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Sweden has been celebrated in public discourse for being a major proponent of social justice and anti-racist policies, but the country’s ambiguous history with racism has been replaced by colour-evasive discourses permeating contemporary organisations today. Management and organisation studies have focused on the individual identity work of employees, without further attention to the intersecting social positionings of Black Afro-Swedish women. By the works of Black feminism, intersectionality and a phenomenology of embodiment, this study focused on how Afro-Swedish women experience and manage their embodied identities in working life. With a qualitative research methodology and an embodied research design, data was gathered from 17 unstructured interviews with Afro-Swedish women who are professionals, managers, and executives in the public, private, as well as the third sector. The participant group consisted of 2 Deaf women and 15 hearing women. Through an inductive thematic analysis process 3 main themes were generated: Reactions and Responses, Negotiation Practices and Survival Strategies. The findings also point to a sectoral segregation of race and gender, specific for the third sector, as well as diversity exploitation that renders Black women more vulnerable by naturalising unpaid diversity labour. The concluding chapter calls for a more focused analysis about Deaf racialised women’s experiences in working life and Afro-Swedish women across a broader range of professions.

The Basque conflict has waged since the 1950s in its current form. However, with the arrival of democracy 36 years ago, the Basque Country has been the scene of an intense peace mobilization, dominated by two peace organizations: Gesto por la Paz, a group of community organizations that mobilize to publicly reject political violence, and Lokarri/Elkarri, an organization that includes a conflict resolution proposal based on dialogue between conflicting parties. While there is some literature on these organizations, none has analysed their extraordinary impact on Basque society. This research explores how the Basque peace movement has impacted on the social and political culture of the Basque conflict. It seeks to understand the nature of this impact and to determine the channels and methods by which it was achieved, using frame analysis. Three interlinked questions serve to guide the research, asking first if there is a Basque Peace Frame and if it could be considered a master frame, how this Basque Peace Frame has evolved, and, finally, how the Basque Peace Frame has impacted on other Basque Civil Society Organizations related to the conflict. This qualitative research spans the period between the March 2006 declaration of ceasefire by ETA and the end of fieldwork for this research in September 2008. The research includes 18 in depth interviews, written media, and analysis of seven notable Basque social organizations related to the conflict, in addition to the two peace organizations mentioned above. The research found the impact of the Basque peace movement in the Basque Country is significant and rich. The Basque Peace Frame developed based on the rejection of the use of violence as a political tool and identifies that violence as the main barrier to achieving an inclusive conflict resolution. The Basque peace movement organizations developed a specific kind of mobilization to enforce the Basque Peace Frame based on silent and symbolic acts. The objective was to counter the former dynamics of mobilization that were contentious and directed to promote Basque national rights. The Basque Peace Frame proposed a change in the way the political collective identity was constructed in the Basque Country, showing that an association between nationalism and violence is not obligatory. The Basque Peace Frame has evolved and spread between social organizations in the Basque Country, using sympathetic identity networks as the main channel of frame diffusion. Even organizations that did not reject the use of contentious methods of protest are now questioning the use of violence, signifying exciting prospects for the future of non-violent political action in the Basque Country.

The purpose of this research is to analyze the dynamic processes of collective identity by examining the relationship between New Orleans and its professional football team, the Saints, after Hurricane Katrina. Much of the discourse written on American professional sports focuses on economic transactions between player and franchise or franchise and city. This study explores sports from a cultural perspective to understand the perceived social values provided to the host community. This case study spans the years from 2006 to 2013 and discusses several major events, including the Hurricane Katrina disaster, the reopening of the Superdome, the Saints winning a league championship and subsequent cheating scandal, and the city’s hosting of Super Bowl XLVII. Using a mixed-method approach of content analysis, in-person interviews, and participant observation, this research demonstrates how post-Hurricane Katrina events altered the collective identity in New Orleans. Additionally, it explores how the interaction of sports, identity, and ritual served to create a civic religion in New Orleans. Finally, the research examines the impact of this religious devotion on New Orleans’ tourist economy.

