Submitted by Cláudia Bueno (claudiamoura18@gmail.com) on 2016-01-07T16:08:31Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Marcela Iossi Nogueira - 2015.pdf: 1912903 bytes, checksum: 0da94a88a0ae55f0c0f178960bad823a (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-01-08T11:41:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Marcela Iossi Nogueira - 2015.pdf: 1912903 bytes, checksum: 0da94a88a0ae55f0c0f178960bad823a (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-08T11:41:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Marcela Iossi Nogueira - 2015.pdf: 1912903 bytes, checksum: 0da94a88a0ae55f0c0f178960bad823a (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-30 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / The thesis proposed here aims to analyze the paradox between the forecast in the 1988 Constitution, which establishes the ownership of indigenous lands as the Union, and the 169 Convention of the International Labour Organization thath establishing the lands traditionally occupied like indigenous peoples property. The pluarl constitutionalism will be the starting point of this study – proposes the reinterpretation of the national state based on equality of cultural relations, as well as recognition and respect to the peculiarities of different peoples and their traditions. So there are two fundamental questions, a) There is an antinomy between the standards mentioned, and which consists in this antinomy? b) What is the cause of this antinomy? The 169 Convention covers as one of its guarantees the right to reparation for theft of property of the tribal people, be they intellectual, material, cultural or even religious. The mentioned law was ratified in national plan in July 2002 and published in July 2003, and before it is born is the issue we intend to address because, when the time of ratification of the Convention, member states undertake to perform suitability of their national legislation and practices to the terms and provisions thereof. By ratifying the Convention in July 2002, Brazil, which in addition to member state of the International Labour Organization is one of the ten countries with a permanent seat on its Board of Directors, joined the instrument of international law more comprehensive for that matter, which seeks ensure that indigenous and tribal societies the minimum rights to safeguard their culture and identity in the context of the companies which, if they wish. To understand the paradox pointed out it is necessary to understand how to check the current recognition of indigenous societies as culturally different peoples with the right to identity and specificity, demonstrating how the history of the development of the country has imposed marginalization of indigenous communities, denying their rights and expunging their populations, and also question the appropriateness of forms of international law to the national legal system considering the particularities of the companies that deal. / A pesquisa que aqui se propõe analisa o paradoxo existente entre a previsão insculpida na Constituição Federal de 1988, que estabelece a titularidade das terras indígenas como sendo da União, face à convenção 169 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho, ratificada e publicada em 2003 pelo Brasil, que estabelece serem as terras tradicionalmente ocupadas de propriedade coletiva dos povos indígenas (de acordo com o disposto nos parágrafos 2° e 3° do artigo 5° da Constituição Federal os tratados internacionais de que o Brasil faça parte são recepcionados pelo ordenamento nacional passando a integrar o rol de direitos e garantias imputados aos brasileiros e brasileiras). O estudo tem enquanto ponto de partida o constitucionalismo plural – que pretende a reinterpretação do Estado Nacional com base na igualdade das relações culturais, bem como o reconhecimento e respeito às peculiaridades dos diferentes povos e suas tradições. De maneira que se pretende interpelar duas questões fundamentais, a) Existe uma antinomia constitucional entre as normas mencionadas e, no que consiste essa antinomia? b) Quais as causas dessa antinomia, qual a questão material de fundo? A Convenção 169 abarca enquanto uma de suas garantias, a título exemplificativo, o direito à reparação pelo furto das propriedades dos povos tribais, sejam elas intelectuais, materiais, culturais ou até religiosas. O mencionado diploma foi ratificado em plano nacional em julho de 2002 e publicado em julho de 2003, e é diante disso é que nasce a problemática que se pretende aqui abordar uma vez que, quando do momento da ratificação da Convenção, os Estados membros se comprometem a realizar a adequação de sua legislação e práticas nacionais aos termos e disposições da mesma. Ao ratificar a Convenção em julho de 2002, o Brasil, que além de Estado membro da Organização Internacional do Trabalho é um dos dez países com assento permanente no seu Conselho de Administração, aderiu ao instrumento de Direito Internacional mais abrangente para essa matéria, que procura garantir aos povos indígenas e tribais os direitos mínimos de salvaguardar suas culturas e identidade no contexto das sociedades que integram, se assim desejarem. Para compreender o paradoxo apontado é necessário entender como se verifica na atualidade o reconhecimento das sociedades indígenas enquanto povos culturalmente diferenciados com direito a identidade e especificidade, demonstrar de que maneira o processo histórico de formação do território nacional impôs a marginalização das comunidades indígenas, negando seus direitos e expurgando suas populações e, ainda, questionar as formas de adequação do direito internacional ao ordenamento jurídico pátrio considerando as particularidades das sociedades de que tratam.

