Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar o processo de formação de coalizões dentro do Fundo Monetário Internacional e do Banco Mundial, evidenciando os motivos que levam os países a formarem blocos dentro dessas instituições. Como no FMI e no Banco Mundial as principais decisões são tomadas no âmbito do Diretório Executivo, este estudo se centrará na análise dos processos que levam à formação de alianças para a escolha de representantes nessa instância decisória. Por razões substantivas e metodológicas, este trabalho terá como escopo o caso brasileiro, buscando assim identificar os motivos que levariam os países a somarem seus votos na escolha de um brasileiro para representar seus interesses nessas instituições. Partindo da literatura que analisa como os países utilizam ajuda externa para perseguir seus objetivos, essa pesquisa analisará quantitativamente se os países mais pobres trocariam apoio político nas instituições financeiras internacionais por benefícios econômicos. Para tanto, será testada a hipótese de que os países que compõem a coalizão brasileira dentro dos Diretórios Executivos do FMI e Banco Mundial possuem mais chances de receber ajuda externa do Brasil do que os países que não apoiam o Brasil nessas instituições. Os resultados encontrados confirmam a hipótese. / This research analyzes the coalition formation processes within the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. More specifically, since the IMF and World Bank\'s main decisions are made by their Executive Directorate, this study focuses on the alliance formation for choosing the representatives for these boards. For substantive and methodological reasons, this work focuses on the Brazilian case, and identifies reasons why countries pool votes for a Brazilian to represent their interests within these organizations. Based on the literature about country\'s use of foreign aid to pursue foreign policy objectives, this paper quantitatively explores whether poor countries exchange their political support in the international financial arena for economic gains. Therefore, this research tests the hypothesis that members of the Brazilian constituencies in the IMF and World Bank are more likely to receive foreign aid from Brazil. The results confirm this hypothesis.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar o processo de formação de coalizões dentro do Fundo Monetário Internacional e do Banco Mundial, evidenciando os motivos que levam os países a formarem blocos dentro dessas instituições. Como no FMI e no Banco Mundial as principais decisões são tomadas no âmbito do Diretório Executivo, este estudo se centrará na análise dos processos que levam à formação de alianças para a escolha de representantes nessa instância decisória. Por razões substantivas e metodológicas, este trabalho terá como escopo o caso brasileiro, buscando assim identificar os motivos que levariam os países a somarem seus votos na escolha de um brasileiro para representar seus interesses nessas instituições. Partindo da literatura que analisa como os países utilizam ajuda externa para perseguir seus objetivos, essa pesquisa analisará quantitativamente se os países mais pobres trocariam apoio político nas instituições financeiras internacionais por benefícios econômicos. Para tanto, será testada a hipótese de que os países que compõem a coalizão brasileira dentro dos Diretórios Executivos do FMI e Banco Mundial possuem mais chances de receber ajuda externa do Brasil do que os países que não apoiam o Brasil nessas instituições. Os resultados encontrados confirmam a hipótese. / This research analyzes the coalition formation processes within the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. More specifically, since the IMF and World Bank\'s main decisions are made by their Executive Directorate, this study focuses on the alliance formation for choosing the representatives for these boards. For substantive and methodological reasons, this work focuses on the Brazilian case, and identifies reasons why countries pool votes for a Brazilian to represent their interests within these organizations. Based on the literature about country\'s use of foreign aid to pursue foreign policy objectives, this paper quantitatively explores whether poor countries exchange their political support in the international financial arena for economic gains. Therefore, this research tests the hypothesis that members of the Brazilian constituencies in the IMF and World Bank are more likely to receive foreign aid from Brazil. The results confirm this hypothesis.

Since 2001, increased policy attention and federal funding mechanisms have required more effective disaster response by government actors and private sector organizations, including the health care system. However, there is limited scholarly evidence documenting which structural elements have been associated with efficacious regional coalitions. This study addressed the gap by examining whether the number of different participating disciplines (a proxy for coalition roles), community setting, and prior weather-related disaster declaration influenced the number of activities (a proxy for coalition responsibilities) conducted by the health care coalition. Social network theory was the theoretical lens with which the study results were used to examine the relational structures within coalitions. The quantitative study was based on archival data from a survey in 2011 of 375 acute care hospitals in the United States. A general linear model analysis was conducted, and results suggest a statistically significant relationship between the number of disciplines and the number of conducted activities. As the number of different disciplines increases in a coalition, so do the different types of conducted activities. Based on the analysis, community setting--urban versus nonurban--and the occurrence of a federally declared, weather-related disaster did not influence the number of coalition activities. This study provides evidence that establishing network structures for health care coalitions will advance the field of health care emergency preparedness and disaster response. The findings from this research may promote social change by guiding future policy development and research necessary to develop resilient and efficacious disaster response systems, resulting in reduced loss of life and injury.