Esta pesquisa busca compreender a constituição do movimento Campo de Públicas a partir do referencial teórico sobre identidade fornecido pela psicologia social. Num contexto de revigoramento da Administração Pública e de ampliação da oferta de matrículas nesses cursos, o movimento Campo de Públicas destaca-se como expressão de uma coletividade que se articula para o reconhecimento das particularidades da formação de gestores públicos. Trata-se de um estudo exploratório de natureza qualitativa. A partir do estudo da legislação que orienta a formação desses profissionais e dos referenciais fundamentais da ciência administrativa, a identidade pressuposta do administrador é traçada A parte empírica da pesquisa é desenvolvida a partir de entrevistas realizadas com integrantes do movimento Campo de Públicas, bacharéis em Administração, e analisadas com base na Análise de Conteúdo. Com base nessas entrevistas, a pesquisa evidencia que distinções significativas entre as identidades profissionais de administradores (de empresas) e administradores públicos foram um fator determinante para a constituição do movimento e o posicionamento de negação dessa identidade foi fundamental para o ingresso dos entrevistados no movimento. O Campo de Públicas foi também associado à ideia de paradigma emergente apresentado por Keinert (2000). De acordo com os resultados da pesquisa, o movimento pode ser considerado uma evidência da consolidação do Paradigma Emergente apontado por Keinert (2000). Constatou-se que a natureza da identidade coletiva em construção é uma identidade de resistência à imposição de referenciais típicos da ciência administrativa hegemônica. Todavia o movimento sinaliza em direção à construção de uma identidade de projeto, ancorada na multiplicidade da formação de seus atores e na possibilidade de construção de referencias multidisciplinares, que possam orientar a formação de gestores públicos ou até mesmo a constituição de uma identidade própria para a administração pública brasileira. / This research aims to understand the moviment constitution from the Field of Public by the theoretical framework of identity provided by social psychology. In a context of strengthening of public administration and increasing the supply of enrollments in these courses, the moviment Field of Public stands out as a collective expression of which is linked to the recognition of the peculiarities of the formation of public managers. This is an exploratory qualitative study. From the study of the legislation that guides the formation of these Professionals and of the fundamental references of administrative science, the assumed identity of the administrator is drawn. The empirical part of the research is developed from interviews with members of the moviment Field of Public bachelors in business administration and analyzed using the Content Analysis tecnique. Based on these interviews, the research shows that significant distinctions between the identities of professional administrators (from companies) and public administrators were a determining factor for the formation of the movement and positioning of denial of this identity was crucial for the respondents entrance in the moviment. The Field of Public was also associated with the idea of emergent paradigm presented by Keinert (2000). According to the survey results, the movement can be taken as na evidence from the consolidation of the Emerging Paradigm pointed by Keinert (2000). It was found that the nature of collective identity construction is an identity of resistance to the imposition of typical benchmarks of hegemonic administrative science. Although the moviment points toward the construction of a project identity, anchored in the multiplicity of the formation of its actors and in the possibility of building multidisciplinary referrals, which can guide the public managers formation or even the creation of an identity for the Brazilian public administration.