Submitted by Nadir Basilio (nadirsb@uninove.br) on 2016-05-12T18:04:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio De Sessa.pdf: 810108 bytes, checksum: 2e281d89d8c1f56a0ad7355d6ca0d13f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-12T18:04:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio De Sessa.pdf: 810108 bytes, checksum: 2e281d89d8c1f56a0ad7355d6ca0d13f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-06-03 / This research aims to investigate the epistemological arrays that organized the concept of constitutionalism and power in Brazil during the process of Independence that took place in 1822 as well as try to identify consequences of these matrices in contemporary jurisdictional service. However, it was necessary to understand a historical foray into the place of Latin America in the Constitution of Modernity, from the age of discovery, to understand the elements of Eurocentrism (Dussel) and modern thought Abyssal (Bonaventure) moving to the Brazilian colony with the Royal Family in 1808, phenomenon which was crucial to the breakup of the colonial pact with Porto Revolution and Independence of Brazil. For these philosophies and historical assumptions, it analyzes the characteristics of the organized constitutionalism and liberalism in Brazil, which had in Coimbra the intellectual matrix for the creation of a political elite for the nascent Empire. The legal basis was analyzed in two parts, the first one is the supported administrative jurisdiction in the State Council, which is auxiliary of the moderator power, responsible for legal cultural production and also the Supreme Court, empowered to review decisions to revoke and isolated from the "political" conflict between the powers. In addition it holds the analysis of the reorganization of power with the Republican Constitution of 1891, when the new institutional model empowered the review of decisions, the arbiter of conflicts between the powers and opened the jurisdictional control of constitutionality through the diffuse means and the Supreme Court assumed the power of last interpret of the Constitution. Finally, we identify the reflections of contemporary adjudication constitutional basis, organized state power and justice and which can propose hypotheses about the phenomena of the / Esta pesquisa pretende investigar as matrizes epistemológicas que organizaram o conceito de constitucionalismo e o poder no Estado brasileiro com o processo de Independência de 1822 para, ao final, identificar reflexos destas matrizes na prestação jurisdicional contemporânea. Contudo, fez-se necessária uma incursão histórica para compreender o lugar da América Latina na constituição da Modernidade, a partir da era dos descobrimentos, para compreender os elementos do eurocentrismo (Dussel) e do pensamento moderno abissal (Boaventura) que se instalam na colônia brasileira com a transferência da Família Real Portuguesa, em 1808, cujo fenômeno foi determinante para o rompimento do pacto colonial com a Revolução do Porto e a Independência do Brasil. Por estas premissas filosóficas e históricas, analisam-se as características do constitucionalismo e do liberalismo organizados no Brasil e que tiveram em Coimbra a matriz intelectual para a formação de uma elite política e ilustrada para o Império nascente. A matriz judiciária foi analisada em duas vertentes, a jurisdição administrativa amparada no Conselho de Estado, auxiliar do Poder Moderador, então responsável pela produção cultural jurídica e o Supremo Tribunal de Justiça, com poderes de revista para cassar decisões e isolado das “questões políticas” de conflito entre os poderes. Em seguida, detém-se a análise sobre a reorganização do poder com a Constituição republicana de 1891, quando o novo desenho institucional atribuiu poderes de revisão das decisões, de árbitro dos conflitos entre os poderes, bem como inaugurou o controle jurisdicional de constitucionalidade através do meio difuso e atribuiu o poder de interprete último da Constituição ao Supremo Tribunal Federal. Por fim, identificam-se na prestação jurisdicional contemporânea reflexos desta matriz constitucional que organizou o poder do Estado e da justiça e que pode lançar hipóteses sobre os fenômenos da judicialização da política, politização do judiciário e ativismo judicial.

