Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-10-02T20:47:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LuzineleAlcobaca.pdf: 2795462 bytes, checksum: 839ee4c9557c04b62b66c20f5e3791ae (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-02T20:47:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LuzineleAlcobaca.pdf: 2795462 bytes, checksum: 839ee4c9557c04b62b66c20f5e3791ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-06 / This study is related to the discussions about Militant Engagement and particularly deals with the affirmation process of a housing association and its political entrepreneurs in the São Luís metropolitan region. The emergence of this collective agent in 2003 was the local reflection of the change that occurred in the relationship between social movements and the government noticed in the period of redemocratization in Brazil. From this, we observed a relative degree of inclusion of popular sectors in political and administrative institutions. In the Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff governments, the experiences so-called "participatory” have multiplied and become institutionalized. In this manner, social movement organizations activated the "right to the city," "urban reform," and "self-management" symbols have gained ground in planning and implementing housing estates for the grassroots in different parts of the country. In this context, the research attempted to comprehend how the State Association for Support of Popular Housing became representative of the "housing cause" in Maranhão and to trace its specificities, the delineations that such collective agent gave to the issue housing locally, realizing in the process the political role of representation and mediation of this mediator and his individual spokespersons. Thus, this research on a social organization and the militant engagement of its representatives was problematized from the perspective of historical sociology and militant engagement sociology, highlighting the social properties of those who engage, their accumulated attributes, resources detained, individual predispositions to militancy and, on a more general level, to the opportunity spheres and constraining under which this occurs. Considering the genetic, relational and sociographic perspective, the results were obtained through archival research, documentary, participant observation and interviews made with both the organization militants and some activists who graduated from this "problematic" in Maranhão in the first semester 2016. / Este estudo faz parte das discussões acerca do Engajamento Militante e trata, especificamente, do processo de afirmação de uma associação habitacional e de seus empreendedores políticos na região metropolitana de São Luís/MA. A emergência desse agente coletivo em 2003 foi o reflexo local da mudança ocorrida na relação entre movimentos sociais e Estado observada no período de redemocratização do Brasil. Observou-se a partir daí relativo grau de inclusão de setores populares nas instituições político administrativas. Nos governos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff as experiências ditas “participativas” se multiplicaram e se institucionalizaram. Aí organizações de movimentos sociais acionando os símbolos “direito à cidade”, “reforma urbana” e “autogestão” ganharam espaço no planejamento e implementação de conjuntos habitacionais para as camadas populares em várias partes do país. Nesse contexto, a pesquisa tentou compreender como a Associação Estadual de Apoio à Moradia Popular se tornou representante da “causa habitacional” no Maranhão e localizar suas especificidades, os delineamentos que tal agente coletivo deu à questão habitacional localmente, percebendo no processo o papel político de representação e mediação desse agente e de seus porta-vozes individuais. Assim, esta pesquisa sobre uma organização social e o engajamento militante de seus representantes foi problematizada na perspectiva da sociologia histórica e sociologia do engajamento militante, dando relevo às propriedades sociais daqueles que se engajam, seus atributos acumulados, recursos detidos, predisposições individuais para a militância e, no plano mais geral, às esferas de oportunidades e constrangimentos sob as quais isso ocorre. Considerando a perspectiva genética, relacional e sociográfica, os resultados foram obtidos por meio de pesquisa arquivística, documental, observação participante e por meio de realização de entrevistas tanto com os militantes da entidade quanto com alguns ativistas egressos dessa “problemática” no Maranhão no primeiro semestre de 2016

