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Magister Legum - LLM

安地瓜於2003年3月13日以美國採取全面禁止網路賭博服務之措施為由提起訴訟，小組報告於2004年11月10日出爐，美國與安地瓜均不服小組裁決分別提起上訴，上訴機構於2005年4月7日做出裁決。 上訴機構報告認定美國已對網路賭博服務做出承諾，且因美國並未於其特定承諾表中填寫市場開放及國民待遇之限制，因而美國所採全面禁止網路賭博服務之措施違反GATS第十六條第一項規定。美國接著援引GATS第十四條規定作為抗辯，後雖因其國內州際賽馬法（Interstate Horseracing Act）規定允許國內服務提供者提供網路賭博服務，而被上訴機構認定系爭措施違反第十四條前言之要求，然上訴機構最後肯認美國得採行全面禁止網路賭博之措施乃係本案最終關鍵。 為了談判結果之確定性、穩定性，及未來服務貿易談判之持續進行，是否允許會員在做出市場開放之承諾後，再援引第十四條規定改變其承諾範圍，因而影響其他會員對其開放市場之期待，並使援引第十四條規定之會員躲避其原依GATS第二十一條規定所應負之責任？而在得出會員無法援引第十四條規定改變其承諾範圍之結論後，美國在本案中是否得援引其他規定作為正當化其措施之主張？及第十四條與第六條、第十六條、第十七條間之關聯性？係本文主要探討之問題。 此案為第一個會員援引GATS第十四條作為抗辯之例子，可以預見此例對後續案件之影響，而上訴機構於本案中所得出結論是否妥適，則值得深思。 / Antigua and Barbuda sued the United States for its total prohibition of the cross-border supply of gambling and betting services on March 13, 2003. The WTO panel report was issued on November 10, 2004. Both Antigua and the United States appealed and the ruling of the Appellate Body came out on April 7, 2005. The Appellate Body held that the United States has made full market access and national treatment commitments for gambling and betting services, so the measures to prohibit the cross-border supply of gambling and betting services violated Article XVI:1 of the GATS. As a result, the United States cited Article XIV of the GATS to contradict. The Appellate Body ruled that the alleged measures violated the preamble of Article XIV because the Interstate Horseracing Act of the United States permits domestic service suppliers to provide Internet gambling and betting services. However, the Appellate Body’s recognition of the United States’ total prohibition of cross-border supply of gambling and betting services is a critical issue of this case. In order to make sure the certainty and the stability of negotiation outcomes, and keep negotiations on trade in services moving, would the WTO members be allowed to cite Article XIV to change the coverage of their commitments after having made market access commitments and to escape the obligation under Article XXI? After concluding that the members could not cite Article XIV to change the coverage of the commitments, could the United States cite other articles to justify the alleged measures? Furthermore, how are the connection between Article XIV, Article VI, Article XVI and Article XVII? All above are the main questions this thesis focuses on. This case is the first one that members cite Article XIV to contradict, and the influence on subsequent cases is foreseeable. Would such a conclusion of this case be appropriate? We might need to contemplate further.

