Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T13:27:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 3483806 bytes, checksum: d393ed74b5e30e1972071d6ee3771719 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research examines the possible changes in collective labor bargaining, occurred in the leatherfootwear segment Paraiba, resulting from changes observed in this segment, from the year 1990. For this, we analyzed the agreements and the collective labor conventions, signed by three trade unions in the shoe industry of Paraiba, as well as interviews with union leaders to them. The results show that the technological and organizational changes implemented primarily by large companies, provided significant impact on labor relations that directly and indirectly contributed to change the shape and content of the negotiations, directly influencing, promoting and negotiating agreements and conventions that more flexible pay, hours and employment, and indirectly, because these innovations, as well as the flexibility of negotiated issues listed above, had some negative consequences for workers, as the breach of labor laws (with the creation of worker cooperatives fraudulent for example), the increase in working hours, occupational diseases (RSI/WMSD) and high turnover, so that unions acted at various times, in areas or fields hitherto little explored or never, but using the procedures or mechanisms already well known in the trade union as collective bargaining and, in some cases, using other forms of action such as lawsuits and labor stoppage. These events signaled, so the relevance of our assumptions and search that guided our research. / Esta pesquisa analisa as possíveis mudanças nas negociações coletivas de trabalho, ocorridas no segmento coureiro-calçadista paraibano, decorrentes das transformações verificadas neste segmento, a partir dos anos 1990. Para isto, foram analisados os Acordos e as Convenções Coletivas de Trabalho, celebrados pelos três sindicatos de trabalhadores na indústria calçadista paraibana, bem como realizadas entrevistas junto a dirigentes sindicais dos mesmos. Os dados obtidos revelam que as mudanças tecnológicas e organizacionais implementadas, principalmente pelas grandes empresas, proporcionaram impactos significativos sobre as relações de trabalho que, direta e indiretamente, contribuíram para alterar a forma e o conteúdo das negociações. Diretamente, influenciando, promovendo ou negociando Acordos e Convenções que flexibilizaram a remuneração, a jornada e a contratação. Indiretamente, na medida em que estas inovações, bem como a flexibilização negociada desses aspectos acima relacionados, tiveram algumas consequências negativas para os trabalhadores. Dentre estas consequências, destacam-se o descumprimento da legislação trabalhista (com a criação de cooperativas de trabalho fraudulentas, por exemplo), o aumento da jornada de trabalho, de doenças ocupacionais (LER/DORT) e da elevada rotatividade. Isto fez com que os sindicatos atuassem, em vários momentos, em áreas ou campos até então pouco ou nunca explorados, mas usando de procedimentos ou mecanismos já bem conhecidos no meio sindical, como as negociações coletivas e, em alguns casos, valendo-se de outras formas de atuação, como as ações judiciais e a paralisação das atividades laborais. Estes fatos sinalizaram, assim, a pertinência de nossas suposições e das buscas que nortearam nossa pesquisa.

Collective bargaining is one of the most important manifestations of the right   to freedom of association, because it serves as the mean through which unions can, progressively, improve labor conditions. It is because of its importance that the contentof this right cannot find itself limited in the possibility for employees  to negotiate their own remuneration, which is what is happening with public employees in our country.In this article, the author makes an analysis of the content of the right of collective bargaining and its limitations imposed by our regulation, from the perspective  of various national and international bodies. Those limitations would be unconstitutional, for they are restraining part of the essential content of the right of collective bargaining, existing, moreover, more suitable measures to achieve the balance between this right and public budget needs. / El derecho a la negociación colectiva es uno de las manifestaciones más importantes del derecho de libertad sindical, pues se trata delmedio mediante el cual los sindicatos pueden lograr, de manera progresiva, mejores condiciones laborales. Es debido a esta importanciaque el contenido de dicho derecho no debeverse limitado en cuanto a la posibilidad de los empleados de negociar su propia remuneración, lo cual sí sucede en el caso de los empleados públicos en nuestro país.En el presente artículo, el autor realiza un análisis del contenido y los límites impuestos a la negociación colectiva en nuestro ordenamiento, desde la perspectiva de distintos órganos nacionales e internacionales. Dichas limita- ciones serían inconstitucionales, dado que se está restringiendo parte del contenido esencial del derecho a la negociación colectiva, siendo posible encontrar medidas más idóneas para balancear el ejercicio de dicho derecho con las necesidades de presupuesto público.

