Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar de forma aprofundada um dos principais atores políticos da atual democracia brasileira: o Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB). Mais especificamente, buscou-se responder a seguinte pergunta: como um partido criado para ser a oposição legal ao regime ditatorial se tornou um partido governista com o retorno à democracia? Para compreender a mudança de comportamento desta organização, em primeiro lugar foi analisada a sua importância para a formação de coalizões governamentais. A sua posição de centro no espectro político brasileiro e a sua ampla presença no Congresso Nacional o torna um parceiro ideal para a formação de maiorias parlamentares. Em segundo lugar, foi analisada a importância da participação no governo para o PMDB. Suas características de centralidade e peso foram investigadas desde a sua origem, antes mesmo do MDB, no antigo PSD. Heterogeneidade, federalização, moderação e bom desempenho eleitoral são as principais causas, herdadas do MDB e do PSD, da formação destas características na década de 1980. Contudo, o retorno à democracia impôs um novo contexto político à organização e a necessidade de se adaptar a ele. Ao longo da década de 1990 o partido sofreu uma conversão institucional e um grupo particular, o governista, tomou a frente de sua direção. Dados eleitorais, de apresentação de emendas individuais ao orçamento e entrevistas com membros do partido fornecem mais informações sobre o comportamento político e as transformações sofridas pela sigla. / The objective of this research was to examine in detail one of the main political actors of the current Brazilian democracy: the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB). More specifically, I sought to answer the following question: how a party created to be the legal opposition to the dictatorial regime has become a ruling party with the re-establishment of the democracy? To answer this question, firstly, PMDBs importance for the formation of government coalitions was analyzed. Its central position in the Brazilian political spectrum and its widespread presence in the National Congress make it an ideal partner for the formation of parliamentary majorities. Secondly, I analyzed the importance of the participation in the government for PMDB. Its characteristics of centrality and political weight were investigated since its genesis. Heterogeneity, federalization, moderation and good electoral performance are the main causes for the formation of these characteristics in the 1980s. Nevertheless, the return to democracy imposed to PMDB a new political context and the need to adapt to it. Throughout the 1990s the party suffered an institutional conversion and a particular group, the governistas, took charge of its national direction. Electoral data, budget amendment data and interviews with party members provided more information about the political behavior and the transformations undergone by the party.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar de forma aprofundada um dos principais atores políticos da atual democracia brasileira: o Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB). Mais especificamente, buscou-se responder a seguinte pergunta: como um partido criado para ser a oposição legal ao regime ditatorial se tornou um partido governista com o retorno à democracia? Para compreender a mudança de comportamento desta organização, em primeiro lugar foi analisada a sua importância para a formação de coalizões governamentais. A sua posição de centro no espectro político brasileiro e a sua ampla presença no Congresso Nacional o torna um parceiro ideal para a formação de maiorias parlamentares. Em segundo lugar, foi analisada a importância da participação no governo para o PMDB. Suas características de centralidade e peso foram investigadas desde a sua origem, antes mesmo do MDB, no antigo PSD. Heterogeneidade, federalização, moderação e bom desempenho eleitoral são as principais causas, herdadas do MDB e do PSD, da formação destas características na década de 1980. Contudo, o retorno à democracia impôs um novo contexto político à organização e a necessidade de se adaptar a ele. Ao longo da década de 1990 o partido sofreu uma conversão institucional e um grupo particular, o governista, tomou a frente de sua direção. Dados eleitorais, de apresentação de emendas individuais ao orçamento e entrevistas com membros do partido fornecem mais informações sobre o comportamento político e as transformações sofridas pela sigla. / The objective of this research was to examine in detail one of the main political actors of the current Brazilian democracy: the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB). More specifically, I sought to answer the following question: how a party created to be the legal opposition to the dictatorial regime has become a ruling party with the re-establishment of the democracy? To answer this question, firstly, PMDBs importance for the formation of government coalitions was analyzed. Its central position in the Brazilian political spectrum and its widespread presence in the National Congress make it an ideal partner for the formation of parliamentary majorities. Secondly, I analyzed the importance of the participation in the government for PMDB. Its characteristics of centrality and political weight were investigated since its genesis. Heterogeneity, federalization, moderation and good electoral performance are the main causes for the formation of these characteristics in the 1980s. Nevertheless, the return to democracy imposed to PMDB a new political context and the need to adapt to it. Throughout the 1990s the party suffered an institutional conversion and a particular group, the governistas, took charge of its national direction. Electoral data, budget amendment data and interviews with party members provided more information about the political behavior and the transformations undergone by the party.