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo compreender o processo histórico das ações coletivas dos surdos da Associação de Surdos de São Paulo (ASSP), entre os anos de 1950 a 2011, período que compreende a fundação desta instituição e a criação das Escolas Municipais de Educação Bilíngue para Surdos (Emebs) na capital paulista. Neste contexto, o estudo buscou entender como surgiram as ações coletivas e como elas se mantiveram no decorrer do período investigado. Desenvolvida à luz do marco teórico de Alberto Melucci (1989, 1994, 2001, 2004), a pesquisa, de cunho qualitativo, teve como principais procedimentos para a coleta de dados, o estudo de artigos, dissertações, teses e vídeos que versavam sobre movimentos sociais; documentos da ASSP disponibilizados pelos seus dirigentes; e duas entrevistas narrativas com dois ex-presidentes da instituição. Pode-se observar que as ações coletivas que culminaram na fundação da ASSP tiveram início na década de 1950, a partir do interesse dos surdos em ter um espaço de convivência e de prática esportiva. Este espaço, em continua interação com outros atores sociais, acabou por propiciar o fortalecimento de uma identidade coletiva e a formação política de muitos surdos, fato que motivou outras ações coletivas, que foram determinantes para a fundação da Confederação Brasileira de Desportos de Surdos (CBDS) e da Federação Nacional de Educação e Integração dos Surdos (Feneis). Nesta rede de relações que foram sendo estabelecidas no decorrer da história, a ASSP teve um papel de destaque nos movimentos surdos que visaram o reconhecimento da Libras e a defesa pela educação bilíngue para surdos, assim como na transformação das antigas Escolas Municipais de Educação Especial do município de São Paulo em Escolas Municipais Bilíngues para Surdos (Emebs). / This research aimed to understand the historical process of collective actions of the deaf of the Deaf Association of São Paulo (ASSP), between the years 1950-2011, a period that includes the founding of this institution and the creation of the Municipal Bilingual Education Schools for the Deaf people (Emebs) in the state capital. In this context, the study sought to understand how these collective actions arose and how they were maintained during the investigated period. Developed based on the theoretical framework of Alberto Melucci (1989, 1994, 2001, 2004), the research, qualitative nature, had as main procedures for data collection, the study articles, dissertations, theses and videos that focused on social movements; ASSP documents made available by its directors; and two narrative interviews with two former presidents of the institution. It can be observed that the collective actions that culminated in the founding of ASSP began in the 1950s, based on the interest of the deaf in having a living space and sports practice. This space, in continuous interaction with other social actors, eventually facilitated the strengthening of a collective identity and the political formation of many deaf, which led to other collective actions that were decisive for the founding of the Brazilian Confederation of Deaf Sports (CBDS) and the National Federation of Education and Integration of the Deaf (Feneis). This network of relationships that have been established throughout history, the ASSP had a prominent role in deaf movements that aimed at the recognition of the Brazilian Sign Language and advocacy for bilingual education for the deaf, as well as the transformation of the old Special Education Public Schools in São Paulo in Bilingual Public Schools for the Deaf (Emebs)

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-06-13T19:42:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristiano Benites Oliveira_.pdf: 1391690 bytes, checksum: 8ac81ec3c07d7927386a42c4fcd10620 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-13T19:42:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristiano Benites Oliveira_.pdf: 1391690 bytes, checksum: 8ac81ec3c07d7927386a42c4fcd10620 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-19 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este estudo aborda os aspectos sócio-históricos fundamentais que constituem a reciclagem a partir dos catadores organizados do Movimento Nacional dos Catadores de Materiais Recicláveis (MNCR), enquanto protagonistas de relações e processos instituintes em meio às desigualdades da questão social que ocorrem no contexto da reciclagem de resíduos sólidos. Nesse sentido, a presente pesquisa foi realizada com intuito de aprofundar o estudo da questão social da reciclagem a partir dos seus aspectos humanos, históricos e instituintes em um âmbito societário em que toma espaço a gestão integrada de resíduos sólidos a ser compartilhada entre todos os membros da sociedade brasileira, a partir da vigência da Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos (PNRS). A perspectiva teórica adotada para o trabalho de pesquisa baseia-se nos conceitos da teoria dos frames de movimento social, da abordagem da identidade coletiva de Alberto Melucci, e da perspectiva do imaginário radical e instituinte proposta por Cornelius Castoriadis. Ao se colocar em discussão estes três aportes teóricos em interação com a metodologia reflexiva de Melucci, pode-se interpretar de modo rigoroso a práxis estratégica e instituinte que busca transformar relações econômicas, políticas e sociais desiguais em relações e processos sociais autônomos. Estas perspectivas teóricas, em contato com a metodologia proposta, também permitem que sejam interpretados e visualizados os aspectos condicionantes e limitadores desta práxis em relação aos sentidos de caráter efetivo presentes nas instituições do Estado e do mercado. Os resultados desta pesquisa confirmam a tese de que a questão social da reciclagem, ao