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-14T17:51:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Sandra Aparecida Kitakawa Lima.pdf: 2432759 bytes, checksum: 507c18959779e5fc9eea3cc4761ef0f3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-14T17:51:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Sandra Aparecida Kitakawa Lima.pdf: 2432759 bytes, checksum: 507c18959779e5fc9eea3cc4761ef0f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-21 / CNPq / Based on the survey conducted in a rural settlement field research of agrarian reform and ?quilombo? community in the municipality of Camamu - Bahia, we initially follow the emergence of claims and justification of the residents themselves in situations of disputes and uncertainties facing the government, or rather, the needs and difficulties, which they configured in collective issues being publicly exposed and problematize in public scenes. From two different contexts, we try to understand how the actors obtained (or not) the attention and public responses and the different moralities driven to justify their actions and attitudes towards each other, to build speeches about their feelings of justice or even to guide their performances. Although they were visible and recognized to some extent by the state and its institutions that did not mean that their unique problems were addressed and resolved by public "prioritiy" actions directed to agrarian reform beneficiary public and quilombo communities. On the contrary, they faced with enormous difficulties of enforcement of legal provisions and public policies to their particularities, in addition to multiple costs derived of the claims that, in principle, are rights defined by the Constitution. Thus, the conformation of collective life in daily life, which rests on different concrete practices conducted by a multiplicity of logic and feelings, which allows a "common citizen" to be set up as a "subject of law". / Com base na pesquisa de campo realizada em um assentamento rural de reforma agr?ria e uma comunidade quilombola, no munic?pio de Camamu ? Bahia, acompanhamos inicialmente a emerg?ncia das reivindica??es e justificativas dos pr?prios moradores frente a situa??es de disputas e incertezas na rela??o com o poder p?blico, ou melhor, das necessidades e dificuldades, que se configuravam em quest?es coletivas sendo expostas e problematizadas nas cenas p?blicas. A partir de dois contextos distintos, buscamos compreender de que forma os atores captavam (ou n?o) a aten??o e respostas p?blicas aos problemas vivenciados, bem como as diferentes moralidades acionadas a fim de justificar suas a??es e atitudes face ao outro, de construir discursos sobre seus sentimentos de justi?a ou mesmo de guiar suas performances. Embora fossem vis?veis e reconhecidos, em certa medida, pelo Estado e suas institui??es, isso n?o significava que seus problemas singulares fossem tratados e solucionados por a??es p?blicas ?priorit?rias? direcionadas aos p?blicos de reforma agr?ria e comunidades quilombolas. Ao contr?rio, defrontavam-se com enormes dificuldades de efetiva??o dos dispositivos legais e das pol?ticas p?blicas direcionadas ?s suas particularidades, al?m dos m?ltiplos custos decorrentes das reivindica??es que, a princ?pio, s?o direitos definidos pela Constitui??o Federal. Assim, a conforma??o da vida coletiva no cotidiano, a qual se repousa em diferentes pr?ticas concretas conduzidas por uma multiplicidade de l?gicas e sentimentos, que permite um ?cidad?o comum? se configurar como um ?sujeito de direito?

The mass-migration of refugees in the fall 2015 posed an immense humanitarian and logistical challenge: exhausted from their week-long journeys, refugees arrived in Vienna in need of care, shelter, food, medical aid, and onward transport. The refugee crisis was managed by an emerging polycentric and inter-sectoral collective of organizations. In this paper, we investigate how, during such a situation, leaders of these organizations made decisions in concert with each other and hence sustained the collective's capacity to act collectively. We ask: what was the logic of decision-making that orchestrated collective action during the crisis? In answering this question, we make the following contribution: departing from March's logics of consequences and appropriateness as well as Weick's work on sensemaking during crisis, we introduce an alternative logic that informed decision-making: the logic of tact. With this concept we (a) offer a better understanding of how managers make decisions under the condition of bounded rationality and the simultaneous transgression of their institutional identity in situations of crisis; and we (b) show that in decision-making under duress cognition is neither ahead of action, nor is action ahead of cognition; rather, tact explicates the rapid switching between cognition and action, orchestrating decision-making through this interplay.