Orientador: Renato Peixoto Dagnino / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T22:38:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dias_RafaeldeBrito_D.pdf: 2045029 bytes, checksum: f9a3e5369eb7d7826cf5e80d680dc3d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo apresentar as principais transformações pelas quais a política científica e tecnológica (PCT) brasileira passou nas últimas seis décadas, com foco particular nas mudanças mais recentes (a partir de 2000). A reflexão acerca da trajetória dessa política feita no presente trabalho está baseada no referencial de Análise de Política (Policy Analysis), que possibilita a apreciação de questões sutis atinentes às políticas públicas que geralmente são ignorados, tais como assimetrias de poder, particularidades do processo de tomada de decisão, conflitos, valores, interesses, etc. Além disso, esse referencial - e, em particular, um de seus conceitos, o de advocacy coalitions - permite apreciar o significado das transformações ocorridas na política pública a partir de uma perspectiva histórica mais ampla. Também constitui uma parte importante do referencial teórico-metodológico empregado nesse trabalho o campo dos Estudos Sociais da Ciência e da Tecnologia (ECTS) e, em particular, as reflexões realizadas no âmbito da vertente latino-americana desse campo a partir da década de 1960. O trabalho identifica duas fases da política científica e tecnológica brasileira nesse período: a primeira, de 1950 a 1980, inserida no projeto desenvolvimentista; e a segunda, a partir de 1980, na qual as figuras do mercado e da empresa privada ganham importância crescente. Destaca, além disso, a constante participação da comunidade de pesquisa brasileira como ator dominante dessa política. Por fim, o trabalho destaca a promissora emergência de um ator cuja participação na política científica e tecnológica brasileira tem sido historicamente pouco expressiva: os movimentos sociais. Essa reflexão é feita a partir da análise do movimento da Tecnologia Social, conformado recentemente, mas que tem sido, até o momento, um dos principais mecanismos de inclusão das demandas desse ator na agenda dessa política. / Abstract: The main objective of this dissertation is to present the main transformations underwent by Brazilian science and technology policy (STP) in the last six decades, with particular focus in the more recent changes (after 2000). The arguments concerning this policy's trajectory is based on the Policy Analysis framework, which makes it possible to take into account subtle questions related to public policies that are generally ignored, such as power asymmetries, particularities of the decision making process, conflicts, values, interests, etc. Moreover, this approach - and, in particular, one of its concepts, that of advocacy coalitions - allows us to understand the meaning of transformations in public policies from a broader historical perspective. Also the field of Social Studies of Science and Technology constitutes an important part of the theoretical and methodological approach this work is based on. In this sense, the ideas derived from the Latin American Thought on Science, Technology and Society from the 1960's on are particularly interesting. In this work we identify two main phases of the Brazilian science and technology policy in this period: the first one, stretching from the 1950's to the 1980's, which was inserted in the nationalist project; and the second, starting in 1980, in which markets and private companies gain an increasing importance. We emphasize, moreover, the constant participation of the Brazilian research community as this policy's dominant actor. Finally, we stress the promising emergence of an actor whose participation in the Brazilian science and technology policy has historically been peripheral: the social movements. This argument is made based on the analysis of the Social Technology movement which, although still very recent, has so far been one of the main mechanisms of inclusion of the demands of this actor in the STP agenda. / Doutorado / Doutor em Política Científica e Tecnológica

