[pt] Ao revisitar a frase Como é para bem de todos, e Felicidade geral da Nação, estou pronto: - diga ao Povo que fico, que consagrou o Dia do Fico, este trabalho tem como objetivos: pôr em destaque o protagonismo do príncipe regente D. Pedro de Alcântara nesse acontecimento em meio às forças políticas presentes em ambos os reinos; identificar as mudanças nos conceitos Povo, Nação, Cidadão, Soberania e Felicidade em decorrência dos embates entre as concepções absolutistas do Estado e aquelas do Constitucionalismo; e dialogar criticamente com a historiografia que interpreta o Dia do Fico como o ponto de partida para revolução de Independência do Brasil concretizada no 7 de setembro de 1822, uma vez que D. Pedro pretendia evitar o risco de independência e preservar a união do Império Português, garantindo a autoridade dos Braganças. Para tanto, essa dissertação traça uma pequena biografia de D. Pedro; analisa dois dos principais jornais do período o Revérbero Constitucional Fluminense e A Malagueta; e destaca a correspondência entre o príncipe e seu pai, D. João, desde fins de dezembro de 1821 até o dia 9 de janeiro de 1822, o Dia do Fico. / [en] By revisiting the phrase As it is for the good of everyone, and general happiness of the nation, I m ready - tell people that I am staying, that consecrated the Fico Day, this work aims to: highlight the role of the prince regent D. Pedro de Alcântara as protagonist in this event among the political forces in both kingdoms; identify changes in the concepts of People, Nation, Citizen, Sovereignty and Happiness as a result of the clashes between the absolutist conceptions of the State and those of the Constitutionalism, and critically dialogue with the historiography that portrays the Fico Day as a starting point for independence revolution of Brazil achieved in the September 7, 1822., once D. Pedro intended to avoid the risk of independence and to preserve the union of the Portuguese Empire, ensuring the authority of the Braganças. To that end, this dissertation traces a short biography of D. Pedro, analyzes two of the main newspapers of the period Revérbero Constitucional Fluminense and A Malagueta; and highlights the correspondence between the prince and his father, D. João, since the end of December 1821 until January 9, 1822, the Fico Day.

"The writing of constitutions in Africa in the 1990s seems to have become fashionable after years of political wilderness following decades of one-party rule, military dictatorships and no-party regimes. African states engaged in the process of crafting new and democratic constitutions in search of democratic and legitimate governance based on the free will of the peoples, and to foster democratic traditions. Transition to democracy is a sacred undertaking, the challenge of which is to develop constitutional and institutional mechanisms in the hope of building viable and durable democratic values and practices that would guarantee political stability, peaceful and orderly change of government, the rule of law and the complete respect for human rights. Constitution-making must be seen as a means of bringing peace and creating a stable and prosperous African continent where the people take charge of the governance and their political and economic destiny in complete freedom. This study inquires into the extent to which this goal has been achieved, with particular reference to Swaziland and Uganda. Swaziland is the only absolute monarchy in the Southern Africa region after Lesotho adopted a democratic constitution in 1993, with the King becoming a constitutional monarch. Uganda has been operating under the Movement Political System (MPS) that, until recently, did not allow free political activity. ... The study is divided into five chapters. Chapter 1 focuses on the circumstances (context) and gives an overview of the organizational structure. Chapter 2 deals with the concepts and basic principles of constitutionalism, democracy, and human rights. Chapter 3 scrutinises the legislative mechanisms that set the process in motion and how the constiutional mandate was executed. The chapter considers the effect of the enabling legislation on ratification and implementation of the rights enshrined in the African Charter. It also looks at the role of civil society in influencing the process. To a limited extent, a comparative case study of other processes in Africa, especially the South African and Zambian experiences, is made. Chapter 4 is a discussion of human rights instruments providing for the right to participate; article 13 of the African Charter, article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) as well as article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNDHR). A discussion of the content and meaning of the right to participate in international law is made, focusing on the jurisprudence of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, as well as the jurisprudence of the Human Rights Committee (HRC). Chapter 5 is conclusions and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Henry Onoria at the Faculty of Law, Peace and Human Rights Centre, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

