The West India Royal Commission of 1897 advanced a number of recommendations intended to lift the West Indies out of their depressed condition and to shape their future economic development. This thesis examines the efforts made to implement those recommendations and the extent to which they influenced economic progress in the colonies of Barbadoes, British Guiana, The Windward and Leeward Islands. Particular attention is directed towards the recommendation that the labouring populations be encouraged to settle on the land as small proprietors. This proposal provided for the welfare of the largely Negro populations of the colonies, but it also threatened to upset the plantation dominated nature of the agriculture economy. The Royal Commission believed that peasant land ownership could be extended only through the introduction of government schemes of land settlement. The considerations which underlay the success or failure of such schemes and of peasant proproetorship in gneral constitute the central theme of the thesis. Other aspects of the economu which are examined affected planter and peasant alike. Freight connections, choice of crops, methods of cultivation, availability of markets, and access to expert advice were considerations which determined the success of both plantation and peasant proprietary. The Colonial Office role in the development of these colonies was limited and for the most part initiative rested with the colonies themselves. Questions of crop selection, or of the location for a settlement scheme, could only be decided by local experts. Furthermore, Joseph Chamberlain, the most influential Colonial Secretary of the period, as far as the West Indies were concerned, clearly believed in delegating responsibility to the local official. Nevertheless, when appropriate, the Colonial Office did play an active part. Its influence over shipping contracts was considerable, whilst the survival of the valuable Imperial Department of Agriculture, established in consequence of a recommendation of the Royal Commission, was entirely due to Colonial Office determination in the face of Treasury resistance.

In 1796, the first time the British occupied the Cape, a former Dutch colony in 1806 then definitely. British colonial policy in South Africa was initially influenced by the former practice of the Dutch East India Company. Problems inherited from the past involving government, law and the institution of slavery. Very thorny questions were slave trade and land ownership. In 1807 a law was adopted to ban the import of slaves in the colonies of the British Empire. In 1809 was issued collection of laws by Lord Calendon called Calendon code. In 1811 Governor John Cradock established circulation courts. In 1820 arrived in the Cape Colony of British settlers in 4000 to increase proportion of the white population of British origin. In 1828 was issued Ordinance 50, in 1833 Britain abolished slavery law with effect from 1838. These government actions led to disputes with the Boer population, which peaked in 1836, leaving Boers in the so-called Great Trek, which had a significant impact on indigenous communities strains disrupted at the time mfecane and led to the establishment of the independent Boer republics. Key words: Africans - Boers - Cape of Good Hope - colonial policy - emancipation - Great Britain - Great Trek - South Africa - slavery

筆者以「日本殖民政策與台灣農民運動的形成 （1895∼1931年）」為題 ，係以日據台灣農業經濟的歷史特質為主軸， 反映當時殖民政策下產業 結構變革的基本趨勢， 主題所關切的是土地耕作者對殖民政策的肆應性 問題，說明農民在殖民地爭取經濟利權的活動發展及其形成與衰退的原因 ，同時對於移墾區居民性格經過殖民地化及資本主義化後之轉變與強化的 現象提出一些歷史性的解釋。本論文除導論、結論外，分為四章作細部分 析，第二章， 「日據台灣近代化殖民地的建立」：係以清末台灣的經營 為背景， 說明日本帝國主義對台灣經濟支配的外部活動，特別是農業政 策及資本主義化的意義， 其中對於外來力量對移墾社會的破壞及重建， 以及所殘存的移墾社會特質， 是論述的重點。第三章，「日據台灣農業 結構的基本問題」： 是從土地利用、農產商品化及佃作問題等三方面分 析農業結構問題， 同時對殖民政府的措施與農民肆應間的關係作內部的 討論， 俾說明帝國主義的外力介入是否改變台灣農業模式，如有改變， 則其改變的實質如何， 以及農民在耕作型態上所面臨的衝擊， 以及傳統 土地制度所引發的佃作問題是如何形成農民爭議的主題。第四章，「農民 性格的轉變與強化」： 農民特性是農業社會價值規範表現於農民生活和 生產上的身心行為特質。 台灣農民性格有明顯冒險趨利的移墾特質，對 財富、土地的熱愛更有強化的傾向， 民族運動所喚起利權意識促成農民 運動的形成，相對地， 外在帝國主義的政策性誘導因素亦加強農民對農 業經營的投注心力， 從性格角度觀察農民爭取經營利權運動的形成與帝 國主義的政策性反應是有對照性的； 另外由於農村結構受帝國主義的支 配，導致農民的階層的分化亦予以討論說明。第五章， 「農民運動的形 成與衰退」： 敘述在台灣產業發達及全球經濟恐慌的時代背景下，農民 爭取利權運動的形成，回映前述農民性格的特殊性， 以運動發生的特質 與區域說明農民對殖民政策的肆應。 同時結社團體在對農民運動的指導 與推動中，所作的政治訴求及其意識， 以及農民的支持程度如何？農民 關切的焦點所在？均需作深入的分析， 最後並提出對於農民運動的評價 。