This paper aims to measure the relationship between systemic vulnerability and government development investments. Systemic vulnerability is a concept introduced by Doner et al. (2005), which suggests that broad coalitions, severe external threats and scarce resources will lead to developmental states. Developmental states have several definitions that can generally be divided into structural and ideological features. Structural features include aspects related to state capacity and bureaucratic robustness, while ideological features refer to a stated goal of development. However, the term “developmental state” is also used as a political buzzword, which has diluted the academic concept. Education investments are used as a proxy for development investments because of the long-term societal and economic benefits that education has in a society. The study combines theories of political behavior, state-building and rentier states for the argument that systemic vulnerability should be positively correlated with education investments. Analysis is based on data from 73 countries and it shows that only some components of systemic vulnerability are correlated with education investments. The weak relationship between scarce resources and education investment follows the expected trend, while the relationship between external threat and education investment is unexpectedly negative. The broad coalitions show no statistically significant correlation between coalition size and education investment. These findings make a contribution to the field of development studies by expanding the understanding of the impact that systemic vulnerability has on development, since there has not been a large-n test of the concept on development investments before.

U.S. military bases and installations represent trillions of dollars of capital investment towards the nation’s defense infrastructure. The Department of Defense, in its response to the end of the Cold War with the Soviet Union in the 1980s, sought to reorganize and optimize this basing infrastructure to meet the emerging threats of the 21st century. A series of nationwide Base Realignment and Closure (BRAC) efforts were chartered by Congress to facilitate this task, identifying hundreds of obsolete or unneeded military installations. During the last BRAC effort in 2005, the Naval Support Activity New Orleans was targeted for closure, with its U.S. Navy and Marine Corps tenants to be reassigned elsewhere. In response to this threat, a group of retired military and civilian elites formed a non-profit entity known as the New Orleans Federal Alliance (NOFA), chartered to lobby the BRAC Commission to salvage the West Bank portion of the NSA from closure and establish a new mixed use, public-private Federal City complex in its stead. The purpose of this study was to examine the life cycle of NOFA and its partners in the context of the Federal City project over a ten year period. Interviews of key personnel involved with this coalition revealed remarkable insight into the characteristics associated with its formation, mobilization, sustainment, and fragmentation. The data illustrated the delicate relationship between the military history of New Orleans and its unique culture, and how that culture influenced actor behavior through the varied governing subsystems in the region. As one would expect, local politics dominated the adverse dynamic of the coalition’s solvency, heightened significantly in national visibility by the effects of Hurricane Katrina. The result was the dissolution of the NOFA-centered coalition and the failure of the Federal City project to achieve full maturity.

This diploma thesis presents Hnutí ANO 2011 as a Czech local governance participant. Having put emphasis on ANO's local organizations, the diploma thesis deals with particular situations in selected statutory cities during the 2014-2018 electoral cycle. As the electoral cycle went by, internal problems in local organizations emerged which ended up with party board abolishing some of the organizations. Coalitions in which ANO participated also were affected by those problems. In some cities, however, coalitions persisted and ANO local organizations had not suffer with internal problems, study of which also became a part of the research in the thesis. Having a strong leader from the business environment and limited membership, ANO 2011 is considered to be a business-firm party focused on marketing strategies and external specialists. As a typical business-firm party instance Forza Italia can be named, established in 1990s by Italian businessman and future prime minister Silvio Berlusconi. Business-firm party character of ANO may affect local governance where ANO's local organizations follow ANO party board's instructions and those organizations lack of autonomy to make their own political decisions.

