This article examines the soundscape, both commemorative and disruptive, experienced in the city of Lima during the War of Independence, focusing on the sounds produced by church bells and cannons. Even though, in Lima, patriots and royalists never fought a pitched battle, the war resoundingly marked the city’s aural environment. Disruptive noise emitted by church bells and cannons  during the war greatly exceeded in intensity and duration the commemorative sounds sponsored by the independent government, and even had the power to change it dramatically. / Este artículo presenta la sonoridad conmemorativa y disruptiva experimentada en la ciudad de Lima durante la guerra de la independencia, haciendo énfasis en los sonidos desplegados por campanas y cañones. A pesar de que, en Lima, ni patriotas ni realistas se llegaron a enfrentar en una batalla a campo abierto, laguerra marcó de modo contundente el ambiente sonoro en la ciudad. La sonoridaddisruptiva emitida por campanas y cañones en el transcurso de la guerra superó ampliamente en intensidad y duración a la sonoridad conmemorativa auspiciada por el gobierno independiente, e incluso tuvo el poder de modificarla dramáticamente.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

La 1re Armée française commandée par le général de Lattre de Tassigny souffre d'un déficit mémoriel auprès de la société française alors qu'elle a libéré une grande partie du territoire national. L'association Rhin et Danube porteur naturel de la mémoire de la 1re Armée française a échoué dans la diffusion de celle-ci. La concurrence d'autres mémoires de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le rôle de l'Etat, de l'Education nationale... ont progressivement fait oublier l'action de l'Armée de Lattre dans la Libération depuis le débarquement de Provence. / The 1st French Army under General de Lattre de Tassigny's command is fading from the collective memory of French society, despite having freed a large portion of France. The “Rhine and Danube” association, the natural guardian of the 1st French Army's legacy, failed to disseminate its story. Competition with other memorable events of the Second World War, the role of the State, the Ministry of Education ... overshadowed the significant contribution of the de Lattre Army to the Liberation of France, from the landing in Provence and onward.

FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Cearà / The First May Day, which origins are related to the fights for better working conditions of the laboring class at the end of the 19th century, showed up throughout time as the main laboring rite because of its internationalist character as well as for the meaning of its commemoration. Through History a constant dispute along May Dayâs politic and ideological motto is observed: sometimes it constitutes itself as a âDay of Workâ, under form of paying homage to âcolaboradores do progressoâ by State, mainly during the âvarguismoâ (1930- 1945); other times as a âDay of Laboring Classâ, that is, a date destined to the reflection of the workers on its condition, which intention was to socialize themselves; or even to fight against capital, when recollect the âChicago Martyrsâ. This research aimed to analyze the trajectory of May Dayâs commemorations in Fortaleza, State of CearÃ, Brazil, during the period between âFirst Republicâ and âEstado Novoâ. Amongst the objectives of this research, one of them was to point out which had been the main appropriations and meanings of this laboring rite presented among the disputes of its meanings for the workers, State and Catholic Church. / O Primeiro de Maio, cujas origens remontam Ãs lutas por melhorias, nas condiÃÃes de trabalho da classe trabalhadora do final do sÃculo XIX, se configurou ao longo do tempo, como o principal rito operÃrio, tanto pelo carÃter internacionalista, e pelo significado de sua comemoraÃÃo. No decorrer da histÃria, observa-se constante disputa em torno do mote polÃtico-ideolÃgico do Primeiro de Maio, ora se constituindo como âdia do trabalhoâ, sob forma de homenagem prestada pelo Estado aos âcolaboradores do progressoâ, sobretudo durante o varguismo (1930-1945), ou como âdia do trabalhadorâ, ou seja, data destinada à reflexÃo dos trabalhadores sobre sua condiÃÃo, cujo intuito era de se sociabilizar, ou lutar contra o capital, ao rememorar os MÃrtires de Chicago. Esta pesquisa teve como finalidade analisar a trajetÃria das comemoraÃÃes de Primeiro de Maio em Fortaleza, durante o perÃodo que se inicia na Primeira RepÃblica ao fim do Estado Novo. Dentre os objetivos, tentou-se apontar as principais apropriaÃÃes e significados de que o rito operÃrio se caracterizou ao longo do perÃodo, notadamente as disputas em torno de seus significados pelos trabalhadores, Estado e Igreja CatÃlica.