What lies beneath Our cultured constructions? The wild lies beneath. The mud and the mad, the bunyip Other, lies beneath. It echoes through our layered metaphors We hear its memories Through animal mythology in wilder places Through emotive imagination of landscape memoir Through mythic archaeologies of object art. Not the Nation, but the land has active influence. In festivals of bioregion, communities re-member its voice. Our creativity goes to what lies beneath. This thesis explores the ways we develop deeper and wilder connections to specific regional and local landscapes using art, festival, mythology and memoir. It argues that we inhabit and understand the specific nature of our locale when we plan space for the non-human and creatively celebrate culture-nature coalitions. A wilder and more active sense of place relies upon community cultural conversations with the mythic, represented in the Australian exemplar of the bunyip. The bunyip acts as a metaphor for the subaltern or hidden culture of a place. The bunyip is land incarnate. No matter how pristine the wilderness or how concrete the urban, every region has its localised bunyip-equivalent that defines, and is shaped by, its community and their environmental relationships. Human/non-human cohabitations might be actively expressed through art and cultural experience to form a wilder, more emotive landscape memoir. This thesis discusses a diverse range of landstories, mythologies, environmental art, and bioregional festivities from around Australasia with a special focus on the Sunshine Coast or Gubbi-Gubbi region. It suggests a subaltern indigenous influence in how we imagine, plan and celebrate place. The cultural discourses of metaphor, memoir, mythology and memory shape land into landscapes. When the metaphor is wild, the memoir celebratory, the mythology animal, the memory creative and complex, our ways of being are ecocentric and grounded. The distinctions between nature and culture become less defined; we become native to country. Our multi-cultured histories are written upon the earth; our community identities shape and are shaped by the land. Together, monsters and festivals remind us of the active land.

<p>This dissertation consists of three interrelated essays examining the role of crisis events in Swedish nuclear energy policymaking. The study takes stock of the idea of ‘crisis exceptionalism’ raised in the literature, which postulates that crisis events provide openings for major policy change. In an effort to explain crisis-induced outcomes in Swedish nuclear energy policy, each essay explores and develops theoretical assumptions derived from the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The introduction discusses the ACF and other theoretical perspectives accentuating the role of crisis in policymaking and identifies three explanations for crisis-induced policy outcomes: minority coalition mobilization, learning, and strategic action. Essay I analyzes the nature and development of the Swedish nuclear energy subsystem. The results contradict the ACF assumption that corporatist systems nurture narrow subsystems and small advocacy coalitions, but corroborate the assumption that advocacy coalitions remain stable over time. While this analysis identifies temporary openings in policymaking venues and in the advocacy coalition structure, it is argued that these developments did not affect crisis policymaking. Essay II seeks to explain the decision to initiate a referendum on nuclear power following the 1979 Three Mile Island accident. Internal government documents and other historical records indicate that strategic considerations superseded learning as the primary explanation in this case. Essay III conducts an in-depth examination of Swedish policymaking in the aftermath of the 1986 Chernobyl accident in an effort to explain the government’s decision not to accelerate the nuclear power phaseout. Recently disclosed government documents show that minority coalition mobilization was insufficient to explain this decision. In this case, rational learning and strategic action provided a better explanation. The main theoretical contribution derived from the three essays is to posit the intensity and breadth of political conflict, strategic action, and analogical reasoning as key factors affecting the propensity for crisis-induced policy change.</p>