ser tematizada pelo MNCR, proporciona processos e relações instituintes por meio do aperfeiçoamento dos frames (ecológico, social/setorial e integrado) e do imaginário radical associado tanto à conformação de um campo ético político, quanto ao projeto estratégico da “Reciclagem Popular”. Este estudo também situa, na sua última parte, as limitações heterônomas condicionadas pelas instituições que são impostas ao imaginário autônomo deste movimento. Tal imaginário tem em sua constituição um magma de significações que ajuda no aprimoramento identitário deste sujeito coletivo e no desenvolvimento societário de responsabilidades compartilhadas sobre a geração e o destino final de resíduos sólidos. / This study addresses the fundamental socio-historical aspects that constitute recycling through the organized collectors from MNCR, as protagonists of instituting relationships and processes among the inequalities of social question that occur in the context of recycling of solid waste. This research was performed to deepen the study of the social question of recycling from its human, historical and instituting aspects mid a societal context in which takes space the integrated management of solid waste, from the force of the National Solid Waste Policy (PNRS). The theoretical perspective adopted for the research work is based on the concepts of the theory of collective action frames, the approach of the collective identity of Alberto Melucci, and the radical instituting imaginary perspective proposed by Cornelius Castoriadis. Putting in discuss these three theoretical contributions and interacting with the reflective methodology of Melucci can interpret in a rigorous way the strategic and instituting praxis that seeks to transform unequal and heteronomous economic, political and social relations into autonomous social relations and processes. These theoretical perspectives, in touch with the proposed methodology also allow to interpret and visualize the conditioning and limiting aspects of this praxis in relation to effective meanings present in the institutions of the state and market. The results confirm the thesis that the social question of recycling, thematized by MNCR, provides processes and instituting relations through the improvement of frames (ecological, social/sectoral and integrated) and the radical imaginary associated to the conformation a political ethical field, as well as to the strategic project of “Popular Recycling”. This study also lies in its last part, the heteronomous limitations conditioned by the institutions that are imposed on the autonomous imaginary of this movement. Such imaginary has in its constitution a magma of meanings that helps to improve the identity of this collective subject and to develop societal responsibilities shared on the generation and the final destination of solid waste.

L’« identité collective » vietnamienne est un sujet omniprésent dans les discours médiatiques et les productions scientifiques du Vietnam et des communautés vietnamiennes d’outre-mer depuis quelques décennies. L’enjeu de cette recherche doctorale consiste à appréhender ces phénomènes identitaires vietnamiens sous un triple angle spécifique : en examinant la construction d’imaginaires sociaux de ce que signifient aujourd’hui « Vietnam » et « être vietnamien » à travers les échanges numériques entre les Vietnamiens nationaux et les Vietnamiens diasporiques. Deux phénomènes sociaux récents, la chanson Bonjour Vietnam et l’affaire des manifestations anti-chinoises au sujet du conflit sinovietnamiendes archipels des Paracels et des Spratleys, sont alors envisagés comme des lieux de construction des vietnamités numériques contemporaines. Celles-ci, investiguées dans une approche communicationnelle qui articule les trois dimensions constitutives de cette réalité sociétale, à savoir celle de la technique, celle du social et celle du sens, se sont avérées plurielles, hétérogènes,« idéologiques » et « utopiques », au sens de Paul Ricoeur. Produites à travers des pratiques de l’imagination collective, ces vietnamités numériques sont aux prises avec les flux transnationaux liés à la globalisation, tout en étant inscrites dans une logique de pouvoir de l’Etat-nation vietnamien. Ainsi,dépassant une visée de démystification ou de dénonciation idéologique, cette thèse tente de mettre au jour la dimension indépassable de l’imaginaire social, conçu comme un processus de communication. / Vietnamese « collective identity » is an omnipresent topic in medias discourses and scientificproductions of Vietnam and over-seas Vietnamese communities since some decades. This doctoralresearch aims at examining these Vietnamese identity phenomena from a triple particular stance: ininvestigating the construction of social imaginaries of what “Vietnam” and “be Vietnamese” meantoday, through digital exchanges between national Vietnamese and diasporic Vietnamese. Two recentsocial phenomena, namely the song Hello Vietnam and anti-Chinese demonstrations relative to theSino-Vietnamese conflict about Paracles and Spratleys islands, are then viewed as the places ofconstruction of contemporary digital Vietnam-nesses. These-ones, investigated in a communicationalapproach, that links together three dimensions of a social reality, that is technical, social andmeaningful, proved to be plurial, heterogeneous, “ideological” as well as “utopian”, in Paul Ricoeur’ssense. Produced in collective imagination practices, these Vietnam-nesses are confronted withtransnational flows caused by globalization, while being under the logic of power of the Vietnamesenation-state. Thus, going beyond the aim of ideological demystification or denunciation, thisdissertation attempts to reveal the inevitable dimension of social imaginary, viewed as a process ofcommunication.