This thesis analyses and compares two historic commemorations in Northern Ireland with two in New Zealand, in the period from 1940 to 1990. These commemorations are the Twelfth of July and Remembrance Sunday in Northern Ireland, and Waitangi Day and Anzac Day in New Zealand. Examination of these commemorations has revealed several patterns. In the commemorations studied in this thesis, levels of public adherence generally depended on the extent to which the values that the commemoration symbolised were seen as threatened or highly needed. The commemorations which reaffirmed compelling values tended to enjoy higher levels of public support than those expressing values which were seen as either unnecessary or unthreatened. In both countries, historic commemorations were capable of uniting communities behind core values. However, in cases where there was no general agreement on what those values were or what they meant, commemorations frequently became sites of division and conflict. All four commemorations were regularly used by organisers and participants to express views on contemporary political and social issues and, on several occasions in both countries, different groups battled for the control of particular commemorations. In both countries, increased levels of social conflict often led to the increased use of the past as a rhetorical device. The main conclusion to be drawn from this study is that these historic commemora¬tions derived more of their meaning from their contemporary context than from the historical events which they commemorated. In particular, how the public viewed and understood the values symbolised and reaffirmed by the commemorations strongly affected their levels of support. People were most likely to observe the commem-orations when they were seen as symbolising values which were widely adhered to and seen as threatened or urgently needed. The historic commemorations examined in this thesis were often strongly affected by contemporary events which were seen as relating, positively or negatively, to the values which the commemorations embodied.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Avhandlingen syftar till att jämföra och förstå variationen av historiebruk i samband med minnesfiranden av heliga Birgitta i Sverige och hellig Olav i Norge med fokus på olika aktörers motiv, resurser, budskap och identitetsskapande processer i en tid av modernisering och sekularisering. Under den katolska medeltiden var helgonfiranden vanliga, men de förbjöds i samband med reformationen. I slutet av 1800-talet, samtidigt med omvandligen av de båda länderna till moderna industri-samhällen, väcktes återigen intresset för dessa helgonfiranden. Det var bland annat liberala rörelser som brukade helgonen för att förankra de förändringsprocesser, som man ville göra, i historien. Heliga Birgitta användes i Sverige av kvinnorörelsen som en medeltida förebild i kampen för ökat inflytande i samhälle. Hellig Olav blev under samma tid i Norge en symbol för nationell självständighet i kampen för upplösning av unionen med Sverige. För den katolska kyrkan, som under 1800-talet åter fick verka i de båda protestantiska länderna, blev bruken av heliga Birgitta och hellig Olav en historisk länk till medeltidens kyrka och för att därigenom legitimera sin verksamhet, medan de lutherska kyrkorna tog avstånd från dessa firanden. I avhandlingen följs utvecklingen av dessa minnesfiranden i relation till samhällsförändringarna. På 1920-talet väcktes även de lutherska kyrkornas och det offentliga samhällets intresse för Birgitta- och Olavjubileer. Genom det ekumeniska genombrottet på 1970-talet och kyrkornas ökade engagemang i sociala och kulturella frågor efter Andra Vatikankonciliet blev jubileerna arenor då den ekumeniska gemenskapen och kulturella öppenheten synliggjordes vilket bidrog till att bredda intresset för dessa firanden. Detta förstärktes i tiden kring sekelskiftet 2000 samtidigt som engagemanget från det offent-liga samhället och kommersiella aktörer ökade. Författaren ser utvecklingen av dessa jubileer som uttryck för olika