World Social Forum, and the worldwide appearance of regional, national and local Social Forums (SF), is an important part of the movement for global justice. The aim of this thesis is to explore how the SF as a global phenomenon is interpreted and staged locally in Sweden. Central questions are: What local meanings are given to the SF phenomenon when it is introduced and organized in a local context? What relations are created between the various actors in this organizational process in terms of coalitions and power relations? How do the SFs relate to the Swedish institutionalized popular adult education? These questions are explored in the four articles on which this thesis rests. Ethnographic field studies of local organizational processes constitute the empirical basis of theoretically informed hermeneutic interpretations. A neo-gramscian perspective is used to analyze the SF as a potentially counter-hegemonic popular education phenomenon. This perspective has been complemented by mainly two theoretical concepts, that is, framing and symbolic capital. Results demonstrate how the emergence of SFs in Sweden is characterized by a widespread desire among various activists and organizations to build coalitions. In the establishment of SFs the institutionalized popular adult education play both the role of a source of economic and material resources and of being a link between various organizations. However, in the wide and formally open organizational process, specific distinctions and hierarchies arise that might neutralize the SF’s ideological impact and its potential for counter-hegemonic coalition construction. Finally, a Swedish academic debate on the concept of “folkbildning” (popular adult education) is addressed. It is argued that there is a need to widen the scope of this debate to more frequently focus on global (popular) educational phenomena (such as the social forums) in research on “folkbildning”, and not only pay attention to “typical” national or Nordic institutions and traditions.

My dissertation research is interdisciplinary in nature, at the nexus of three areas of scholarly work and actual practices: union renewal and non-unionized workers-rights organizing in Canada and the US; feminist, anti-racist Marxian approaches to class relations as being racialized, gendered and bureaucratic; and, the institutional ethnographic method of inquiry into social reality. My empirical focus is on the Ontario Minimum Wage Campaign (OMWC). The OMWC was a Toronto-based labour-community project to raise the minimum wage to $10 per hour. It was started in 2001 by Justice for Workers (J4W), was carried on by the Ontario Needs a Raise coalition (ONR) from 2003 to 2006, and was re-launched in 2007 by the Toronto and York Region Labour Council (TYRLC) in association with some community groups. The OMWC brought together across time and space activist groups, community agencies and labour organizations, all of whose volunteers, members, clients, educators, officials and staff were the agents and/or targets of the campaign. The apparent victory of the OMWC is quite contested. Local campaign realities were compartmentalized in numerous ways and OMWC involvement met different institutionally specific and coordinated needs. And while coalitions generally arise as vehicles to transcend such institutional separation, the campaign was challenged to materially bridge such compartmentalization. The fragmentation of reality amongst institutions and how it was managed in practice affected how collaboration, participation, and decision-making happened and appeared to have happened in organizing and educational activities. While there were at times transformative intentions, there was generally a pragmatic anti-racist organizing practice and effect. I contend that the complexity of contemporary society poses great challenges for the possibilities for human-agency based labour-community workers-rights organizing with a broad-based, political capacity for movement building orientation. I suggest that this is largely so because the social coordination of what we do and what we understand about what we do turns on at least three components of social reality: an institution-based organization of multi-layered social relations that is generally locally circumscribed but extralocally driven; a conditioned individually-driven orientation to meeting human needs; and an ideological orientation to both the content of ideas and thought, and the process of that reasoning.

My dissertation research is interdisciplinary in nature, at the nexus of three areas of scholarly work and actual practices: union renewal and non-unionized workers-rights organizing in Canada and the US; feminist, anti-racist Marxian approaches to class relations as being racialized, gendered and bureaucratic; and, the institutional ethnographic method of inquiry into social reality. My empirical focus is on the Ontario Minimum Wage Campaign (OMWC). The OMWC was a Toronto-based labour-community project to raise the minimum wage to $10 per hour. It was started in 2001 by Justice for Workers (J4W), was carried on by the Ontario Needs a Raise coalition (ONR) from 2003 to 2006, and was re-launched in 2007 by the Toronto and York Region Labour Council (TYRLC) in association with some community groups. The OMWC brought together across time and space activist groups, community agencies and labour organizations, all of whose volunteers, members, clients, educators, officials and staff were the agents and/or targets of the campaign. The apparent victory of the OMWC is quite contested. Local campaign realities were compartmentalized in numerous ways and OMWC involvement met different institutionally specific and coordinated needs. And while coalitions generally arise as vehicles to transcend such institutional separation, the campaign was challenged to materially bridge such compartmentalization. The fragmentation of reality amongst institutions and how it was managed in practice affected how collaboration, participation, and decision-making happened and appeared to have happened in organizing and educational activities. While there were at times transformative intentions, there was generally a pragmatic anti-racist organizing practice and effect. I contend that the complexity of contemporary society poses great challenges for the possibilities for human-agency based labour-community workers-rights organizing with a broad-based, political capacity for movement building orientation. I suggest that this is largely so because the social coordination of what we do and what we understand about what we do turns on at least three components of social reality: an institution-based organization of multi-layered social relations that is generally locally circumscribed but extralocally driven; a conditioned individually-driven orientation to meeting human needs; and an ideological orientation to both the content of ideas and thought, and the process of that reasoning.