The model of peruvian collective relations: from interventionist and restrictive to promotionalThe article begins by considering a system or democratic model of labor relations implies a significant degree of self-gravitating through the presence of collective autonomy as self-regulation agreed in relations between the representatives of workers and employers. That collides with the fact thatin Latin America, with the exception of Uruguay, the model is remarkably restrictive. Although our country since the Constitutionof 1979 explicitly ascribes to the model of Social State of Law – which in the labor field was expressed in the consecration of a democratic model of labor relations, this has not had correlation with the infra-constitutional regulation.Then, the article presents the main characteristics of a democratic model of labor relations which has as main features: i.–The dialectical conception of labor relations and assignment to the conflict of a functional role within the constitutional scheme, ii.– The consecration of collective autonomy as an essential piece of the regulatory system, iii.– The promotional intervention and feeder system from the state as a notion of closure of exceptional transcendence. Finally, the article points out the principalnovelties on the subject contained in the Project of General Labor Law, the same that is in line within the new Latin American context of impulse of the collective autonomy that exists in countries like Brazil, Paraguay, Dominican Republic, Uruguay and also seeks to promote the gradual substitution of decentralized and dysfunctional model for the functioning of the country, establishing a certain preference for the sectorial bargaining. / El artículo parte de considerar que un sistema o modelo democrático de relaciones de trabajo implica un grado significativo de autodeterminación, mediante la presencia gravitante de la autonomía colectiva como la autorregulación pactada en las relaciones entre los representantes de los trabajadores y empleadores. Ello colisiona con el hecho de que en América Latina, con excepción de Uruguay, el modelo es marcadamente restrictivo. Si bien nuestro país desde la Constitución de 1979 se adscribe explícitamente al modelo de Estado Social de Derecho —lo que en el campo laboral se expresabaen la consagración de un modelo democrático de relaciones laborales—, esto no ha tenido correlato en la regulación infraconstitucional. Seguidamente, el artículo nos presenta las principales características de un modelo democrático de relaciones laborales que tiene como principales rasgos: i. La concepción dialéctica de las relaciones de trabajo y asignación al conflicto de un papel funcional dentro del esquema constitucional; ii. La consagración de la autonomía colectiva como pieza esencial del sistema normativo; iii. La intervención promocional y alimentadora del sistema por parte del Estado como noción de cierre de excepcional trascendencia. Finalmente, el artículo señala las principales novedades que sobre el tema contiene el Proyecto de Ley General de Trabajo, el cual se enmarca dentro del nuevo contextolatinoamericano de impulso de la autonomía colectiva que se vive en países como Brasil, Paraguay, República Dominicana y Uruguay, y que además busca impulsar la paulatina sustitución del modelo descentralizado y disfuncional para el funcionamiento del país, estableciendo una cierta preferencia por la negociación sectorial.

In the present round table, leading specialists in Labour Law, Administrative Law and Constitutional Law comment the Peruvian Constitutional Court’s decision on case files 0003-2013-PI/TC, 0004-2013-PI/TC y 0023-2013-PI/TC. This decision addresses the prohibition of collective bargaining on remunerations in the public sector. / En la presente mesa redonda, destacados especialistas en Derecho Laboral, Derecho Administrativo y Derecho Constitucional comentan la sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional peruano recaída en los Expedientes 0003-2013-PI/TC, 0004-2013-PI/TC y 0023-2013-PI/TC. Esta sentencia aborda el tema de la prohibición de la negociación colectiva en materia remunerativa en el sector público.