Submitted by Nadir Basilio (nadirsb@uninove.br) on 2017-06-05T19:18:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Luana Aparecida Zuppi Garcia.pdf: 3491559 bytes, checksum: 390e0a64ec7f94a3e576bafe3918cd96 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-05T19:18:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luana Aparecida Zuppi Garcia.pdf: 3491559 bytes, checksum: 390e0a64ec7f94a3e576bafe3918cd96 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-10-31 / The study of immigrants under the refuge condition deals with the existing conditions for worldwide recognition of the need that individual to seek refuge in a country that is not their original home. This refuge is from a variety of different sources and motivations such as their ethnicity, culture, political opinion, religion or any other that endangers the fulfillment of the value of human dignity, as shown as sufficient reason for the search the refuge. The foreign country which accept those in refugee situation need to deal with the recognition of human rights of these refugees, internalizing and from the modern constitutionalist movement, recognize the existence of fundamental rights to its national and must extended to those victimized individuals and they are in refugee situation, in view of the primacy of the principle of equality. This refuge in turn need to be given by internal administrative procedure involving a wide range of government and non-government agencies for full compliance to each alleged refugee. This analysis uses the deductive research and historical methods, taking into consideration the theoretical normative UNHCR and CONARE, as well as the principles contained in international conventions and treaties on the refuge, also taking the doctrinal teachings of a range of writers on the subject discoursed. The study concludes the existing challenges in Brazil, in order to fully grasp the fundamental rights of full access to health, education, labor and employment and housing of these refugees, so as to effectively reach the value of human dignity. / O estudo dos imigrantes sob a condição de refúgio trata das condições existentes mundialmente para o reconhecimento da necessidade desse indivíduo buscar refúgio em país que não é o seu de origem. Refúgio este que deriva das mais diversas fontes e motivações de perseguições, que podem ser em razão de sua etnia, cultura, opiniões políticas, religião ou qualquer outra que coloque em risco o cumprimento do valor da dignidade humana, já se mostra como motivo suficiente para a busca do refúgio. O país recebedor deste estrangeiro em situação de refúgio por sua vez, precisa tratar do reconhecimento dos direitos humanos desses refugiados, os internalizando e a partir do movimento constitucionalista moderno, reconhecer a existência dos direitos fundamentais a seus nacionais e extensíveis a esses indivíduos vitimizados e que se encontram em situação de refúgio, tendo em vista a primazia do princípio da isonomia. Esse refúgio por sua vez precisa ser concedido mediante procedimento administrativo interno envolvendo uma gama de órgãos governamentais e não governamentais para o atendimento pleno do pretenso refugiado. Para tal análise se utiliza do método de pesquisa dedutivo, contanto ainda com o método auxiliar histórico, tomando por referencial teórico as normativas do ACNUR e do CONARE, assim como os preceitos contidos nas Convenções e Tratados internacionais sobre o refúgio, e dos ensinamentos doutrinários de uma gama de escritores sobre o tema discorrido. O estudo possibilita se concluir pelos desafios existentes ao Brasil, para que se alcance plenamente os direitos fundamentais de acesso pleno a saúde, educação, trabalho e emprego e moradia desses refugiados, para que efetivamente se alcance o valor da dignidade humana.