In the context of military field, more and more international coalitions among allied forces have takenplace. Information from heterogeneous systems needs to be exchanged without misinterpretation so theinvolved participating actors can share a common situational awareness regarding certain data and/ormessages. This, in turn, requires the preservation of the intended meaning not only on the syntax,language, and representation level, but on a semantic level as well.The application domain of the Business Object Reference Ontology Program (BORO) method focuseson the development of ontological or semantic models for large complex operational applications,especially in the military context. It is chosen by FOI, the Swedish Defense Research Agency in thefield of Information Systems, to apply to their Semantic Interoperability (SI) project.The goal of this thesis is to investigate how BORO method can be implemented for aligning the dataand/or messages between the Swedish Armed Forces and other military organizations on a semanticlevel for the FOI SI project. To achieve this goal the design science research methodology is conductedthrough a series of steps. The analysis regarding the usability of BORO method for FOI to obtainsemantic interoperability in its project will be demonstrated as the result of this thesis, which can alsobe utilized as a reference for other military organizations when conducting activities of informationexchange.

The thesis analyses the influence of ideological distance to the formation of executive coalitions at the municipal level. The thesis attempts to determine which factors are reflected in the formation of executive coalitions, how the decision-making processes are functioning at the municipal level and what kind of actors we can determine in this processes. There is also a question if there is a difference between ideological distance of political actors at national and municipal level. Another part of the thesis deals with the possible cleavages between the long- term political subjects in the municipal council and the subjects, which are new in the municipal council. In the empirical part of the thesis there is a comparative case study on the sample of five municipalities from the municipal district of Pilsen-South - five largest municipalities in the district with the population over 3500 were examined: Přeštice, Dobřany, Blovice, Nepomuk and Stod. The field of research was conducted in these municipalities through the semi-structured interviews with the mayors and some other local politicians. An analysis of the election results in these municipalities is also included. This thesis should determine if the research about ideological distance at the municipal level has the meaningful purpose and...

In recent times we have seen coalitions of fiscally conservative member states who have sought to block further financial integration. Despite their small size, these states have come together and taken on the rest of the European Union with much success. They have had to do this since Brexit has cost them a large and powerful ally, the United Kingdom. With growing support for more integration in Germany and France, smaller states who object to further integration have had to stop their interest from being ignored. The thesis makes use of Liberal Intergovernmentalism, Rational Choice andTwo-Level Game Theory to develop the analysis. The method used is historical, which allows the question to be answered by looking at the patterns and motivations of previous coalitions. The analysis shows how coalitions, due to the distribution of power amongst member states, are necessary for small states in having their say. The analysis also looks at how these coalitions come together, how they alter the power and approach of the small states to the negotiation table. Using the case of the Frugal Four, this thesis determines the value of coalitions and attempts to determine whether coalitions are the way forward in EU negotiations due to the large UK- shaped power vacuum left over by Brexit. This thesis sees that resulting from the power shift strongly favouring the pro-integration forces and the large states coalitions offer the only means for small states to avoid having their interest ignored. The coalition also offers long term assurance for these states in the pursuit of their national preferences.

Research suggests that stakeholder investment is maximized when partnerships understand the assumptions held by partners of the benefits to be derived and contributions to be made to the partnership. In 2011, representatives from seven rural county high schools and five university departments participated in a planning workshop designed to identify elements of an effective community-academic partnership to address adolescent obesity disparity in Southern Appalachia. The purpose of this investigation was to examine key elements of partnership building by way of the Give-Get Grid partnership tool. Content analysis was conducted to identify emerging themes. University representatives consistently identified more proposed program contributions as well as benefits than their high school partners. University personnel responses generally pertained to their level of participation and investment in the partnership, whereas high school personnel tended to identify contributions fundamental to both partnership and program success. Additionally, content analysis uncovered programmatic facilitators and potential barriers that can be instrumental in program planning and forming program messages. Findings suggest that although partners often share common goals, perceptions of the value of investment and benefits may vary. The Give-Get Grid can be used during the program-planning phase to help identify these differences. Implications for practice are discussed.