Thesis (M.A.)--Stony Brook University, 2008. / This official electronic copy is part of the DSpace Stony Brook theses & dissertations collection maintained by the University Libraries, Special Collections & University Archives on behalf of the Stony Brook Graduate School. It is stored in the SUNY Digital Institutional Repository and can be accessed through the website. Presented to the Stony Brook University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Philosophy; as recommended and accepted by the candidate's degree sponsor, the Dept. of Philosophy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 58-60).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 436-454). Abstract also available via World Wide Web.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 436-454). Also available on microfiche. Abstract also available via World Wide Web.

This thesis examines the operations of the Confucius Institute in contemporary Thailand. By the end of 2012, there were already 400 Confucius Institutes around the world, 13 of which are in Thailand. It took the Confucius Institute less than a decade to rapidly expand around the globe. Despite its putative neutral objective of promoting Chinese culture and language globally, this thesis argues that the Institute is closely affiliated with the Chinese government, and is in fact part of the Chinese government’s broader hegemonic project. I define hegemony as dominance that rests on generally based consent and is established by social forces occupying a dominant role within a state that are projected outward on a world scale. I look at three aspects of hegemony: the negotiation of norms, the conferring of common interests and mutual benefits to members, and the lived social experience through selective and dominant cultural symbols. This thesis presents empirical data that was collected during three months of field research in Thailand in 2012. It shows that the Confucius Institute attempts to create a norm of international harmony which has its roots in the Chinese government’s domestic policy to construct a harmonious society by 2020. Furthermore, this thesis illustrates that students and people who are involved with the Confucius Institute perceive their participation as resulting in mutual benefits that are “real.” Their perceptions are related to international policies that show Thailand as benefiting by subordinating to China’s political and economic dominance. Lastly, cultural public events organized by the Confucius Institute demonstrate how hegemony is a lived social experience for participants. / Graduate / 2019-12-30 / 0615 / 0616

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Cette thèse a pour objectif de s'intéresser aux deux questions suivantes : le socratisme en Chine depuis le tournant du XXe siècle et la comparaison entre la philosophie morale de Socrate et celle de Confucius. Nous entamons notre étude en exposant d'abord laconiquement les échanges sino-occidentaux dont le socratisme en Chine fait partie. Dans les chapitres suivants de la première partie, nous étudions systématiquement quatre aspects de ce problème sous un angle historique : l'introduction, la traduction, la réception et l'influence parmi lesquelles la dernière joue un rôle primordial. Ensuite, nous faisons une recherche comparative sur les philosophies morales de ces deux maîtres, surtout sur les notions clefs de leurs doctrines : le Bien et le ren. Après avoir présenté les contextes historiques où sont nés le socratisme et le confucianisme, nous explorons de manière approfondie l'essence et le point de départ de leur philosophie morale ainsi que la voie pour accéder à l'humanité. De ce que nous analysons, on peut déduire que ce sont l'humanité et la vertu que Socrate et Confucius s'efforcent de poursuivre pendant toute leur vie. / This thesis aims to be interested in the following two questions : the socratism in China since the twentieth century and the comparison between the moral philosophy of Socrates and that of Confucius. We begin the research at first in presenting laconically the sino-occidental exchanges, of which the socratism forms a part. In the following chapters of Part One, we systematically study the four aspects of the problem from a historical perspective : introduction, translation, reception and influence, among which the last one plays a primordial role. Subsequently, we make a comparative research on the moral philosophies of the two masters, in particular the key concepts of their doctrines : the Good and the ren. After presenting the historical contexts where the socratism and the confucianism have been established, we explore in depth the essence and the starting point of their moral philosophy as well as the way toward achievement of the humanity. Based on ouranalyses, we can deduce that the humanity and the virtue are what Socrates and Confucius endeavoured to pursue throughout their lives.

The Confucius Institute has recently become more prevalent in political discussions and news headlines. Questions regarding its operations, influence from the Chinese government, and programing are common topics in news reports about the institution. The rise of China in the global economy has caused demand for language and culture education and the Confucius Institute has attempted to fill this demand. The purpose of this nonexperimental quantitative study was to investigate the perceptions of K-12 school and higher education employees that work closely with a Confucius Institute program in the state of Tennessee by exploring issues that have been presented in current research and reports, and to identify alignment and misalignment of these perceptions between higher education and K-12 settings in Tennessee. The study surveyed 42 higher education personnel and 58 K-12 personnel from Tennessee educational institutions that work with Confucius Institute programing. The survey consisted of 18 items that centered around 10 research questions. Quantitative data for six of the research questions were analyzed using a one sample t-test. A 5 point Likert-type scale was used to measure responses with a 3 point neutrality rating. Two research questions data were analyzed utilizing an independent samples t-test and two research questions were ranking questions that were coded in a point system to understand current perceptions. The results indicated that personnel interacting with Confucius Institute programing in the state of Tennessee generally found it to be positive regarding adhering to academic freedom principles, local control principles, media perception, and meeting the needs of the local institution or school. Higher education personnel listed political environment, alignment with institutional or school needs, educational benefit to students, and national media coverage as challenges facing the Confucius Institute. K-12 participants listed Chinese teacher turnover, Chinese teacher training, and alignment with institutional or school needs as challenges. Higher education personnel listed educational benefit to students, programing quality, Chinese teacher training, and resources as benefits connected to Confucius Institute programing. K-12 participants listed educational benefit to students, alignment with institutional or school needs, curriculum, and programing quality as benefits.