In this dissertation I analyse the transformation of the South African law on the warranty against latent defects. I trace the development from pre-classical Roman law through to the enactment of the Consumer Protection Act 68 of 2008 (“the CPA”). Society’s ever-changing economic requirements and moral ideals serve as the driving forces behind these continuous legal developments. Under Roman law the rules on latent defects initially applied to the sale of slaves. In contrast, modern South African law, as per the CPA and the values of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, specifically aims to protect the most vulnerable members of South Africa’s unequal society. The conservative approach adopted by the judiciary when adjudicating contractual matters hinders the transformation of the law of sale. Legal rules and legal thinking which reinforce traditional distributive patterns require reconsideration if societal-wide change, as demanded by the Constitution, can be imagined and accomplished. If the economic role of the contract and its power to divide and (re)distribute wealth is viewed as important, the link between poverty and the contract, and by association the consumer agreement, cannot be ignored. Contracts, and specifically basic consumer and credit agreements, are often concluded in order to facilitate survival in our current social reality. The law as it relates to consumer protection and the sale of defective goods is directly related to the contract’s role in wealth distribution. Where sales agreements are in question, the unequal bargaining power of the parties can impede the purchaser/consumer even further. The consumer’s right to good quality and safe goods creates uncertainty regarding whether or not the seller’s liability under the common law warranty against latent defects may be excluded in instances where the CPA and the common law apply simultaneously. This uncertainty, if addressed as being part of the national project of transformative constitutionalism, the only conclusion that can be drawn is that the exclusion of the seller’s liability is, paradoxically, detrimental to the very subject that the CPA and Constitution aim to protect, namely the purchaser. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / tm2015 / Private Law / LLM / Unrestricted

This thesis is arguing that Sweden needs to change the legislation for how the constitution can be changed, to maintain democracy and strengthen the constitutionalism in the country. The argument is based on the fact that the Swedish constitution is easy to change, and the time frame for a change is short if there is a political majority in the parliament. Constitutionalism is often connected with the rule of law, division of powers and constitutional courts, but is in this thesis mainly used as an idea of a restriction of the political majority to prevent misuse of the political power, but also as a tool to maintain democracy. The tension between democracy and constitutionalism is also discussed throughout the thesis to conclude if constitutionalism could be used without interfering with sovereignty of the people. A comparative study is done with Hungary, and the political development in the country is used as an example of the effect of a strong political majority without any boundaries. The countries similarities and differences are presented in relation to democracy and different types of legislation regarding constitutional change. A discussion is held on how constitutionalism can be used as a tool to maintain individual rights and democracy, but also if there are any negative consequences with a strong constitutionalism. The thesis is focusing on the regulation of constitutional change, since it is discussed that the way of changing the constitution is the truly important one to maintain a democratic country. But other aspects of constitutionalism are discussed as well. At the end of the thesis there is a suggestion to change the legislation for constitutional change in Sweden. All the suggestions are supposed to extend the time frame before changes can be made and make it more difficult to change the constitution with a strong political majority.

The cultivation of a culture of constitutionalism remains the greatest challenge to Nigeria’s constitutional democracy. Militarism affected in a very substantial way Africa’s efforts to develop a culture of constitutionalism in the continent. Nigeria typifies the failed African effort in trying to establish an enduring democracy and constitutionalism. After ten years of transition from militarism to constitutional democracy and the euphoria of the country’s return to democracy, the country is still on a slow march in the entrenchment of the practice of constitutionalism. This work primarily sets out to investigate the state of constitutionalism in Nigeria. Human rights and judiciary as constituents of constitutionalism are the main focus of that investigation. A crucial question that encapsulates the main objective of the study is how can Nigeria entrench a culture of constitutionalism? The study, therefore, investigates the question whether constitutional formalism or textualism without more can guarantee constitutionalism. It advocates that constitutionality does not necessarily lead to constitutionalism. The work further probes into the nature, extent and reasons for the past failure of constitutionalism in the country and its current state. The study also embarks on an exploration into the mechanisms for the protection of human rights, the problems and challenges in Nigeria. The challenges include the introduction of the “new Sharia” by some States in Nigeria; the failure to accord socio-economic rights due consideration in Nigerian jurisprudence and the poor pace of the domestication of human rights norms. The work demonstrates the relationship and linkage between human rights, democracy and judicialism in the study of constitutionalism. / Public Constitutional and International Law / LL.D.