La notion d’engagement se retrouve aujourd’hui au coeur de la grande majorité des recherches consacrées à la construction de l’État moderne en France, à la noblesse protestante ou encore aux guerres de Religion. Cette thèse s’inscrit dans ce courant dynamique de la recherche en histoire – et plus généralement en sciences humaines – mais c’est sur un temps long de presque deux siècles qu’elle propose d’analyser les mécanismes, les formes, les moyens et les conséquences des engagements politiques et religieux des membres d’une maison bien connue, mais paradoxalement peu étudiée, les Coligny-Châtillon. Au milieu du XVe siècle, Jean III de Coligny abandonne les clientèlesdu duc de Bourgogne ou du duc de Savoie et s’installe dans sa seigneurie de Châtillon-sur-Loing pour se consacrer au seul service du roi de France. Cet engagement fondamental est ensuite poursuivi par ses descendants, qui, en deux générations seulement, parviennent à se hisser au plus près du pouvoir royal.Cette position privilégiée est néanmoins remise en cause lorsque François d’Andelot, Gaspard de Coligny puis Odet de Châtillon s’engagent publiquement en faveur de la Cause huguenote.Aussi, à la rapide dégradation de la paix dans le royaume de France, répond l’inexorable chute de ces frères Châtillon dansl’estime des souverains. Une estime que leurs descendants s’efforcent à reconquérir totalement pendant près de quatre-vingts ans. Autant d’engagements qui propulsent donc les Coligny des montagnes de la Bresse et du Revermont jusqu’auConseil du roi ; qui les font progressivement glisser du statut de favoris à celui de criminels de lèse-majesté ; et qui les conduit enfin du gibet de Montfaucon jusqu’à la nécropole royale de Saint-Denis. / Nowadays the notion of commitment is at the heart of the great majority of researches devoted to the construction of themodern State in France, the protestant nobility and the wars of religion. This thesis is part of this dynamic current of research in history – and more generally in the human sciences – but it is on a time spanning almost two centuries that it offers to analyse the mechanisms, forms, means and consequences of the political and religious commitments of a well-known house’s members, but paradoxically little studied, the Coligny-Châtillon. In the middle of the 15th century, Jean III de Coligny abandoned the clientele of the duke of Burgundy or the duke of Savoy and settled in his domain of Châtillon-sur-Loing to devote himself entirely to the French king’s service. Pursuing this crucial commitment, his descendants’ succeeded in getting closer to the royal power in only two generations. This privileged position was nevertheless called into question when François d’Andelot, Gaspard de Coligny and then Odet de Châtillon publicly pledged their support for the Huguenot Cause. Thus, the fast degradation of peace in the French Kingdom echoes the inexorable fall of the Châtillon brothers in the sovereigns’ favour ; which favour their descendants’ would strive to recover completely for nearly eighty years. So many commitments that propelled the Coligny from mountains of Bresse and Revermont to the King’s Council ; which gradually shifted them from the status of favourites to that of “criminels de lèse-majesté” ; and which finally led them from the gibbet of Montfaucon to the royal necropolis of Saint-Denis.

Submitted by Claudinei Pracidelli (cpracide@ipen.br) on 2016-04-08T12:56:51Z No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-08T12:56:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 / Dissertação (Mestrado em Tecnologia Nuclear) / IPEN/D / Instituto de Pesquisas Energeticas e Nucleares - IPEN-CNEN/SP

En 2007, un appel à projets intitulé « expérimentations sociales » est publié par le Haut-commissariat aux Solidarités actives. Il invite les acteurs investis dans la lutte contre la pauvreté et ceux de la communauté scientifique à se porter candidats, respectivement pour proposer des projets et pour les évaluer. Les expérimentations sociales se succèdent ensuite, au fil des appels à projets qui se poursuivent à partir de 2009. Elles sont présentées par leurs promoteurs comme une nouvelle manière de conduire et d’évaluer les politiques publiques. Ce discours de promotion s’appuie sur l’analogie entre ces expérimentations sociales et la méthode économique consistant à isoler l’effet d’un traitement sur une population d’individus. En conjuguant la sociologie de l’action publique, la sociologie de l’expertise et la sociologie des marchés, cette thèse se propose d’analyser les expérimentations sociales, leurs usages et leurs effets sur les acteurs mobilisés, qu’ils soient porteurs de projet, évaluateurs ou acteurs politiques. L’expérimentation sociale est ainsi replacée dans son histoire, française et internationale, et resituée dans le jeu des relations sociales nouées entre ces acteurs. L’analyse révèle alors comment l’expérimentation sociale, notamment par le biais des appels à projets successifs, a contribué à constituer et renforcer une expertise propre qui se caractérise, entre autres, par sa multipositionnalité. / In 2007 the High Commission for Active Solidarity Against Poverty issued a call for projects on "social experimentations". It called both on stakeholders involved in the fight against poverty and on members of the scientific community. The former may submit projects; the latter should assess them. As from 2009, the number of social experimentation increased in response to successive calls for projects. Its advocates contend that social experimentations represent a new approach for conducting and assessing public policies. In this regard, supporters of social experimentations justify their position by drawing an analogy with a research method often used in economics, which allows to measure treatment effects in a population of individuals. Relying on the sociology of public policies, the sociology of expertise, and the sociology of markets, this work investigates the use of social experimentations and their effects on stakeholders, whether they are project owners, evaluators, or political actors. Accordingly, this research adopts an historical perspective, considering both French and international contexts. It also explores the interplay of social interactions between stakeholders. Results show how social experimentations – in particular through successive calls for projects – have contributed to create and strengthen a specific expertise marked by multi-positionality.