"The constitutions of Rwanda and Burundi both contain provisions to support democracy as well as the notion of power sharing. Despite the fact that democracy can be enhanced by a government that comes to power through the popular will of the people, that is, universal adult suffrage, it must be noted that this shall depend on the use of [an] electoral system that ensures greater proportionality of representatives to the popular vote. This paper aims to analyse the impact of power sharing on democracy. Furthermore, this paper compares the approach of Burundi and Rwanda in their constitutions to the concept of power sharing. ... To achieve its objective, the study is structured as follows: the first chapter contains the general introduction, which encompasses the background of the study, the relevance of the study, the research methodology, the literature review and the limitation of the study. The second chapter deals with the concept of power sharing and analyses its application in the constitutions of Rwanda and Burundi. Chapter three will focus on the concept of constitutionalism, analysing if the constitutional provisions of Rwanda and Burundi comply with [it], and chapter four will analyse [if] the constitutions of Rwanda and Burundi comply with democracy. In chapter five a general conclusion will be drawn and recommendations will be made." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Pierre de Vos, Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This dissertation explores the place that jus cogens occupies in contemporary international legal thought and practice. More specifically it looks at the place that the concept occupies within the discourse surrounding constitutionalism in international law. The question is asked whether it is viable to posit a specific constitutional structure for international law and whether such structure can be legitimized by the existence of certain values that are held in common by the international community. Both structural and value-based approaches posit a place for norms of jus cogens as possibly being seen as constitutional norms to some extent. Jus cogens as a now widely accepted concept in international law, continues to be the subject of much contemporary debate. The nature and function of the concept as proposed by various authors is looked at and the problematic aspects set out. Although there is a large amount of literature acknowledging the existence and importance of jus cogens, this has not been supported by international judicial practice. It seems that it is the practical difficulties surrounding the functioning of normative hierarchy that is the main reason for this. Chapter 1 introduces the approaches to the constitutionalism debate that have posited a legitimate place for norms of jus cogens. It also provides an introduction to the concept of jus cogens within contemporary international law. Chapter 2 starts out by defining certain concepts involved in the discourse surrounding constitutionalism. The strands of thought involved in the constitutionalism debate are then set out in order to provide the context for the placements of jus cogens posited by various authors. Chapter 3 looks at the evolution of the concept of jus cogens and the limited practical effect that has been given to the concept in international judicial practice. The main consideration here is the perceived inapplicability of jus cogens within cases concerning jurisdictional immunity. It therefore seems that jus cogens is, in general, limited to application against rules directly contradicting the substance of the jus cogens norm. Chapter 4 provides a critique of normative hierarchy theory, which is a main aspect dealt with in much constitutionalist thought. The chapter shows how the proposed functionality of normative hierarchy theory is unconvincing as only negative prohibitions can function as jus cogens under this construction. This further limits the instances where jus cogens can be seen as effective under constitutional thought. Chapter 5 concludes that under a strict conception of normative hierarchy, jus cogens is unlikely to receive much practical legal effect. This is due to the inapplicability of jus cogens in procedural matters and the limited number of norms that can function as jus cogens under normative hierarchy. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Public Law / unrestricted

I set out on this research concerned with human relations to the ecological world, and the role of law in these relationships. As one theory of nêhiyaw (Plains Cree) law and constitutionalism enables strong kinship relations between the nêhiyawak and non-human beings and things, I explore how nêhiyaw law can be revitalized to reconcile our land relationships. Wâhkôtowin, or the overarching principle that governs our relations, ensures that wellness and good living –miyo pimâtisiwin – is not only a human objective, but shared intersocietally with non-human relations and entities. This dissertation examines the constitutive role that four areas of Plains Cree livelihood – nêhiyaw âcimowina (narrative processes), nêhiyaw âskiy (Plains Cree territory and territoriality), nêhiyawewin (Plains Cree language) and nêhiyaw mamâhtâwiwina (Plains Cree ceremony) – play in ensuring such good living. Taking a ‘law as weaving’ approach’, these areas and institutions form a web to support kind relations to our environments and ecologies. Treaties provide an integral avenue to revitalize the uses of nêhiyaw law in our land relations. Canadian constitutionalism’s primary focus on human-to-human relations, without constitutional consideration of the agency of the ecological world, has had harmful effects on the wellness of non-human beings and things. When we apply the legal and constitutive principles within Plains Cree law and constitutionalism to Treaty 6, they obligate both the Crown and peoples within Canada in the same manner. / Graduate / 2021-07-27

The failures of constitutionalism and good governance in Africa are well documented. Importantly, these failures have also highlighted the importance of constitutionalism and good governance in Africa. This study centrally explores the relevance and viability of social trust-based governance and constitutionalism in Malawi, specifically, and Africa, generally. Social trust-based governance and constitutionalism is an approach to governance and constitutionalism that is informed by the trust concept and is also fully mindful of local conditionalities in its operationalisation. By referring to the Constitution of Malawi and other pieces of legislation in Malawi, this study demonstrates that there is a legal basis for articulating and practising social trust-based governance and constitutionalism in Malawi. This legal basis stems primarily from sections 12 and 13 of the Constitution but is also supported by legislation like the Corrupt Practices Act, Public Finance Management Act, Public Procurement Act and the Public Audit Act. In spite of the fact that there is a basis for social trust-based governance and constitutionalism in Malawi it is evident that governance and constitutionalism in Malawi have not, so far, been practised in line with the stipulations of the social trust-based approach. The current approach to governance and constitutionalism in Malawi is heavily steeped in the liberal democratic tradition. In this connection, this study demonstrates the limitations of the liberal democratic approach to governance and constitutionalism in Malawi principal among which is the lack of autochthony. Since the apparatus of liberal democracy has subsequently become quite entrenched in Malawi and most African countries, it is argued that the way forward involves creating a synthesis out of liberal democracy and the norms, traditions and values indigenous to Africa. This study identifies the philosophy of ubuntu as being an important source of values and principles that can be utilised to confer some autochthony to governance and constitutionalism in Malawi, specifically and Africa, generally. The approach adopted in this study concedes that neither a rigid insistence on liberal democratic constitutionalism nor a strict adherence to ubuntu-based governance and constitutionalism can succeed in Malawi. The solution is to utilise values from both traditions in order to generate a viable approach to governance and constitutionalism. In this study, the viability and relevance of social trust-based governance and constitutionalism is demonstrated by reference to the relationship between the branches of government, public resource management and the accountability of public functionaries and citizenry empowerment in Malawi. This study argues that a social trust-based approach to governance and constitutionalism can improve the relations between the branches of government, reinvigorate public resource management and also enhance accountability of public functionaries and empower the populace in line with the Constitution’s vision. The Constitution, as the supreme law of the land, thus remains integral to governance and constitutionalism in Malawi. / Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