O estudo é dedicado à análise da eficácia do reconhecimento das convenções coletivas de trabalho e dos acordos coletivos de trabalho como garantia fundamental diante da outorga constitucional encerrada no inciso XXVI do art. 7º da Constituição Federal. A importância da abordagem construída está na ponderação do status representativo desse destaque na Lei Fundamental como aperfeiçoamento da tríade francesa da liberdade, igualdade e fraternidade (solidariedade), de modo a prevalecer nas relações individuais de trabalho a normatividade incorporada ao ordenamento jurídico por essas fontes de direito, decorrentes do exercício da autonomia privada do cidadão-trabalhador em assembleia participativa e direta. Para tanto, o trabalho percorre um itinerário em três movimentos. O primeiro, mediante abordagem histórica e resgate das motivações jurídicas de modelação da convenção coletiva de trabalho, em curso espaço de tempo igualmente designada por contrato coletivo de trabalho, e dos movimentos associativo-sindicais. No segundo, a inicial definição de premissas válidas relativas aos direitos fundamentais permissiva, por consequência, permissivas da catalogação constitucional do direito ao trabalho e das garantias constantes no art. 7º da Constituição Federal. O terceiro e último, com enfoque centrado na irradiação de eficácia e repercussão nas relações de trabalho dos convênios coletivos de trabalho nas relações individuais de trabalho em prevalência à lei. / This study intentd analyzing the effectiveness of the recognition of collective labor conventions and collective bargaining agreements as a fundamental guarantee before the Constitutional granting assured by Article 7, line XXVI of the Brazilian Federal Constitution. The importance of the built approach is in taking account the representative status about this emphasis in the Basic Law as an improvement of the French slogans: freedom, equality and brotherhood (solidarity), in order for prevail in the individual employment relationships the regulations incorporated into the legal system by these source of laws, resulting from the exercise of the citizen (workers) private autonomy in Shareholders. To do so, three approaches were employed: the first, by historical approach and surrenders the legal motives of the Collective Labor Convention deployment, in short period of time also referred to as collective employment contract, and the associative movement. In the second, the start definition of valid premises report on fundamental rights permissive, as a result, of the constitutional cataloguing of the right to work and the guarantees contained in the Article 7 of the Brazilian Federal Constitution. The third and final point focusing on irradiation of the efficiency and repercussion in the work relationships of the collective labor agreements in the individual employment relations prevails over the law.

Orientador: Fernando Teixeira da Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T23:31:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Correa_LarissaRosa_D.pdf: 2370150 bytes, checksum: 68062629b0c6bbd1d02d39659e9366a0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Este estudo analisa o papel do sindicalismo norte-americano no Brasil durante o período da Ditadura Civil-Militar, por meio das atividades realizadas pelo Instituto Americano para o Desenvolvimento do Sindicalismo Livre (IADESIL) e do Instituto Cultural do Trabalho (ICT), entidades financiadas pelo governo estadunidense, pela AFL-CIO e grandes corporações norte-americanas. A pesquisa observa as ações dos sindicalistas norteamericanos voltadas para o desenvolvimento de projetos sociais e educativos na área do mundo do trabalho, incluindo os programas de intercâmbio para os Estados Unidos, interpretando-as como estratégias para implantação do chamado sindicalismo "livre e democrático" e a contenção do comunismo no Brasil. Uma das principais questões deste estudo é compreender os motivos que levaram o regime militar, mesmo no período de maior alinhamento com os interesses dos Estados Unidos, a não adotar o modelo contratualista de regulamentação trabalhista norte-americano. Para tanto, serão analisadas as relações entre os sindicalistas brasileiros e norte-americanos por meio das atividades educacionais conduzidas pelo IADESIL e o ICT, bem como a política trabalhista formulada pelos diferentes governos militares. Ao observar o desenvolvimento do programa Aliança para o Progresso na área sindical no Brasil, este estudo chama a atenção para a complexidade das relações transnacionais ocorridas durante a Guerra Fria. Nesse sentido, as ações dos sindicalistas e autoridades civis e militares brasileiras são consideradas fundamentais para compreender as relações sindicais entre Brasil e Estados Unidos entre os anos de 1964 e 1978. Não menos importante é compreender os motivos que levaram o IADESIL a diminuir suas ações no movimento sindical brasileiro a partir dos anos 1970. Por fim, deve-se enfatizar que a análise do sindicalismo norte-americano no Brasil, no apogeu da Guerra Fria, representa um importante estudo de caso que expõe as contradições, os limites e os desafios da política sindical internacional da AFL-CIO naquele período / Abstract: This study aims to analyze the role of the American trade unionism in Brazil under the Civil-Military Dictatorship. The dissertation focuses on the activities of the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), funded by the U.S. government, the AFLCIO, and U.S. employers. The analysis will point out how the Americans unionists created labor programs that I understand as a way to promote the so called "free and democratic" unionism and to combat Communism in Brazil. Accordingly, I question why the military regime, even during the high point of its alliance with the U.S. state, decided not to adopt the American contractualist labor relations system. To this end, I will analyze relations between Brazilian and American trade unions through the educational activities conduct by the AIFLD. Nevertheless, in observing the projects of the Alliance for Progress related to Brazilian unionism, I emphasize the complexity of transnational relations during the Cold War, focusing on the actions of the Brazilian government and local trade unionists which I consider to be essential in the implementation of American trade union programs in the country. Last but not least, the study seeks to understand the causes that made the AFL-CIO retreat its project in the country in the 1970s. The examination of the U.S. trade-unionism in Brazil during the heydays of the Cold War in Latin America seems to be an interesting case study of the contradictions of the AFL-CIO's international policy during that period / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutora em História