Por décadas esquecidos ou relegados aos livros de História, os quilombos voltaram a figurar no cenário político nacional. Desde o final da década de 1980, com a inauguração de direitos especiais para os povos tradicionais, a questão quilombola passou a ser amplamente discutida em círculos acadêmicos, nos meios de comunicação e, principalmente, no interior de esferas institucionais do Executivo, do Legislativo e do Judiciário. À medida que cresceu o interesse das autoridades pela temática, cresceu, também, um movimento social inédito e que, embora surgido há poucos anos, hoje abrange todo o território nacional. A emergência, expansão e os traços particulares deste movimento levaram inúmeros autores a questionarem: o que é o recente movimento social quilombola? Motivado pela mesma indagação, este trabalho dialoga com parte das teses e argumentos existentes, mas procura oferecer uma interpretação alternativa ao movimento quilombola. Após realizar uma ampla revisão sobre as Teorias dos Movimentos Sociais, a dissertação se apropria de duas ferramentas analíticas essenciais para explicar a atual mobilização dos quilombos. De um lado, são investigadas as maneiras pelas quais dinâmicas e trajetórias institucionais particulares edificaram novas oportunidades políticas, as quais favoreceram - e continuam favorecendo - a ação coletiva quilombola. De outro, apoiando-se no caso da organização política dos quilombos no Estado de São Paulo, são analisadas as estruturas de mobilização deste movimento, suas estratégias de atuação e de que maneira tais estruturas acabam influenciando na criação de novas oportunidades políticas. Apesar de tratadas de modo separado no início, estruturas de mobilização e oportunidades políticas compõem um argumento integrado. Em linhas gerais, a tese defendida aqui é de que a recente mobilização social quilombola no Brasil é resultado de uma combinação equilibrada de fatores estruturais, conjunturais e estratégicos. Argumenta-se que, mais do que desejável, é importante entendermos este recente movimento social e sua relevância para o contexto atual da democracia brasileira a partir das dinâmicas de interação entre atores civis organizados e as estruturas do estado. / Forgotten for decades or relegated to the pages of Brazilian History books, the quilombos are back to the center of the national political scenario. Since the late 1980s, with the inauguration of special rights to traditional populations, the quilombo issue became widely discussed in academic circles, in the media, and especially within the Executive, Legislative and Judiciary institutional spheres. As the authorities interest in this issue grew, the emergence of an unprecedented social movement has also been witnessed. Formed only a few years ago, the Quilombo Movement has spread its claims to all parts of Brazil. Its emergence, expansion and particular features have driven many authors to ask: what is the recent quilombo social movement in Brazil? Motivated by the same question, this dissertation dialogues with the existing views and interpretations about the quilombo movement. However it attempts to go further, and proposes an alternative interpretation. After reviewing part of the Social Movement Theory, this research adopts two analytical tools to explain the current mobilization around the quilombo cause. On one hand, it investigates how particular institutional dynamics and trajectories have edified new political opportunities - which have favored the quilombos collective action. On the other hand, by delving into the case of the quilombos in the State of São Paulo, this dissertation analyses the mobilizing structures of this movement, its strategies and forms of activism. Even though these two analytical tools are initially treated separately, they are combined to form an integrated argument. In general lines, this thesis states that the recent quilombo social movement in Brazil is the result of a balanced combination of structural, contextual and strategic factors. Therefore, more than simply desirable, it is crucial that we understand the recent quilombo movement and its relevance for current Brazilian Democracy according to a perspective that focus on the interactions between organized social actors and states structures

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-10-18T14:10:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Júlio César de Oliveira_.pdf: 3025750 bytes, checksum: 4bf652b64a17e1ffacfa7ddb6038e9b9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-18T14:10:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Júlio César de Oliveira_.pdf: 3025750 bytes, checksum: 4bf652b64a17e1ffacfa7ddb6038e9b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-02 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a atuação dos servidores públicos enquanto ação coletiva no âmbito do municipalismo gaúcho, buscando verificar as alterações e manutenções no sistema representativo utilizado pelos trabalhadores do setor público, no período compreendido entre as décadas de 1970 e 1990, no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. Investigamos temáticas relacionadas ao associativismo, à sindicalização, greve, financiamento, estrutura organizacional e convenções internacionais oriundas da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT), cotejando os mesmos à documentação institucional da Federação dos Sindicatos de Servidores Municipais do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul (FESISMERS). Em relação ao debate da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, analisamos o caso em Portugal e no Brasil, buscando aferir proximidades e distanciamentos, bem como o peso das convenções internacionais nas resoluções. Caracterizamos a transição do status institucional da Federação de Associações para Federação de Sindicatos como espaço de disputas entre a legalidade e as necessidades demandadas pelos trabalhadores representados pela entidade, examinando a relação existente entre os dispositivos legais, a constituição da ação coletiva e a experiência acumulada pela categoria. A conquista do direito à sindicalização, na Constituição Federal de 1988, trouxe consigo novas possibilidades no âmbito do financiamento institucional e de lutas judiciais no espaço público, trazendo novas formas de luta que passaram a compor o quadro representativo do setor público municipalista. A atuação passaria a mesclar a prática precedente, com métodos organizacionais presentes no período anterior a 1988, assim como novos instrumentos de pressão, antes inacessíveis. / This thesis aims to analyze the performance of public servants as a collective action under the gaucho municipalist seeking to verify the changes and maintenance in the representative system used by public sector workers in the period between the 1970s and 1990s, the State of Rio Grande do Sul. We investigate issues related to the association, unionization, strike, financing, organizational structure and conventions originated from the International Labour Organization (ILO), comparing them to institutional documentation of the Federation of Municipal Servants Trade union State Rio Grande do Sul (FESISMERS). Regarding the debate of the Constituent National Assembly, we analyze the case in Portugal and Brazil, seeking to gauge the vicinity and distances, as well as the weight of international conventions in the resolutions. We characterize the transition from the institutional status of Associations Federation for Trade Unions Federation as disputes space between legality and the needs required by workers represented by the entity, examining the relationship between the legal provisions, the constitution of collective action and the experience accumulated by category. Winning the right to organize, 1988 in the Federal Constitution, brought new possibilities within the institutional financing and legal struggles in the public space, bringing new forms of struggle that are now part of the representative picture of municipalist public sector. The work would merge the previous practice with organizational present methods in the period prior to 1988, as well as new instruments of pressure, previously inaccessible.