identitetsprocesser. Hellig Olavs roll som en nationell symbol har varit mycket tydlig medan heliga Birgitta framför allt symboli-serat Sveriges internationella roll. Orter som varit viktiga i helgonberättelserna har brukat helgontradi-tionerna i lokala identitetsprocesser vilket allt mer betonats genom turismens ökade betydelse. Jubile-erna har även öppnat för individuella identitetsprocesser med helgonen som religiösa förebilder. För kvinnorörelser har heliga Birgitta genomgående under åren framförts som en viktig förebild. I avhandlingen diskuteras även hur det ökade intresset för firanden av heliga Birgitta och hellig Olav förhåller sig till teorin om den ökade sekulariseringen i det moderna samhället. Med stöd av religionssociologisk forskning diskuteras detta samband. En religiös pluralism kan öka det religiösa utbudet och därmed även ”konsumtionen” av religion. Många kombinerar även det moderna samhällets rationalitet med irrationella föreställningar och upplevelser. / The aim of this thesis is to compare and understand the variations in the use of history in connection with the commemorations of S. Bridget and S. Olav while focussing on different participants’ motives, assets, messages and identity construction processes in an era of modernization and secularization. During the Catholic Middle Ages, celebrations of saints were common, but after the Reformation they were forbidden. At the end of the 19th century, parallel to the development of modern industrial societies in Sweden and Norway, a new interest in celebrating the national saints was aroused. It was mostly the liberal movements who made use of the saints in order to establish the changes they wanted to do in the past. S. Bridget was used by the women´s-rights movements as a role model from the middle ages in the struggle for more influence in society. In Norway, S. Olav was held up as a symbol for national independence in the struggle for the dissolution of the union with Sweden. For the Catho-lic Church, which was re-established in both countries in the 19th century, their use of S. Bridget and S. Olav became a historical link to the medieval church and as a means to authorize their activities. On the other hand, the Lutheran churches repudiated these celebrations of saints. This thesis follows the development of the commemorations in relation to the changes in the socie-ties. In the 1920s the Lutheran churches and the public bodies became interested and involved in cele-brating S. Bridget and S. Olav. After the radical change of the ecumenical climate in the 1970s and a stronger ecclesiastical engagement in the social and cultural life after the Second Ecumenical Council of the Vatican, the commemorations became arenas where the ecumenical fellowship and cultural openness were visible. These events also promoted a growing general interest in these celebrations. This was strengthened around the year 2000 and at the same time the engagement from the public bodies and commercial players increased. The author describes the development of these commemorations as expressions of different identity construction processes. S. Olav became a national symbol while S.Bridget became primarily a symbol for Sweden in the international community. Places with important roles in the stories about the saints have used the traditions in local identity processes. This has been increasingly emphasised because of the growing importance of tourism. The celebrations have also opened the possibility for individual identity processes with the saints as important models. For women´s-rights movements S. Bridget has been used as a strong ideal. The thesis also discusses how the growing interest for commemorating S. Bridget and S. Olav is linked to the theory of secularization of modern society. This connection is discussed in relation to research in the sociology of religion. Religious pluralism can increase the religious supply and thereby also the “consumption” of religion and many people seems to combine the rationality of the modern society with irrational ideas and experiences without difficulties.