Det finns en uppfattning att antalet stater i en koalition har en negativ inverkan påsannolikheten för seger i krig. Flera författare beskriver de koordinations- ochinteroperabilitetsproblem som finns mellan stater i en koalition. Interoperabilitetbeskrivs som nyckeln till framtida krigföring. Denna uppsats bedömer dettapåstående genom att med en statistisk metod undersöka problemet. Syftet meduppsatsen är att med utgångspunkt från en teoretisk diskussion kvantitativtundersöka huruvida antalet stater utgör en betingelse för seger i ett krig. I denteoretiska diskussionen förklaras begreppet interoperabilitet. En hypotes formulerasmed grund i en teoretisk ansats. Denna ansats bygger på förkla ringsmodeller på dekoordinationsproblem, kultur- och språkskillnader som finns i mellanstatligtsamarbete. Två alternativa hypoteser formuleras också. Hypoteserna testas sedan,utnyttjande PROBIT regressionsanalys, med ett dataset inkluderande allamellanstatliga krig 1823-1990. Resultatet tyder på att hypotesen och den allmännauppfattningen om antalet stater i en koalition inte får något stöd. Deinteroperabilitetsproblem som finns mellan stater i en koalition är inte så generellaatt de påverkar utfallet av krig. / There is a common view that the number of states negatively influences theprobability of victory for coalitions. Many writers describe the coordinationandinteroperability problems existing between states inside coalitions.Interoperability is claimed as the key to future warfare; this essay assesses theclaim using a statistical method. The purpose of this essay is to study if thenumber of states is a condition for victory, based on theoretical discussion. Inthe theoretical discussion interoperability is defined. A hypothesis isformulated on the basis of a theoretical approach. This approach is built ondifferent models referring to the co-ordination, culture and language problemsthat exist in interstate co-operation. Two alternative hypotheses are alsoformulated. Using PROBIT regression the hypotheses are then tested on a dataset including all interstate wars from 1823 to 1990. It is found that the mainhypothesis is not supported. The interoperability problems that exist betweenstates in a coalition are not critical enough to influence the probability ofvictory in war. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 00-02

School reform efforts, such as those to form high school gay-straight alliance clubs (GSAs), are often met with resistance by school personnel and local community members. Using a sample of newspaper articles related to school reform GSA controversies in two Southern states (N=83) drawn from an initial sampling frame of GSA controversies receiving newspaper coverage between January 2006 and August 2011 (N=631), I use narrative analysis-- including a discourse coalitions approach--to identify common themes of resistance in the narration of characters, plot, setting, and morals which GSA members and allies must overcome to successfully form GSAs. Substantively, I locate four major narration strategies in my analysis of the stories used to support or oppose GSAs: 1) character construction strategies that make positive or negative claims about stakeholders including school personnel, the GSA club, and its members, 2) counter narration strategies which attempt to portray the GSA as promoting sexual activity, 3) counter narration strategies which seek to oppose the GSA based on an idea that a GSA club and its members will recruit other students to become gay or lesbian, and 4) setting- talk narratives based on notions of `small town' or Christian morality to show why or why not a GSA is wanted or needed. Methodologically, I locate one major finding for future scholars of narratives: the demarcation of setting-talk in narratives which story the setting as implicitly containing the morals of the story. In my particular cases, setting-talk implicates acceptable religious or moral boundary expectations of the local citizenry. Overall, this thesis serves as a call for scholars to examine narratives in education and social movement research while informing researchers and educators of common resistance themes in GSA formation.