M.Comm. / Collective bargaining has undergone substantial changes in South Africa. Not alone have we seen dramatic political change but a totally new rule of law. The Interim Constitution was but the beginning. With the promulgation of Act 200 of 1994 a new era was entered into, not only for South Africa, but in particular, for collective bargaining in South Africa. With the final Constitution, Act 108 of 1996, taking effect on 4 February 1997, a new era arrived for collective bargaining. Since the passing of the Interim Constitution in 1994 there have been many changes. Various changes in the legislation occurred, amongst others, (a) the Act on National Economical Development and Labour, No. 35 of 1994, (b) the New Act on Labour Relations, No. 66 of 1995, (c) the New Act on Basic Conditions of Employment, the New Act on Public Holidays, No. 36 of 1994, (d) the Occupational Health and Safety Act, No. 85 of 1993, (e) the Compensation for Occupational Injuries and Diseases Act, No. 130 of 1993 and the like, have signalled the changes in the new collective bargaining arena. A vast amount of sections in the Constitution's Bill of Rights can be made applicable to collective bargaining. It makes one realise the importance of this subject. Section 23 of the Constitution entrenches the fundamental right of collective bargaining. This right is not only entrenched in the Constitution, but made practical under the new Labour Relations Act, Act. 66 of 1995. Of particular importance are the structures within which collective bargaining under the new Act are envisaged. The Communication sector, and in particular the Telecommunication sector in South Africa, finds itself in a very regulated environment. Exclusive rights have been granted to TELKOM for another four years, which was initially five years starting in 1997, and expiring in 2001. The Communication Workers' Union, the dominant union in the Telecommunication sector, is trying to expand its power base and is looking to gain control of the Telecommunication sector as a whole.

La tesi muove dall’analisi del contenuto degli accordi interconfederali in materia di misurazione della rappresentatività sindacale, mettendo in luce le potenzialità e le criticità dell’attuale assetto, ed interrogandosi sulla necessità di una regolamentazione legislativa della materia. Si dimostra che l’intervento normativo, escluso per quanto riguarda la contrattazione collettiva nazionale, si rivelerebbe, invece, indispensabile a livello aziendale. Descritte alcune delle proposte legislative avanzate dalla dottrina, la tesi indica le linee di un possibile intervento legislativo concentrandosi sulle strutture di rappresentanza dei lavoratori in azienda e sull’esercizio dei diritti sindacali, sull’ambito di efficacia soggettiva e sulla titolarità della contrattazione collettiva a livello aziendale, nonché sui rapporti tra questa ed il contratto collettivo nazionale di lavoro. In tale prospettiva, si analizza anche il regime delle clausole di tregua sindacale in relazione alla contrattazione collettiva aziendale e all’esercizio del diritto di sciopero. / The thesis, starting from the analysis of the contents of inter-sectoral agreements regarding the measurement of unions’ representativeness, focuses on the potentialities and criticalities of the current Italian industrial relations system. The thesis stresses that a statutory regulation in this field is not needed with reference to sectoral collective bargaining, but it could be necessary as regard to collective bargaining and workplace representatives at firm level. The thesis outlines the guidelines for a possible regulatory intervention, focusing on the functions of workplace representatives, trade union rights, collective bargaining coverage, no-strike clauses and the relationship between decentralised and sectoral collective bargaining agreements.