En 1930, la France créa le Territoire autonome de l’Inini, colonie d’administration directe de l’hinterland de la Guyane française. Après la départementalisation de la Guyane, ce dispositif perdura en 1951 sous la forme d’un arrondissement à statut particulier, en droit jusqu’en 1961 et de fait jusqu’en 1969. La description de ce système politico-administratif, fortement inspiré de celui conçu pour les colonies d’Afrique, permet d’analyser l’ultime étape du processus d’expansion de l’État français dans un espace social et culturel amazonien. Cette intégration fut l’œuvre des fonctionnaires de terrain qui menèrent, à partir de 1936, une politique continue de contact dans le cadre d’une implantation dynamique de postes administratifs en direction de l’intérieur et des frontières. Ce personnel subalterne, fonctionnaires coloniaux et gendarmes, mit en œuvre une technique administrative d’approche et de gestion des populations - déportés indochinois des Etablissements Pénitentiaires Spéciaux, tribus de frontière et orpailleurs - dans un espace ouvert aux politiques des Etats voisins. L’histoire de l’Inini incite à ne pas limiter l’histoire de la Guyane française à celle d’une vieille colonie devenue un D.O.M. en 1946. Elle permet de dépasser cette analyse qui relève du discours politique assimilationniste. Elle nuance aussi l’interprétation par l’anthropologie d’une intégration de populations sylvicoles artificiellement et hâtivement conduite. Enfin, elle ouvre la voie à une analyse comparative de l’arrière-pays des Guyanes. / In 1930, France established the Autonomous Territory of Inini, an administrative division governing French Guiana's hinterland. Once Guiana had become an overseas department, the formula was renewed from 1951 in the shape of a district with special status, remaining so officially until 1961 and in effect until 1969. Discussing this politico-administrative system - largely based on what had been worked out for French colonies in Africa – gives a key to understanding the ultimate stage of the French state's expansion process in a social and cultural Amazonian context. That effort at social integration was the work of civil servants in the field who, from 1936 on, conducted a sustained policy of contact by establishing administrative posts in the interior of the territory and at its borders. These low-ranking colonial officers and gendarmes implemented an administrative approach to the handling of various communities – deportees from Southeast Asia held in special jails, border tribes or gold-diggers – across areas under the political influence of neighbouring states. The Inini file is an encouragement not to limit the history of French Guiana to that of an old colony turned into an overseas department (D.O.M.) in 1946. It makes it possible to go beyond analyses which are linked to assimilation policies. It also tends to moderate the anthropological view of an artificial and hasty integration of forest tribes. Lastly, it paves the way for a comparative analysis of Guyanese back countries. / A França criou, em 1930, o Território autónomo do Inini, colónia de administração directa dahinterlândia da Guiana francesa. Após a départementalisação da Guiana, este dispositivocontinuou em 1951 sob a forma de distrito à estatuto específico (particular), juridicamente até1961 e de facto até 1969. A descrição deste sistema politicoadministrativo, fortementeinspirado de estas concebidas para as colónias da África, permite analisar a ultima etapa doprocesso de expansão do Estado francês num espaço social e cultural amazónico. Estaintegração foi a obra dos funcionários de terreno que levaram, a partir de 1936, uma políticacontínua de contato no âmbito de uma implantação dinâmica de postos administrativos emdireção do interior e das fronteiras. Este pessoal subalterno, funcionários coloniais egendarmes, implementou uma técnica administrativa de abordagem e gestão das populações -déportados indochineses dos Estabelecimentos Penitenciários Especiais, tribos de fronteira egarimpeiros - num espaço aberto às políticas dos Estados vizinhos. A história do Inini incita anão limitar a história da Guiana francesa à essa de uma velha colónia que tornou-se, em 1946,em Departamento de Ultramar (D.O.M.). Permite ultrapassar esta análise que diz respeito aodiscurso político assimilacionista. Ela nuança também a interpretação pela antropologia deuma integração de populações silvícolas artificialmente e apressadamente conduzida. Porúltimo, abre o caminho à uma análise comparativa do interior (da hinterlândia) das Guianes. / In 1930 werd door Frankrijk het zelfstandige gebied Inini gecreëerd, het onder directkoloniaal bestuur vallende achterland van Frans Guyana. Nadat Guyana een overzeesdepartement was geworden, bleef deze bestuursvorm bestaan tot in 1951 in de vorm van eenarrondissement met speciaal statuut, in rechte tot 1961 et feitelijk tot 1969. De beschrijvingvan deze bestuursvorm die sterk werd beïnvloed door het voor de Afrikaanse koloniënontwikkelde systeem, maakt het mogelijk het laatste stadium van het expansieproces van deFranse overheid te analyseren in het sociale en culturele gebied van de Amazone. Deze socialeintegratie was het werk van ambtenaren die ter plaatse, vanaf 1936, een aanhoudend contactbeleid uitvoerden bij de oprichting van administratieve posten in het binnenland van hetgebied en aan de grenzen. Dit ondergeschikte personeel, ambtenaren en politie, voerden eenbestuursbeleid uit van benadering en behandeling van de bevolking - indo-chinesegedeporteerden bewaard in speciale strafkampen, aan de grenzen levende stammen engoudzoekers – in een gebied dat open stond voor politieke invloed van de buurtstaten. Degeschiedenis van het Inini gebied nodigt uit de geschiedenis van Frans Guyana niet tebeperken tot die van een oude kolonie die in 1946 een overzees gebiedsdeel (D.O.M.) isgeworden. Zij nuanceert tevens de antropologische interpretatie van een te kunstmatige en tesnel uitgevoerde integratie van de woudbevolking. En ten laatste opent zij de weg naar eenvergelijkende analyse van de achterlanden van Guyana.