Submitted by Claudinei Pracidelli (cpracide@ipen.br) on 2016-04-08T12:56:51Z No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-08T12:56:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 / O objetivo deste trabalho foi estabelecer uma metodologia de calibração em termos de dose absorvida na água para câmaras de ionização de placas paralelas a serem utilizadas em feixes de radiação X de energia baixa (10 kV a 100 kV) para fins terapêuticos. Atualmente, no Brasil nenhum laboratório de calibração está oferecendo este tipo de serviço. Para o estabelecimento desta metodologia de calibração foram utilizadas duas câmaras de ionização PTW modelos 23344. Ambas as câmaras foram caracterizadas e testadas qualitativamente segundo recomendações de normas internacionais. Os testes de caracterização realizados foram: a medição da taxa de dose mínima efetiva, a curva de saturação, a eficiência da coleção de íons, a resposta quanto ao efeito da polaridade e a linearidade da câmara com a resposta. Os testes de controle de qualidade aplicados foram: estabilidade em curto e longo prazos, fuga de corrente sem irradiação, fuga de corrente após-irradiação e tempo de estabilização. Para a implantação da metodologia, foram estabelecidas as qualidades de radiação de T-10 a T-100, seguindo as recomendações do código de prática da AIEA. Desta forma, foi possível determinar a grandeza de referência, dose absorvida na água, utilizando-se as duas câmaras de ionizações e em todas as qualidades estabelecidas. / Dissertação (Mestrado em Tecnologia Nuclear) / IPEN/D / Instituto de Pesquisas Energeticas e Nucleares - IPEN-CNEN/SP

Magister Legum - LLM

This thesis is concerned with the depiction of working-class Dublin in Roddy Doyle's first three novels, The Commitments, The Snapper and The Van, known as The Barrytown Trilogy. The first part of the thesis provides a short overview of Doyle's early work in the context of modern Irish fiction with a focus on working-class protagonists and outlines Ireland's and specifically Dublin's cultural and economic background in the late 1980s and the early 1990s. The second part is based on a comparative analysis of the three books in which the author celebrates everyday life in Barrytown, a fictitious neighbourhood in the north of Dublin, through the eyes of a typical working-class family. One section is also dedicated to the language of the trilogy used as a means of achieving greater authenticity. KEYWORDS Roddy Doyle, The Barrytown Trilogy, The Commitments, The Snapper, The Van, Irish literature, Dublin, working class, family, 1980s, 1990s

There are shared opinions about how young people's participation in politics looks like today. Some studies show that young people's participation in party politics has been drastically reduced. Simultaneously, other studies show how young people are more politically interested today than in a long time. Thus, young people have a strong interest in politics, but participate to a lesser extent in party politics. Then where does young people's doing of politics go? The purpose of this study is to show how societal changes such as increased individualization and digitalization have come to influence how young people do politics today. In order to understand the changes that have taken place in what is considered to be politics and how politics is being practiced today, we need to take a step back and look at the major societal changes that have taken place in late modern society. Through a qualitative study based on interviews, this paper has sought answers to how today's young people are doing politics in late modern society and how it can explain the paradox of declining participation in party politics and at the same time increasing interest in politics. The result showed that young people's doing of politics today has come to be individualized, where much of the doing of politics is based on the individual and everyday life. Therefore, what was previously considered personal and non-political has come to be politicized. This politicization of the unpolitical has been done at the expense of the political which at the same time becomes more unpolitical for the young, and thus the low interest in the political system and to channel its political action through political parties. Digitalization has also contributed to the fact that this individual engagement can be exercised via social media which has become an important political arena for young people today. To a greater extent, the young citizen now wants to be a political actor of their own and to influence themselves directly in relation to society, rather than having their views represented by politicians. In this way, past private acts such as consuming less meat and one's own career choices are largely political actions in late modern society.