A thèse est consacrée à l’examen de l’image de la Chine en France au siècle des Lumières et au dialogue entre deux civilisations, orientale et occidentale. L’analyse des œuvres littéraires, philosophiques et historiques, ainsi que des documents d’archives fait découvrir l’engouement pour la Chine au siècle des Lumières, les raisons pour lesquelles Voltaire et Montesquieu s’intéressent à ce pays lointain, le rôle des missionnaires catholiques en Chine à cette époque. Les penseurs français ne se contentent pas de consacrer leurs ouvrages à la philosophe et à la civilisation chinoise, ils proposent des mesures concrètes pour mettre en application leurs idées. Dans ce dialogue paradoxal ils inventent la Chine pour changer la France. Cette recherche a pour but de comparer des approches philosophiques françaises et chinoises pour comprendre, comment la diffusion de la philosophie de Confucius en Europe sert le développement des idées d’indépendance et de libre pensée. / The thesis is devoted to the examination of the image of China in France in the Enlightenment and dialogue between two civilizations, East and West. The analysis of literary, philosophical and historical and archival documents to discover the enthusiasm for China in the Enlightenment, why Voltaire and Montesquieu interested in this distant country, the role of missionaries Catholics in China at that time. The French thinkers do not just dedicate their works to the philosopher and Chinese civilization, they propose concrete measures to implement their ideas. In this paradoxical dialogue they invent China to change France.This research aims to compare French and Chinese philosophical approaches to understand how the dissemination of the philosophy of Confucius in Europe is the development of ideas of independence and free thought.

Depuis le début du vingt-et-unième siècle, la République Populaire de Chine (RPC) est engagée dans une spectaculaire offensive de charme sur le continent africain. Cette stratégie chinoise n’est pas nouvelle et s’inscrit dans le cadre légal fixé par la Déclaration finale de la conférence de Bandung de 1955. Depuis cette date, et davantage depuis la création du FOCAC en 2000, l’importance de l’Afrique dans la quête d’influence globale de la Chine Populaire n’a cessé de croitre, alliant désormais influence économique et influence culturelle. L’Afrique subsaharienne francophone est un terrain propice à l’étude de cette nouvelle stratégie chinoise. Ce cadre spatial nous permet de constater qu’à travers les Instituts Confucius, les médias publics chinois et la médecine chinoise dite « traditionnelle » (MTC), les dirigeants chinois entendent tout mettre en œuvre afin de préserver leurs intérêts économiques en Afrique et faciliter l’intégration de leurs entreprises et communautés diasporiques. Précisons tout de même qu’à travers l’apprentissage du mandarin, les africains parviennent à tirer avantage de ce soft power chinois. Toutefois, la relative intégration des chinois, le caractère propagandiste des IC et médias chinois, ainsi que le recourt par les entreprises chinoises basées en Afrique à de l’importation de main d’œuvre, pratique encore en vigueur aujourd’hui, contribuent à ternir l’image de la Chine Populaire auprès des opinions publiques africaines. En outre, cette percée culturelle chinoise en Afrique subsaharienne francophone a eu un impact notoire sur la diplomatie culturelle du partenaire historique, la France, mais aussi sur la Francophonie. De ce fait, elle contribue à une redéfinition des rapports de forces et a induit l’émergence de partenariats trilatéraux. / Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has embarked in a spectacular charm offensive in Africa. This Chinese strategy is not new and falls within the legal framework established by the Bandung Final Declaration of 1955. Since then, and particularly since the establishing of FOCAC in 2000, the importance of Africa for the Global influence of the People's Republic of China has continued to grow, combining economic influence with cultural influence. Francophone sub-Saharan Africa is a good ground for studying this new Chinese strategy. This space frame allows us to see through the Confucius Institutes, the Chinese public media and the “traditional Chinese medicine (TCM)”, the Chinese leaders intend to make every effort to preserve their economic interests in Africa and facilitate the integration of their businesses and diasporic communities. It should be noted that Africans are able to take advantage of this Chinese soft power. However, the relative integration of Chinese, the propagandist character of IC and the Chinese media, as well as the importation of labor by the Chinese companies’ bases in Africa, contribute to tarnish the image of Popular China among African public opinion. In addition, this Chinese cultural breakthrough in francophone sub-Saharan Africa has had an endless impact on the cultural diplomacy of the historical partner, France, and also on Francophonie. As a result, it contributes to a redefinition of the balance of power and to the emergence of trilateral partnerships.

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