Ciências Empresariais / Master Programme in Management Sciences / A cooperação inter-organizacional é um dos fenómenos mais estudados no âmbito da abordagem de redes desenvolvida pelo Grupo IMP (Industrial Marketing and Purchasing). Dentro deste campo teórico foram apresentados alguns modelos de cooperação colectiva que visam explicar a formação de redes colectivas, isto é, grupos de actores que procuram em cooperação e de uma forma colectiva lidar com um determinado problema ou questão comum. O objectivo desta dissertação divide-se em duas áreas. A primeira consiste em explicar o modo através do qual a rede colectiva pode resolver um problema de posicionamento dos seus actores. Para este efeito, os conceitos retirados da abordagem evolucionista das competências são conjugados com o modelo de acção colectiva em redes industriais. A segunda área consiste em compreender a dinâmica das redes colectivas, procurando explicar o modo como estas redes evoluem ao longo do tempo. Em síntese, o modelo de análise apresentado neste trabalho, sendo uma extensão da literatura da abordagem das redes industriais, procura explicar os motivos, as condições e o modo de actuação das redes colectivas baseadas em competências. / Cooperation in industrial network is one of the most studied phenomenons in the network approach developed by the IMP Group (Industrial Marketing and Purchasing). In this theoretical field there are models that study collective cooperation which explain the formation of issue-based nets groups of actors that through cooperation try to cope collectively with a common issue or problem. This dissertation is divided in two areas. The first part is dedicated to explain how a collective actor is able to solve a positioning problem of actors involved. The collective action model is enriched with some of the concepts developed by the capabilities approach. The second purpose of this dissertation is to develop a more dynamic perspective of the issue-based net, seeking to explain how the collective actor develops trough time in order to fulfil its objectives. In conclusion, the analytic model presented in this dissertation, being an extension of the business network literature, explains the motifs, the conditions and the process used by which issue-based nets coordinate activities.

It is the argument of this dissertation that states become tax havens as a conscious economic development strategy. These states – more properly referred to as "jurisdictions" because some lack the sovereignty of the traditional Westphalian state – do not have the natural resources or the population to pursue more traditional economic development strategies, but they do have the ability to write or implement laws that create a virtual resource: banking secrecy. These jurisdictions are able to carry out this strategy because they tend to be well-governed, stable, and relatively wealthy, making them attractive partners for the international banking, legal, and accounting firms that drive offshore finance, and then for their customers – both individual and corporate – as well. The qualities tax havens possess also enable them to calculate that the benefits they reap from pursuing this strategy outweigh any penalties assessed by anti-tax haven international collective action activities, such as the naming and shaming campaigns of 2000.

