coverage of the war into voluntary propaganda. During the Iraq War, like the rest of the media, the BBC could not resist political pressure. The Coalition’s use of “infotainment” aimed to exploit the “reality of war” and highlight, in a well-defined context, the prestige of the Allies by presenting their victory as ineluctable and unquestioned, not only in order to meet the expectations of the public but also to enhance a patriotic narrative and eradicate all political and / or cultural disappointment. Finally, the BBC’s coverage of this conflict tended to minimize the impact of revelations in enemy media and offers a presentation of how to think about war.

Cette thèse traite des mécanismes de gouvernance d’une fédération de réseaux, lorsque la prise de décision est partagée entre plusieurs partenaires formant de multiples coalitions indépendantes. Notre interrogation se justifie au regard de la théorie, en raison du nombre réduit de travaux qui abordent la question de la gouvernance des fédérations de réseaux. Nous combinons une approche théorique avec une étude du terrain, dans l’objectif de répondre à notre interrogation. Nous choisissons comme terrain d’étude et comme étude de cas, la Fédération des réseaux de santé gérontologique Ile-de-France (FREGIF) et ses réseaux-membres. Parmi les pistes de recherche théorique, nous explorons l’impact de la dépendance aux ressources entre partenaires, les jeux de pouvoir entre acteurs, et leurs coalitions. L’interprétation des résultats empiriques à la lumière du cadre théorique dans une démarche abductive, nous permet de comprendre comment et pour quelles raisons la structure réseau évolue dans une forme simple (réseau) et dans une forme complexe (fédération de réseaux), et ce qui peut déterminer en parallèle les mécanismes de gouvernances. Nous constatons que pour la gouvernance d’une fédération de réseaux, l’analyse des configurations du pouvoir et de leurs transitions semble être déterminante quelle que soit la situation de l’environnement externe ; la construction d’un environnent négocié, comme celui du réseau, ne semble pas être suffisante pour surmonter durablement la dépendance aux ressources, en l’absence d’un changement de modèle économique ; la prise en compte et la maitrise de jeux politiques et leur bonne mobilisation semblent être déterminantes, quelle que soit la situation de l’environnement externe. / This thesis deals with the mechanisms of governance of a federation of networks, where decision making is shared among several partners forming multiple independent coalitions. Our question is justified on the theoretical level, because of the small number of works that analyses the issue of governance of networks federations. We combine our theoretical approach with an empirical study, in order to answer our question. We choose as a case study, the Fédération des réseaux de santé gérontologique Ile-de-France (FREGIF) and its networks members. Among the theoretical fields of research, we explore the impact of dependence to ressources between partners, of power games between players and their coalitions. The interpretation of the empirical results in light of the theoretical framework in an abductive approach, allows us to understand how and why the network structure evolves in a simple form (network) and in a complex form (federation of networks), and how can be determined in parallel the governance mechanisms. We note that the analysis of configurations of power and related transitions seem to be decisive regardless of the situation in the external environment; the construction of a “negotiated environment”, as the network organisation, does not appear to be sufficient to permanently overcome dependance to resources, in the absence of a change in the economic model; mastery of political games and its good mobilization appear to be decisive for the governance of a federation of networks, regardless of the situation in the external environment.

<p>Indiana has one of the worst health rankings in the nation at 41. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, among others have recognized that comprehensive, multi-disciplinary approaches are necessary to improve health in communities. No single organization, large or small, has the capacity to solve chronic disease, and thus coalitions have been touted as a solution to engage communities to better health. Evaluation of coalitions are critical to provide evidence of efficacy and identify factors required to build successful and sustainable health coalitions. A novel partnership between the Indiana State Department of Health (ISDH) and the Indiana Clinical and Translational Sciences Institute (CTSI) called Connections IN Health (CINH), integrates three Indiana chronic disease coalitions to improve the health of Indiana residents. A unique mission of this partnership is to integrate work from the three different disease areas of the coalitions (obesity, cardiovascular disease, and asthma) to enhance community engagement in Indiana counties. Coalition leads for each disease area were hired, as well as a manager to oversee integration of the coalitions. The coalitions are being re-built by increasing and diversifying membership, working together with funders to engage Indiana communities, and providing strong and formalized leadership to coalition members. Assessment of CINH is crucial to provide evidence that this approach of integrated coalition leadership is an archetype for successful health department/clinical translational science award (CTSA) collaboration for other CTSAs, and could be a reproducible approach to improve the translation of research from bench-to-bedside. Traditional evaluations of coalitions focus on singular process and formative assessments, which fail to capture the dynamic and inherently relational aspects of coalition functioning. Thus, I evaluated CINH coalitions using a mixed-methods, multi-level evaluation framework that includes coalition functioning and effectiveness surveys and social network analysis. Using linear and logistic regression models, I found that after CINH was implemented, perceptions of coalition functioning and effectiveness significantly increased among coalition members one- and two-years after the partnership was implemented. I found from a comprehensive social network analysis that CINH was successful in growing and diversifying its coalition networks, that partnership networks became more centralized, and that the networks demonstrated traits of effectiveness based on other coalition network effectiveness studies. We suggest that coalition evaluation researchers move towards a unified evaluation approach that includes perception surveys, social network analysis, external community development, and health outcomes. In addition, an integral part of my work was to share findings back to the coalitions to enhance evaluation and help coalitions achieve their goals. In this thesis, I discuss: evidence that community coalitions can improve health, current evaluation methods for health coalitions, the Connections IN Health partnership, and implementation of a mixed-methods, multi-level evaluation framework. Finally, I present findings from my longitudinal network analysis of the CINH statewide chronic disease coalitions. </p>