Denna studie presenterar en empiriskt välgrundad bild av inställningar till våld i radikalnationalistiska rörelser samt av hur dessa (re)konstrueras och upprätthålls inom organisationer. Studien utgörs av en hermeneutisk inramningsanalys av texter, artiklar, podcasts, radioprogram och dokumentärer av och om radikalnationalistiska aktörer. Studiens resultat visar en inom radikalnationalismen gemensam världsbild av att ”det egna folket” (den vita rasen / den västerländska identiteten) är hotat av en flyktinginvasion och att staten är ovillig eller inkapabel att skydda detta folk. I detta upplevda katastrofala läge anser sig radikalnationalisterna skyldiga att skydda folket i statens ställe. Våld ses inte som ett självändamål, men däremot som ett naturligt medel i kampen för folkets överlevnad, vilket man inte tar avstånd från om det anses nödvändigt. Den radikalnationalistiska rörelsen anser sig vara utsatta såväl fysiskt som politiskt av systemet och av meningsmotståndare, vilket enligt deras resonemang gör det nödvändigt att ibland använda sig av nödvärnsvåld. Organisationernas officiella riktlinjer uppmuntrar nödvärnsvåld i syfte att skydda sig själv, sina kamrater och sin organisations heder. Internt uttalas radikaliserade varianter av detta resonemang där det beskrivs att våld alltid kan motiveras med självförsvar i och med att vårt folk är under attack och därmed behöver försvaras. / This study presents an empirically founded description of attitudes towards violence in radical nationalist social movements and of how these are (re)constructed within organisations. The analysis has been made through a hermeneutical frame analysis of texts, podcasts, documentaries and radio programmes about and issued by radical nationalist actors. The result shows that the radical nationalist movement has a collective world view of “their own people” as threatened by a refugee invasion from which the state is unwilling to protect said people. Nationalist actors see it as their responsibility to protect the people where the state fails to do so. Violence is not seen as an end, but as a natural means in the fight for survival, which will not be disregarded if perceived as advantageous. The movement sees itself as victim to physical and political injustice from the system and from political opponents, which in their view justifies use violence in self protecting purposes. Official guidelines encourage violence to protect oneself, one’s comrades and the honour of the organisation. A radicalized version is that violence always can be motivated with self-defence because “our people” is seen as under attack and needs to be defended. / Populärvetenskaplig sammanfattning Denna studie syftar till att undersöka och presentera en bild av inställningar till våld i radikalnationalistiska miljöer samt hur dessa kommer till och förändras inom organisationer. Radikalnationalism är detsamma som vad som i vardagligt tal kallas ”högerextremism”, men då man vid en närmre titt kan se att rörelsen inte går att placera på en klassisk höger-vänster-skala så har jag valt att istället använda begreppet radikalnationalism. För att nå mitt syfte har jag använt mig av inramningsteori (framing theory), vilket är en vetenskaplig metod i syfte att fånga hur organisationer konstruerar och upprätthåller en gemensam verklighet och identitet. Metoden har här använts för att se om det finns en kollektiv syn på våld inom den radikalnationalistiska rörelsen och hur denna i så fall ser ut. Studiens resultat visar att den radikalnationalistiska rörelsen har en gemensam världsbild där samhället befinner sig i fullständigt kaos, där ”det egna folket” (den vita rasen / det västerländska folket) är hotat av en flyktinginvasion och där staten är ovillig eller inkapabel att skydda detta folk. I detta upplevda katastrofala läge anser sig radikalnationalisterna skyldiga att skydda folket i statens ställe, vilket skall göras genom en framtida revolution. Våld ses inte som ett självändamål, men däremot som ett naturligt och nödvändigt medel i kampen för folkets överlevnad, vilket man inte tar avstånd från om det anses hjälpa kampen framåt. Utöver detta instrumentella våld anser sig den radikalnationalistiska rörelsen vara utsatta såväl fysiskt som politiskt av systemet och av meningsmotståndare, vilket gör det nödvändigt att ibland använda sig av nödvärnsvåld. Organisationernas officiella riktlinjer uppmuntrar nödvärnsvåld i syfte att skydda sig själv, sina kamrater och sin organisations heder. Internt uttalas radikaliserade varianter av detta resonemang där det beskrivs att våld alltid kan motiveras med självförsvar i och med att vårt folk är under attack och därmed behöver försvaras.