A pesquisa investiga a efetivação do princípio do contraditório no âmbito das ações coletivas e do incidente de resolução de demandas repetitivas (IRDR), por meio da realização do controle judicial da representação adequada, sugerindo possíveis critérios nos quais o magistrado brasileiro poderá se pautar. Também, verifica se há, no Código de Defesa do Consumidor (CDC), na Lei da Ação Civil Pública (LACP) e no Código de Processo Civil (CPC), outras medidas que possibilitam o contraditório. O desenvolvimento do trabalho se divide em cinco etapas. Na primeira, estuda-se o tratamento dos litígios de massa no âmbito do direito processual civil brasileiro, demonstrando o contexto em que estão inseridos as ações coletivas que tutelam os direitos individuais homogêneos e o IRDR. Na segunda, situa-se o princípio constitucional do contraditório, corolário do devido processo legal, como instrumento essencial ao acesso substancial à justiça e imperativo da democracia no âmbito do processo, sem desconsiderar suas distinções no âmbito do processo coletivo. Na terceira, caracteriza-se a representação adequada nas ações coletivas e no IRDR, e se afirma a necessidade da realização de seu controle judicial no direito brasileiro. Na quarta etapa, perquire-se em quais parâmetros o juiz poderá se pautar para aferir a adequação da representatividade, realizando-se uma construção doutrinária a partir dos regramentos das class actions do direito norte-americano e do Musterverfahren do direito alemão, do requisito da pertinência temática e dos quatro Anteprojetos de Código de Processo Civil Coletivo elaborados no país. Na quinta etapa, investiga-se se há outras formas, diversas da representação adequada, dispostas nas leis basilares do microssistema processual coletivo e no CPC, que seriam hábeis a possibilitar a participação democrática das partes e demais interessados nos referidos instrumentos processuais, em atendimento ao princípio do contraditório. Para a construção do raciocínio, levantam-se os dados por meio da técnica de pesquisa bibliográfica em materiais publicados (legislação e doutrina nacionais e estrangeiras, artigos, dissertações, teses, jurisprudência, anuários estatísticos do Conselho Nacional de Justiça, entre outros). Dentre os resultados, verifica-se que, embora não esteja previsto na legislação brasileira, o magistrado tem poderes para aferir a adequação da representatividade. A exigência do requisito da pertinência temática demonstra uma tendência à afirmação do controle judicial no direito brasileiro, não se limitando à abstração da legislação. A despeito da importância da sua expressa previsão e do detalhamento de critérios, deve-se evitar uma legislação desnecessariamente burocrática e uma margem grande de formalismo, que possa obstaculizar a análise do mérito. Apesar da necessidade de alterações em ambos os institutos, para disciplinar a matéria, não se pode afirmar que o procedimento do IRDR padece de inconstitucionalidade por violar o contraditório, pois possibilita a participação democrática de outras formas. Inclusive o faz de modo mais pormenorizado do que está previsto no CDC e na LACP para as ações coletivas. / The research investigates the occurrence of the contradictory principle within the scope of collective actions and the incident of resolution of repetitive demands (IRDR), by means of the judicial control of the appropriate representation, suggesting possible criteria in which the Brazilian magistrate can be guided. It also checks whether there are other measures in the Consumer Protection Code (CDC), the Public Civil Action Law (LACP) and the Code of Civil Procedure (CPC). The development of the work is divided into five stages. In the first one, it studies the treatment of mass litigation at the Brazilian civil procedural law, demonstrating the context in which the collective actions that protect individual homogeneous rights and the IRDR are inserted. In the second stage, it is situated the constitutional principle of the contradictory, a corollary of due process of law, as an essential instrument for substantial access to justice and the imperative of democracy in the collective process, without disregarding its distinctions in the collective process. In the third, it is characterized the adequate representation in the collective actions and in the IRDR, and it is affirmed that the necessity of the realization of its judicial control in the Brazilian law. In the fourth stage, it is investigated which parameters the judge can use to assess the appropriateness of representativeness. A doctrinal construction is carried out from the class actions\' rules of the American law, the Musterverfahren\' rules of German law, the requirement of thematic pertinence and the four Draft of Collective Civil Procedure Code elaborated in the country. In the fifth one, it is investigated if there are other forms, different from the appropriate representation, disposed in the basic laws of the collective process microsystem and in the CPC, that would be able to allow the democratic participation of the parties and other interested parties in the mentioned procedural instruments, in attendance to the principle of the contradictory. For the construction of the reasoning, the data are raised through the technique of bibliographical research in published materials (national and foreign legislation and doctrine, articles, dissertations, theses, jurisprudence, statistical yearbooks of the National Council of Justice, among others). Among the results, it is verified that, although it is not envisaged in the Brazilian legislation, the magistrate can assess the adequacy of representativeness. The thematic pertinence requirement demonstrates a tendency to affirm judicial control in Brazilian law, not limited to the abstraction of the legislation. Despite of the importance of its express provision and detailed criteria, unnecessarily bureaucratic legislation and a large margin of formalism, that could hinder the analysis of merit, should be avoided. Although the need for changes in both institutes, to discipline the matter, it can\'t be said that the IRDR procedure is unconstitutional because it violates the contradictory, since it makes possible democratic participation in other ways. Furthermore, it does more detailed than it is envisaged by the CDC and the LACP for collective actions.