Thesis (doctoral)--Florida State University. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [253]-282) and index.

Contemporary labour immigration into the UK has been underpinned by two structural positions: the uneven development within the capitalist system and an intensification of competition driving towards flexibility and precarity. Immigrant workers are overwhelmingly concentrated in secondary sectors of the labour market with low pay, long working hours and poor health and safety and closely associated with non-standard work and informal economy where unions are often not available. How these immigrant workers in highly exploitative industries respond to work-related exploitations poses a great challenge to traditional trade unionism. While community unionism has received increasing attention from researchers and practitioners, an institution-centric approach is dominated in the scholarship which tends to overemphasize the role of institutional entity, such as trade unions and NGOs, in shaping collective agency and consider it as the centrality to immigrant workers activism. In contrast to such union-centred research, this study adopts a social movement perspective to explore whether and how community organizing approach can empower immigrant workers and enhance union organizing when globalization compromises its validity. By conducting the multi-method (interviews, surveys, participant observations and videos) ethnographic studies in an immigrant domestic worker self-help group-Justice for Domestic Workers in London over a year and a post EU-enlargement Polish association and local Polish neighbourhood in South Somerset over five months, the research shows that gendered and cultural space rather than traditional industrial entities could offer a political context in which immigrant workers start recognising structural class exploitations and develop an agency and activism for changes. This suggests that the collective mobilizations of immigrant workers in informal and individualised sectors may require creative leaps of sociological imagination in nurturing such communities of coping, wherever they may be occurring - in social clubs, cafés or churches. Community, however, is not a naturally harmonious and unified group setting. The internal divisions and competitions within immigrant communities pose limits to how far ethnic cohesion can serve as a basis for collective mobilization of immigrant workers. The research points to the potential tensions between immigrant community organizations and trade unions to compete for membership and social influence in the coalition building. There is a risk that the institutional goals of immigrant community organizations, in terms of securing funding and expanding its organizational influence, may take precedence over substantive goals of support provision. The research also suggests that academics and practitioners need to rethink the criteria that define the success of worker organising. To win union recognition and achieve collective bargaining agreements in the workplace is a rare case in community organizing of immigrant workers. A distinction should be made between capacity-building from the perspective of workers and organizations involved in community organizing of immigrant workers. There might be a contradiction between organizational developments and grassroots empowerment. Instead of merely focusing on political outcomes as the existing research indicates, more attention should paid to outcomes in social and cultural arenas and how gains in one arena facilitate or hinder gains in another.

O presente trabalho visa estabelecer quais são as condições responsáveis por permitir à oposição o poder de influenciar o processo decisório em Legislativos. Para tanto, a pesquisa se divide em duas frentes, a primeira teórica e a segunda empírica. Em campo teórico o trabalho chama a atenção para a inviolabilidade do princípio majoritário no que diz respeito à produção legislativa e às suas regras regimentais e, por fim, demonstra como a sua desconsideração pode levar a equívocos no tocante à expectativa sobre o comportamento dos diversos atores envolvidos. Em solo empírico, demonstrarse- á que a incorporação deste princípio é essencial para compreendermos de que maneira a oposição pode intervir no processo decisório, assim como quando e porquê acontecerão mudanças regimentais que aumentem ou restrinjam os direitos da minoria. / The present thesis aims to establish the conditions that give oppositions the power to influence the decision-making process in Legislatives. Our research will be presented in two views, the first theoretical and the second, empirical. On the theoretical view, the study draws attention to inviolability of the majority principle in conducing the legislative process and its regimental rules and ultimately, how disregarding it can lead to mistakes in expectations of involved actors\' behavior. On the empirical view it will be shown that embedding that principle is essential to understand in which way the opposition can intervene in the decision-making process, as well as how and why regimental changes will happen either to restrict or to widen the minority rights.