Bildung ist ein Instrument, das zur Bekämpfung von Armut, Ungleichheit und sozialer Ausgrenzung in jeder Gesellschaft eingesetzt werden kann. Für eine nachhaltige und ganzheitliche nationale Entwicklung ist daher eine gerechte Verteilung der Bildungsressourcen unter den Menschen erforderlich. Dies ist jedoch nicht immer ohne Weiteres zu erreichen, insbesondere in Afrika, wo der Kolonialismus in vielen Ländern teilweise zu einer ungleichen Entwicklung unter den Menschen geführt hat. Schon bald nach der Eingliederung der Northern Territories of the Gold Coast (heute Ghana) in die Kolonialherrschaft vernachlässigte die Bildungspolitik der Kolonialisten den nördlichen Teil des Landes. Obwohl es einige Studien zum Kolonialismus in Afrika im Allgemeinen gibt, wurde nur wenig darüber berichtet, welche Rolle er bei der Schaffung eines ungleichen Bildungswesens spielte. Auch die Auswirkungen von aktiven Förderungsmaßnahmen, die zur Überbrückung der Kluft zwischen dem Nord-Süd-Gefälle in Ghana eingeführt wurden. Die wichtigsten Fragen, die diese Studie daher zu beantworten versucht, sind die Folgenden: Was waren die kolonialen Begegnungen mit dem Norden Ghanas, die die Unterentwicklung des Bildungswesens in der Region bewirkten? Wie überbrücken die aktiven Förderungsmaßnahmen bzw. die positive Diskriminierung die Kluft zwischen dem Norden und dem Süden des Landes? Zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfragen wurde in der Studie ein methodengemischter Ansatz verwendet, bei dem Tiefeninterviews, Q-Methoden, Dokumentenanalyse und Beobachtung als Datenerhebungsmethoden Einsatz fanden. Es stellte sich heraus, dass die Kolonialisten eine bewusste Strategie verfolgten, den Norden zu einer Reserve ungelernter Arbeitskräfte zu machen, was erklärt, warum sie dort anfangs nur wenige Schulen bauten. Die Ergebnisse der Studie zeigen darüber hinaus, dass die positive Diskriminierung die Nord-Süd-Lücke nicht wie erwartet schließt. So kommt man zu dem Schluss, dass die Ausbeutung weitesgehend für die Unterentwicklung des Bildungswesens in Nordghana verantwortlich ist. / Education is a tool that can be used to fight poverty, inequality, and social exclusion in every given society. Thus, for a sustainable and holistic national development, there is the need for an equitable distribution of educational resources among the people. This is however hardly achievable, especially in Africa where colonialism has partly brought about unequal development among the people in many countries. Soon after the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast (now Ghana) was incorporated under colonial rule, the educational policy of the colonialists did not favour the northern part of the country. Even though, there have been some studies on the colonialism of Africa in general, little has been done regarding the role it played in (re)producing unequal development of education in Africa. Likewise, the impact of an affirmative action instituted to bridge the gap between the north-south divide in Ghana has not been evaluated. The main questions this study thus seek to answer are: What were the colonial encounters with the north that brought about the underdevelopment of education in the area? How is the affirmative action bridging the gap between the north and the south? To answer the research questions, the study used a mixed-methods approach where in-depth interviews, Q methods, document analysis and observation were adapted as data collection methods. It was revealed that the colonialists adopted a deliberate strategy of making the north an unskilled labour reserve, thus accounting for why they did not build many schools there in the beginning. The findings of the study also show that the effect of the affirmative action has not been able to appreciably contribute to closing the north-south gap as expected. It is concluded that exploitation largely accounted for the underdevelopment of education in northern Ghana.