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This thesis critically analyses collective action processes and outcomes in Community Forestry through the concept of embeddedness. This research focuses on the questions of when people cooperate, how and why collective action emerges and evolves, and what leads or does not lead to equitable outcomes. The thesis makes a fundamental distinction between equality and equity. The research focuses specifically on the Nepalese experience with Community Forestry (CF), which is regarded as one of the most progressive CF programs being implemented in one of the poorest countries in the world. The thesis adopts an integrated research approach involving multiple actors, scales and methods with a focus on local level CF processes and forest users. This study considers the Forest Users Group (FUG) as a unit for analysis. Field work was conducted in three FUGs from the mid-hill region of Nepal over seven months between August 2001 and February 2002. The field research moves downwards to the household level and upward to the district, national and international level actors. It employs a combination of the process analysis and actor oriented approach and qualitative and quantitative methods to understand how CF is being driven, who is driving it and why CF is advancing in a certain direction. The study shows that the emergence, evolution and outcomes of collective action in CF are complex and varied due to specific and changing socio-cultural, economic, political and ecological contexts. Without understanding the complexities, in which peoples’ motivation and collective action are embedded, we cannot explain the emergence and evolution of collective action in CF. This thesis challenges the rational choice tradition and some key points of Common Property Regimes (CPR) theory and highlights the concept of embeddedness in participatory natural resource management. The thesis highlights the problem of decentralised CF policy and the forest bureaucracy. Decentralisation universally imposes a formal democratic system based on equality without acknowledging unequal societies. In Nepal, there has been little reorganisation of the forest bureaucracy. Despite being an international model for community forestry, in Nepal the existing bureaucracy has been unable or unwilling to transfer knowledge to forest users. The thesis concludes by stating the need to avoid the pitfalls of some democratic principles associated with standardisation and formalism. This means transforming bureaucratic norms and ideology. Context is central for the sustainable and equitable management of natural resources. It must be further researched and applied in decision-making if CF is going to achieve its potential to improve the condition of forests and the welfare of rural people.

This dissertation studies public institutional arrangements on the Swedish salt market 1720-1862. Crucial issues are how an why these arrangements emerged and were changed as well as they were used. The arrangements were erected in order to realize economic and social goals. In this respect, the policy persued by the Swedish government differed from those of most other governments, where policies concerning salt primarily meant tax policies. Government policies in Sweden were firstly external and had a long-term orientation. The aim was to import as much salt as possible to Sweden. The government also pursued a short-term policy in order to cope with short-term shorages. Overall, these policies were successful. Contrary to what has been stated in earlier Swedish research, the protectionist shipping policies did not lead to shortages of salt and high saltprices. Instead, the Swedish shipping and freight manufacture was stimulated, and Sweden became independent of foreign merchant fleets. The mercantilist aim of building a large merchant fleet, independent of potential enemy nations, was achieved without any negative effects on prices or supply on the Swedish salt market. Shortages of salt were not caused by a generally low yearly supply of salt. On the contrary, Sweden consistently had a surplus of salt and re-exported every year salt to other countries. The shortages of salt was rather regional and temporary, due to unexpected shocks on the supply side (wars, buccaneering, shipwrecks, persistent head winds, crises of production) and on the demand side (abundant fishing, cattle diseases and forced slaughter etc.). Costly and slow transports and communication meant that unexpected shortages could not be solved through trade. To solve these problems different institutional arrangements were created. These arrangements emerged in an evolutionary process of institutional change characterized by significant random elements. Severe shortages caused large changes in relative prices which acted as triggering factors in the process of institutional formation. Three more elaborated institutional arrangements having welfare purpuses were established, but disappeared in a rather short time. In 1774 a system of State Salt Stores were established in all staple towns. This arrangement proved to be very efficient as an insurance system, and the Salt Stores were frequently used to avert temporary shortages until new cargos of salt had arrived. The active state policy was a prerequisite for the markets to function satisfactory under mercantilism. But public stockpiling came to an end because the need for this insurance services diminished. But new technologies in saltproduction and shipping, increases in security and improved communications, a more efficiently-functioning market structure caused a significant long run decline i saltprices in relation to other prices and wages. Consequently, the need for public arrangements on the saltmarket decreased.