Jerusalem is the declared capital of Israel, fundamental to Jewish tradition, and a contested city, part of the Israel–Palestine conflict. Departing from an analysis of mainly interviews and policy documents, this study aims to analyze the interplay between the Israeli identity politics of Jerusalem and city planning. The role of the city is related to discursive struggles between traditional, new, and post-Zionism. One conclusion is that the Israeli claim to the city is firmly anchored in a master commemorative narrative stating that Jerusalem is the eternal and indivisible capital of Israel. A second conclusion is that there is a constant interplay between Israeli identity politics, city policy, and planning practice, through specific strategies of territoriality. The goals of the strategies are to create a political, historical and religious, ethnic, economic, and exclusive capital. Planning policies are mainly focused on uniting the city through housing projects in East Jerusalem, rehabilitating historic heritage, ancestry, and landscapes, city center renewal, demographic balance, and economic growth, mainly through tourism and industrial development. An analysis of coping strategies shows that Jerusalem planners relate to identity politics by adopting a self-image of being professional, and by blaming the planning system for opening up to ideational impact. Depending on the issue, a planner adopts a reactive role as a bureaucrat or an expert, or an active role, such mobilizer or an advocate. One conclusion drawn from the “Safdie Plan” process is that traditional Zionism and the dominant collective planning doctrine are being challenged. An alliance of environmental movements, politicians from left and right, and citizens, mobilized a campaign against the plan that was intended to develop the western outskirts of Jerusalem. The rejection of the plan challenged the established political leadership, it opened up for an expansion to the east, and strengthened Green Zionism, but the result is also a challenge to the housing needs of Jerusalem. / Författaren tillhör även "Forskarskolan Urbana och Regionala Studier – Städer och regioner i förändring"

This thesis analyses and compares two historic commemorations in Northern Ireland with two in New Zealand, in the period from 1940 to 1990. These commemorations are the Twelfth of July and Remembrance Sunday in Northern Ireland, and Waitangi Day and Anzac Day in New Zealand. Examination of these commemorations has revealed several patterns. In the commemorations studied in this thesis, levels of public adherence generally depended on the extent to which the values that the commemoration symbolised were seen as threatened or highly needed. The commemorations which reaffirmed compelling values tended to enjoy higher levels of public support than those expressing values which were seen as either unnecessary or unthreatened. In both countries, historic commemorations were capable of uniting communities behind core values. However, in cases where there was no general agreement on what those values were or what they meant, commemorations frequently became sites of division and conflict. All four commemorations were regularly used by organisers and participants to express views on contemporary political and social issues and, on several occasions in both countries, different groups battled for the control of particular commemorations. In both countries, increased levels of social conflict often led to the increased use of the past as a rhetorical device. The main conclusion to be drawn from this study is that these historic commemora¬tions derived more of their meaning from their contemporary context than from the historical events which they commemorated. In particular, how the public viewed and understood the values symbolised and reaffirmed by the commemorations strongly affected their levels of support. People were most likely to observe the commem-orations when they were seen as symbolising values which were widely adhered to and seen as threatened or urgently needed. The historic commemorations examined in this thesis were often strongly affected by contemporary events which were seen as relating, positively or negatively, to the values which the commemorations embodied.

This thesis analyses and compares two historic commemorations in Northern Ireland with two in New Zealand, in the period from 1940 to 1990. These commemorations are the Twelfth of July and Remembrance Sunday in Northern Ireland, and Waitangi Day and Anzac Day in New Zealand. Examination of these commemorations has revealed several patterns. In the commemorations studied in this thesis, levels of public adherence generally depended on the extent to which the values that the commemoration symbolised were seen as threatened or highly needed. The commemorations which reaffirmed compelling values tended to enjoy higher levels of public support than those expressing values which were seen as either unnecessary or unthreatened. In both countries, historic commemorations were capable of uniting communities behind core values. However, in cases where there was no general agreement on what those values were or what they meant, commemorations frequently became sites of division and conflict. All four commemorations were regularly used by organisers and participants to express views on contemporary political and social issues and, on several occasions in both countries, different groups battled for the control of particular commemorations. In both countries, increased levels of social conflict often led to the increased use of the past as a rhetorical device. The main conclusion to be drawn from this study is that these historic commemora¬tions derived more of their meaning from their contemporary context than from the historical events which they commemorated. In particular, how the public viewed and understood the values symbolised and reaffirmed by the commemorations strongly affected their levels of support. People were most likely to observe the commem-orations when they were seen as symbolising values which were widely adhered to and seen as threatened or urgently needed. The historic commemorations examined in this thesis were often strongly affected by contemporary events which were seen as relating, positively or negatively, to the values which the commemorations embodied.