Throughout the 19th century, large numbers of enslaved people were brought from southeastern Africa to work on Somali plantations along the Benadir Coast and Shebelle River. As these southeast Africans were manumitted or escaped bondage, many fled to the west and settled in the heavily forested and fertile Gosha district along the Juba River. Unattached, lacking security, and surrounded by Somalis-speaking groups, these refugees established agricultural communities and were forced to construct new identities. Initially these riverine peoples could easily access clan structures and political institutions of surrounding Somali sub-clans, which in pre-colonial Jubaland were relatively fluid, open, and—in time—would have allowed these groups to become assimilated into Somali society. British colonial rule however changed this flexibility. Somali identity, once porous and accessible, became increasingly more rigid and exclusive, especially towards the riverine ex-slave communities—collectively called the Gosha by the British—who were subsequently marginalized and othered by these new "Somali." This project explores how British colonial rule contributed to this process and argues that in Jubaland province a "Somali" identity coalesced largely in opposition to the Gosha. / Master of Arts

This thesis is a study of British colonial policy in southern Afiica in the 1 gill centwy. More specifically it looks at how British imperial policy, in the period 1875 to 1881, played itself out in two British colonies in southern Africa, Wlder the direction of a British imperial agent, William Owen Lanyon. It sets Lanyon in the context of the frontiers and attempts to link the histories of the people who lived there, the Africans, Boers and British settlers on the one han~ and the histories of colonial policy on the other. In doing so it also unravels the relationship between Lanyon and his superiors in London and those in southern Africa. In 1875 Owen Lanyon arrived in Griqualand West, where his brief was to help promote a confederation policy in southern Africa. Because of the discovery of diamonds some years earlier, Lanyon's administration had to take account of the rising mining industry and the aggressive new capitalist economy. He also had to deal with Griqua and Tlhaping resistance to colonialism. Lanyon was transferred to the Transvaal in 1879, where he was confronted by another community that was dissatisfied with British rule: the Transvaal Boers. Indeed, in Pretoria he was faced with an extremely difficult situation, which he handled very poorly. Boer resistance to imperial rule eventually came to a head when war broke out and Lanyon and his officials were among those besieged in Pretoria. In February 1881 imperial troops suffered defeat at the hands of Boer commandos at Majuba and Lanyon was recalled to Britain. In both colonies Lanyon was caught up in the struggle between the imperial power and the local people and, seen in a larger context, in the conflict for white control over the land and labour of Africans and that between the old pre-mineral South Africa and the new capitalist order. He made a crucial contribution to developments in the sub-continent and it is remarkable that his role in southern Africa has thus far been neglected. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (History)

This thesis is a study of British colonial policy in southern Afiica in the 1 gill centwy. More specifically it looks at how British imperial policy, in the period 1875 to 1881, played itself out in two British colonies in southern Africa, Wlder the direction of a British imperial agent, William Owen Lanyon. It sets Lanyon in the context of the frontiers and attempts to link the histories of the people who lived there, the Africans, Boers and British settlers on the one han~ and the histories of colonial policy on the other. In doing so it also unravels the relationship between Lanyon and his superiors in London and those in southern Africa. In 1875 Owen Lanyon arrived in Griqualand West, where his brief was to help promote a confederation policy in southern Africa. Because of the discovery of diamonds some years earlier, Lanyon's administration had to take account of the rising mining industry and the aggressive new capitalist economy. He also had to deal with Griqua and Tlhaping resistance to colonialism. Lanyon was transferred to the Transvaal in 1879, where he was confronted by another community that was dissatisfied with British rule: the Transvaal Boers. Indeed, in Pretoria he was faced with an extremely difficult situation, which he handled very poorly. Boer resistance to imperial rule eventually came to a head when war broke out and Lanyon and his officials were among those besieged in Pretoria. In February 1881 imperial troops suffered defeat at the hands of Boer commandos at Majuba and Lanyon was recalled to Britain. In both colonies Lanyon was caught up in the struggle between the imperial power and the local people and, seen in a larger context, in the conflict for white control over the land and labour of Africans and that between the old pre-mineral South Africa and the new capitalist order. He made a crucial contribution to developments in the sub-continent and it is remarkable that his role in southern Africa has thus far been neglected. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (History)