The Canada Round was a period of megaconstitutional politics where many of the perennial topics of Canadian politics were viewed through a constitutional lens. This research analyzes the Canada Round of negotiations for its potential to act as a project in historical justice to address the state’s mistreatment of Indigenous peoples. By viewing constitutional change as a means of engaging in political redress, this research offers a corrective to understanding the dynamics of the Canada Round and provides an expanded understanding of redress to compensate for its limited and non-transformative nature in settler-colonial contexts by introducing the idea of redress constitutionalism. Through an analysis of the primary documents from the Canada Round, this research demonstrates that national Indigenous organizations—the Assembly of First Nations, the Métis National Council, the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada, and the Native Council of Canada—sought to employ constitutional change for its reparative potential to address long-standing injustices against Indigenous peoples in Canada caused or worsened by the constitution. Therefore, the failure to significantly renew the constitution was also a failure to significantly engage in redress, remedy their historical exclusion from decision making, and respond to the suppression of their self-determination. / Graduate

The relation between the Catalan nationalist forces as well as the other sub-nationalisms and the Spanish Government has been a matter discussed throughout all the Spanish democracy. In recent years the challenge to the Spanish state set by the Catalan government when taking a unilateral approach on Independence has resulted in the imprisonment and exile of political leaders. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the events that occurred in Catalonia after the Catalan elections of 2015 and the unilateral approach on self-determination taken by the Catalan Autonomous Government with the promise of a binding referendum. The laws passed by the Catalan government which were rejected by the Constitutional Court, as the law itself denied the authority of the Constitutional Court and declared independence. This resulted in the application of the 155th article of the Spanish Constitution, suspending autonomous government, to enforce the Constitutional Court’s resolutions by the Spanish government. The essay will focus on the discourses given by politicians to criticize or justify these actions, analysed through theoretical and political normative perspectives.

Traditionally, systems of constitutional democracy fell into two categories: parliamentary sovereignty, characterized by the omnipotence of Parliament and the absence of any substantive limitations on its power; and judicial supremacy, characterized by the presence of restrictions on legislative power in the form of a judicially enforced, written constitution containing a bill of rights. Recently, scholars have noted that Canada’s Charter regime includes elements of both traditional systems and have proposed new ways of understanding the apparent “sharing” of legal authority between courts and legislatures in Canada. These “new models” incorporate several key features of the traditional models but purport to be distinctive, and more accurate, accounts of how legal authority is allocated. Key features of the new models include a bill of rights, judicial review of legislation, and the preservation of legislative finality over the bill of rights through an “override” mechanism. However, these new models fail to capture the division of lawmaking power that is formally entrenched in section 33 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. In addition, they do not provide an adequate account of how the legislative finality provided through the “override” mechanism distinguishes the new models from legislative supremacy. A proposed “hybrid” model accommodates the formal division of legal power in the Charter and raises new questions about the extent of legislative finality in Canadian constitutionalism. The hybrid model also explains Canada’s supposed lapse into de facto judicial supremacy as an indication of a nuanced and compartmentalized form of legislative supremacy. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / Democratic governance was traditionally thought to require a choice between parliamentary sovereignty, with no restrictions on legislative power, and judicial supremacy, with restrictions on legislative power in the form of a judicially enforced, written constitution containing a bill of rights. Recently, scholars noting that Canada’s legal system includes elements of both traditional systems have proposed new ways of understanding the “sharing” of legal authority between courts and legislatures. These “new models” incorporate a bill of rights but allow legislatures to ignore or override these rights, thus preserving an element of parliamentary sovereignty. However, these new models fail to capture the division of lawmaking power that is formally entrenched in section 33 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. A new “hybrid” model accurately reflects this formal division of legal power and raises new challenges to the other new models of constitutionalism.

This article outlines a critical systems theory approach to the study of populism by arguing that populism is an avenue of contestation which assumes a distinct role and function in the existing constitution of the political system. Most notably, it is characterised by the re-entry of a popular sovereignty dimension within regular political procedures. By taking up a critical systems theory perspective, it becomes possible to more precisely distinguish populism from other forms of politics, such as oppositional politics, social movement politics or procedural constitutional politics. Further, populism’s oscillation between democratic and authoritarian dynamics can be elucidated as an inversion which operates from within its political form. Finally, it is argued that the critical systems theory approach provides a more nuanced understanding of populism’s inherent problems and, consequently, moves beyond a blunt defence or rejection of populism as such.