There are three starting points for this thesis. First, there is the system of ESD, which is criticised for lacking capacity to improve the working conditions within the EU. Secondly, there is the system developed through the global ITF FOC campaign, which is considered to have capacity to improve working conditions for seafarers at a global level. Thirdly, there is the theory on self-referential autopoietic systems, which is a useful tool for analysing systems of industrial relations and their functions. The purpose of this thesis is to deepen the understanding of the function of the ESD in relation to the development of EU legislation and policy with the aim of trying to find a model for providing a holistic analysis of regulatory systems for the labour market. The research questions are: ‘How can the significant differences and similarities between the ESD and the global ITF FOC campaign be understood?’ and ‘Why is the ESD generally regarded as lacking the capacity needed for producing results that improve working conditions, while the ITF FOC is considered to have such capacity?’ The theoretical framework used for the analysis is Luhmann’s theory on autopoietic systems. Since the thesis has a normative core I have applied a methodological model that consists of a two-layer analysis at both the empirical and theoretical level. Firstly an analysis of positivistic values has been carried out and secondly an analysis of hermeneutic values. The empirical material consists of documents and texts that can be considered part of or reflecting the communication of the studied systems. The main conclusion is that whereas the ITF FOC system is a traditional system of industrial relations based on the binary code of negotiable or non-negotiable between collective actors the ESD is a system of industrial relations based on a less clear binary code of discussable or non-discussable. The ESD is also subject to less developed communicative structures that negatively affect the system’s capacity both to produce results and to secure the efficient implementation and application of these results. This makes the ESD as a system more sensitive to hermeneutic values framing the programming of structurally coupled systems causing difficulties for the ESD to challenge such hermeneutic values.

Section 213 of the Labour Relations Act defines ’strike’ as the partial or complete concerted refusal to work, or the retardation or obstruction of work, by persons who are or have been employed by the same employer or by different employers, for the purpose of remedying a grievance or resolving a dispute in respect of any matter of mutual interest between the employer and employee, and any reference to “work” this definition includes overtime work, whether it is voluntary or compulsory. According to Mcllroy: “As long as our society is divided between those who own and control the means of production and those who only have the ability to work, strikes will be inevitable because they are the ultimate means workers have of protecting themselves.” 1 The Constitutional Court justified the exclusion of a constitutional right to lock out and the inclusion of a constitutional right to strike by indicating that the right to strike is not equivalent to a right to lock out and is essential for workplace democracy. 2 The right to strike is essential to bolster collective bargaining and thereby to give employees the power to bargain effectively with employers. The employers on the According to the Constitutional Court employers enjoy greater social and economic power compared to individual workers and may exercise a wide range of power against workers through a range of weapons, such as dismissal, the employment of alternative or replacement labour, the unilateral implementation of new terms and conditions of employment, and the exclusion of workers from the workplace. To combat this and have a say in the workplace, the Constitutional Court held that “employees need to act in concert to provide them collectively with sufficient power to bargain effectively with employers and exercise collective power primarily through the mechanism of strike action”. The importance of the right to strike in creating workplace democracy is also reflected in a number of Labour Court and Labour Appeal Court judgments. other hand have economic strength that is used to bargain effectively. That is why the strike enjoys constitutional protection, whereas the lock-out does not. / Abstract