The conceptualist view of property is based on the conceptual system or hierarchy of rights conceived by Grotius and developed by the pandectists. It rests on the assumptions that ownership is neutral and timeless. As such it has a number of abstract, timeless and universal characteristics, namely absoluteness, uniformity and exclusivity. Combined with liberalism, this concept of property becomes the guarantee of liberty and equality. The first part of this study shows that not only are the assumptions historically unfounded, but this conceptualist view of property made liberty and equality for women, in particular, impossible. The liberal, conceptualist property concept is a modernist construct that cannot guarantee either liberty or equality. The question then becomes whether constitutionalism can do what conceptualism cannot- can die constitutional protection of property guarantee liberty and equality. The second part of this study suggests that the answer to this is an "it depends" kind of answer. It depends on the structure of a constitution, underlying philosophical, political and, above all, hermeneutics theories employed by courts. In the South African context courts need to reject the private-law conceptualist view of ownership in favour of a constitutional property concept. This last-mentioned concept should be based on the values and normative context of the 1996 constitution. As such it involves value choices and making a political stand. Courts need to abandon conceptualist frameworks and decide on the proportionality of limitations on property. The conclusion to this study suggests that a feminist understanding of human beings as socially constructed and constrained, so that democracy alone cannot provide an answer to the counter-majaritarian dilemma, is necessary far an understanding of property. The creative tension provided by the feminist conflict between a political agenda and a respect far contexts may provide a framework far adjudicating an property issues. / Private Law / LL.D.

The beginning of the 1990s saw many African countries embarking on the process of drafting new constitutions as they abandoned independence constitutions. Most of the independence constitutions were perceived as constitutions without constitutionalism and they were generally blamed for failure of democracy and the rule of law in Africa. The study analyses the state of democracy and constitutionalism and the impact that colonialism had on the African continent. Apart from the spurt of new constitutions adopted, democracy is growing very slowly in most African states with widespread human rights violations and disregard for the rule of law and the principle of separation of powers, still holding the centre stage. Judicial independence is an important component of democracy in the modern state. The study therefore scrutinizes how the principle of judicial independence can be promoted and protected to enhance democracy. One important mechanism which plays a crucial role in safeguarding judicial independence is the way judicial officers are appointed. The study selects four countries – Swaziland, Kenya, Zimbabwe and South Africa and analyses how judicial officers are appointed in these countries in an effort to find an effective and optimal approach.The premise of the study is centred on the role of constitutionalism and the process of appointing judges as a means of promoting and safeguarding democracy in these selected countries. / Public, Constitutional, & International Law / LLM

The years 1870 to 1920 saw an extraordinary efflorescence of English historical writing, dominated by historians who were committed members of the Church of England, many of them in holy orders. At a time when both history and religion were central to cultural life, when history was becoming a modern academic discipline, and when the relationship between Christianity and advanced knowledge was under unprecedented scrutiny, this was a phenomenon of considerable intellectual significance. To understand why this came about, it is necessary to understand the intellectual and institutional conditions in the Church of England at the time. The Oxford Movement and the rise of incarnational theology had drawn Anglicans in ever greater numbers towards the study of the past. At the same time, it was still widely held that the Church of England should be a ‘learned church’: it therefore encouraged scholarship, sacred and secular, amongst its laity and clergy. The result was to produce historians who approached the past with a new set of priorities. The history of the English nation and its constitution was rewritten to show that the church – and especially the medieval church – was the originator and guarantor of modern nationality and liberty. Attitudes to the Reformation shifted from the celebratory to the sceptical, or even the downright hostile. Economic historians even came to see the Reformation as a social revolution – as the origin of modern poverty or capitalism. New and distinctive ideas about progress and divine providence were developed and articulated. Most of all, an examination of Anglican historical scholarship shows the continued vitality of the Church of England and the limitations to the idea that intellectual life was secularised over the course of the nineteenth century. Instead, historiography continued to be shaped by Anglican thought and institutions at this critical stage in its development.