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo compreender o processo histórico das ações coletivas dos surdos da Associação de Surdos de São Paulo (ASSP), entre os anos de 1950 a 2011, período que compreende a fundação desta instituição e a criação das Escolas Municipais de Educação Bilíngue para Surdos (Emebs) na capital paulista. Neste contexto, o estudo buscou entender como surgiram as ações coletivas e como elas se mantiveram no decorrer do período investigado. Desenvolvida à luz do marco teórico de Alberto Melucci (1989, 1994, 2001, 2004), a pesquisa, de cunho qualitativo, teve como principais procedimentos para a coleta de dados, o estudo de artigos, dissertações, teses e vídeos que versavam sobre movimentos sociais; documentos da ASSP disponibilizados pelos seus dirigentes; e duas entrevistas narrativas com dois ex-presidentes da instituição. Pode-se observar que as ações coletivas que culminaram na fundação da ASSP tiveram início na década de 1950, a partir do interesse dos surdos em ter um espaço de convivência e de prática esportiva. Este espaço, em continua interação com outros atores sociais, acabou por propiciar o fortalecimento de uma identidade coletiva e a formação política de muitos surdos, fato que motivou outras ações coletivas, que foram determinantes para a fundação da Confederação Brasileira de Desportos de Surdos (CBDS) e da Federação Nacional de Educação e Integração dos Surdos (Feneis). Nesta rede de relações que foram sendo estabelecidas no decorrer da história, a ASSP teve um papel de destaque nos movimentos surdos que visaram o reconhecimento da Libras e a defesa pela educação bilíngue para surdos, assim como na transformação das antigas Escolas Municipais de Educação Especial do município de São Paulo em Escolas Municipais Bilíngues para Surdos (Emebs). / This research aimed to understand the historical process of collective actions of the deaf of the Deaf Association of São Paulo (ASSP), between the years 1950-2011, a period that includes the founding of this institution and the creation of the Municipal Bilingual Education Schools for the Deaf people (Emebs) in the state capital. In this context, the study sought to understand how these collective actions arose and how they were maintained during the investigated period. Developed based on the theoretical framework of Alberto Melucci (1989, 1994, 2001, 2004), the research, qualitative nature, had as main procedures for data collection, the study articles, dissertations, theses and videos that focused on social movements; ASSP documents made available by its directors; and two narrative interviews with two former presidents of the institution. It can be observed that the collective actions that culminated in the founding of ASSP began in the 1950s, based on the interest of the deaf in having a living space and sports practice. This space, in continuous interaction with other social actors, eventually facilitated the strengthening of a collective identity and the political formation of many deaf, which led to other collective actions that were decisive for the founding of the Brazilian Confederation of Deaf Sports (CBDS) and the National Federation of Education and Integration of the Deaf (Feneis). This network of relationships that have been established throughout history, the ASSP had a prominent role in deaf movements that aimed at the recognition of the Brazilian Sign Language and advocacy for bilingual education for the deaf, as well as the transformation of the old Special Education Public Schools in São Paulo in Bilingual Public Schools for the Deaf (Emebs)