Esta dissertação analisa o resultado da COP 21, que aconteceu em Paris no ano de 2015, através da capacidade que as coalizões domésticas, dentro de China e Estados Unidos, tiveram em influenciar a política climática durante o período que vai de 1992 até 2015. É através da identificação das coalizões domésticas (ambiental e pó-desenvolvimento econômico) que buscamos explicar como o processo político doméstico, nos dois países, foi moldado a partir das articulações e interações entre os grupos que compõe as coalizões. Até a COP 21, a política climática global parecia não avançar em vistas a uma solução do aquecimento global, a COP 15 é referenciada neste trabalho como o fracasso dos acordos climáticos, no entanto, 5 anos mais tarde, em 2015, juntos EUA e China, o dois maiores emissores da atualidade, anunciam suas metas de redução dos gases de efeito estufa. O que explica essa mudança de posicionamento, segundo a hipótese deste trabalho, é o amadurecimento e a articulação das coalizões doméstica dentro dos dois países, em primeiro lugar, e os acordos bilaterais que ambos promoveram entre os anos de 2009 e 2015 para trata das questões climáticas fora do sistema ONU de tomada d decisão. O resultado encontrado é que de fato, até 2009, a coalizão pró-desenvolvimento econômico conseguiu que sua influencia no processo político da condução da politica climática prevalecesse, no entanto, do período posterior a 2009 até 2015, pudemos ver que a coalizão ambiental conseguiu que sua influencia causasse, inclusive, um transbordamento para a arena internacional. / This essay analyze the COP 21 outcomes, that was held in Paris in 2015, through the domestic coalitions capacity, inside China and USA, had to influence the climate policy during the period that goes from 1992 until 2015. It is through the identification of domestic (environmental and economic development) coalitions that we seek to explain how the domestic political process, in both countries, was shaped by the articulations and interactions between the groups that make up the coalitions. Until COP 21, global climate policy did not seem to advance towards a solution to global warming, COP 15 is referred to, in this paper, as the failure of climate agreements, however, 5 years later in 2015, U.S and China together, the two largest emitters today, announce their targets for reducing greenhouse gases. What explains this change of position, according to the hypothesis of this work, is that the maturation and articulation of domestic coalitions within both countries, first, and the bilateral agreements that both promoted between the years of 2009 and 2015 to deal with the climate change issues outside of the UN system of decision-making. The result was that in fact, until 2009, the economic development coalition had its influence on the political process of climate policy prevailing, however, from the period after 2009 until 2015, we could see that the environmental coalition succeeded in its influence would even cause an overflow to the international arena.

Esta dissertação visa contribuir com uma agenda específica na Ciência Política, a saber, a questão da transparência de dados econômicos e sociais. Apesar da importância que tem sido dada ao tema, são poucos os estudos que analisam os determinantes políticos da transparência. Quando o fazem, utilizam medidas de democracia e variáveis socioeconômicas em sua explicação. Nosso texto vai além disso e identifica que a variação no nível de transparência pode ser explicada por variáveis institucionais e de competição política, vale dizer, o tipo de forma de governo e força da oposição em países democráticos, em um primeiro momento, e a consolidação democrática na sobre as novas democracias da América Latina em sequência. A nossa análise se debruça sobre uma amostra de 78 países de 1980 a 2007 e evidência efeitos significativos de nossas variáveis explicativas. / This thesis aims to contribute to a specific agenda in political science, namely the issue of transparency of economic and social data. Despite the importance that has been given to this issue, there are few studies that examine the political determinants of transparency. When they do, they are using measures of democracy and socioeconomic variables in their explanation. Our text goes beyond this and identifies that change in the level of transparency can be explained by institutional variables and political competition, that is, the kind of form of government and opposition forces in democratic countries, at first, and the consolidation democratic in on the new democracies in Latin America in sequence. Our analysis focuses on a sample of 78 countries from 1980 to 2007 and evidence significant effects of our explanatory variables.