Thesis (LLD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation considers the question whether there are viable alternatives to the conceptual framework within which the South African administrative-law system operates, given that the administration now functions under new constitutional demands and new approaches to administrative engagement. The intention is not to proffer concrete recommendations for such a system, but only to propose an approach by means of which questions concerning the legal regulation of the administration and administrative function may be addressed. The dissertation introduces the concept of the contextualised administrative-law system. This concept emphasises the legal relationship between the public administration and the judiciary, but is not limited to this relationship. The administrative-law system does not operate in a vacuum, though, and is informed by the conceptual framework within which the system operates. The system is also a function of its geo-political and socio-economic context. The historical development of the doctrine of separation of powers, as one aspect of the conceptual framework, is traced. Thereby the normative, dynamic and flexible nature of the doctrine is established. On this basis, the potential and value of a fourth branch, the administration, within the separation-of-powers doctrine is assessed. By implication, the administrative function would constitute a fourth, distinct function in addition to the legislative, executive and judicial functions. The concept of the administrative-law system is consequently applied to the South African context. Firstly, the development of the South African system is outlined and, secondly, the administrative-law relationship is analysed. This discussion establishes that the system is characterised by an embryonic administrative law, the equating of administrative law and judicial review, an emphasis on the rule-of-law or “red-light” approach to administrative regulation, a rhetoric of deference, and the supremacy of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. Therefore, the system must be informed by the Constitution and, arguably, by Karl Klare’s project of transformative constitutionalism and Etienne Mureinik’s “culture of justification”. The content of the separation of powers is also investigated by means of an historical analysis of the considerations that rationalise the existence of an independent administrative jurisdiction in France. This entails an exposition of the Conseil d’État’s structure, organisation and dual function. Principles that describe the French system, other than the pure separation of powers, are discussed, namely, the duality of jurisdiction, the separation of administrative and judicial authorities, the separation of the administrative jurisdiction and active administration, the maxim “to judge the administration is still administering”, and the hybrid nature of administrative litigation. The legal regulation of public contracts can be regarded as a doctrinal perspective of the administrative-law system. The public contract is discussed as one form of administration, due to its conceptual ambiguity as a legal instrument on the boundary between public and private law and due to the administration’s increasing contractual activity. To an extent the contrat administratif of French law indicates that particular legal rules are an extension of the broader principles, considerations and institutional structures discussed in the preceding sections. This dissertation introduces an approach that emphasises the relationship between the administration and the judiciary as well as the conceptual framework within which the administrative-law system operates. Through the application of this approach to the South African context and to public contracting the key concepts and debates underlying an appropriate administrative-law system in South Africa are identified and investigated. This constitutes a platform for the development of a particular administrative-law system and an exposition of viable alternatives to the conceptual framework within which the system operates. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die vraag of daar lewensvatbare alternatiewe tot die konseptuele raamwerk van die huidige Suid-Afrikaanse administratiefreg-stelsel moontlik is. Dié vraag word gestel teen die agtergrond van die nuwe grondwetlike vereistes en benaderings waaraan administratiewe interaksie moet voldoen. Die bedoeling is nie om aanbevelings vir die bestaande stelsel te maak nie, maar eerder om ‘n benadering voor te stel waarin vrae oor die regulering van die administrasie en die administratiewe funksie geakkommodeer kan word. In die proses skep die proefskrif ‘n nuwe konsep: die administratiefreg-stelsel in konteks, wat die regsverhouding tussen die administrasie en die regbank beklemtoon, terwyl dit nie beperk is tot die verhouding nie. Uiteraard word die administratiefregstelsel beïnvloed deur die konseptuele raamwerk waarin dit funksioneer, terwyl dit verder ook ‘n funksie is van sy geopolitiese en sosio-ekonomiese konteks. Die historiese ontwikkeling van die skeiding van magte, een aspek van die konseptuele raamwerk, word bespreek en daardeur word die normatiewe, dinamiese en buigsame aard van die leerstuk bevestig. Hiermee word die potensiaal en waarde van ‘n vierde been, naamlik die administrasie, binne die skeiding-van-magte leerstuk oorweeg, met die implikasie dat die administratiewe funksie ‘n onafhanklike, vierde funksie vestig, benewens die wetgewende, uitvoerende en regsprekende funksies. Die konsep van die administratiefreg-stelsel word gevolglik toegepas op die Suid- Afrikaanse konteks. Eerstens word die ontwikkeling van die Suid-Afrikaanse stelsel uiteengesit en dan tweedens word die administratiefreg-verhouding ontleed. Hierdie bespreking bevestig dat die stelsel gekenmerk word deur ‘n onderontwikkelde administratiefreg, die gelykstelling van die administratiefreg en geregtelike hersiening, die beklemtoning van die regstaat en ‘n sogenaamde rooilig-benadering tot administratiewe regulasie, ‘n retoriek van geregtike agting, en die oppergesag van die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika, 1996. Juis as gevolg hiervan moet die stelsel op die Grondwet gegrond word. Daar word ook geargumenteer dat Karl Klare se transformerende konstitusionalisme sowel as Etienne Mureinik se kultuur van regverdiging die stelsel vorm behoort te gee. Die skeiding van magte se inhoud word ook aan ‘n historiese ontleding van Franse reg onderwerp om sodoende die rasionaal agter die onafhanklike administratiewe jurisdiksie in Frankryk te verduidelik. Dit behels ‘n uiteensetting van die Conseil d’État se struktuur, interne organisering en tweeledige funksie. Die beginsels wat die Franse stelsel beskryf, bo-en-behalwe die suiwer skeiding van magte, word bespreek en dit is by name die dualiteit van jurisdiksie, die skeiding van administratiewe en regsprekende owerhede, die skeiding van die administratiewe jurisdiksie en aktiewe administrasie, die leuse wanneer die administrasie beoordeel word, word daar steeds administreer, en die gemengde aard van administratiewe regsgedinge. Die openbare kontrak word bespreek as ‘n instrument van administrasie gegewe die konseptuele dubbelsinnigheid van daardie regskonsep, wat op die grens tussen publiek- en privaatreg lê, en as gevolg van die administrasie se toenemende kontraktuele aktiwiteit. In ‘n mate dui die Franse contrat administratif daarop dat bepaalde regsreëls ‘n uitbreiding van die breër beginsels, oorwegings en institusionele strukture is, soos in die voorafgaande afdelings bespreek word. Dus stel hierdie proefskrif ‘n benadering voor wat die verhouding tussen die administrasie en die regbank, sowel as die konseptuele raamwerk waarbinne die administratiefreg-stelsel funksioneer, beklemtoon. Deur hierdie benadering toe te pas op die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks, en op openbare kontraktering, word die konsepte en debatte geïdentifiseer en ondersoek wat ‘n gepaste administratiefreg-stelsel onderskryf. Dit vorm ‘n basis vir die ontwikkeling van ‘n bepaalde administratiefregstelsel en die uiteensetting van lewensvatbare alternatiewe tot die konseptuele raamwerk waarbinne die stelsel funksioneer.