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Citizenship and IdentityLawlor, Rachel A. January 2006 (has links)
This thesis argues that pluralism and diversity pose a more fundamental challenge to liberal constitutionalism than is sometimes recognised by liberal political theorists. While the challenges presented by moral pluralism at the philosophical level, and by cultural diversity at the socio-cultural level, have received a great deal of attention in recent political thought, the background within which these themes become salient has not always been fully acknowledged. What is new in the modern world is not so much diversity of lifestyles, but the disintegration of frameworks that traditionally provided an unproblematic basis for political authority. What this modern challenge forces us to confront then, is the idea that ‘the people’ who are subject to law, are also, as citizens, the ultimate source of political authority. I consider in detail the work of two contemporary political theorists who have provided among the most sustained and far-reaching attempts to respond to this challenge, Charles Taylor and Jürgen Habermas. Both make a significant contribution to responding to the contemporary situation of pluralism by taking on board the ‘dialogical’ nature of identity, and the role of the ‘people’ as the ultimate source of political power. However each places a heavy reliance on a privileged standpoint that may shield political judgement from the full implications of modern pluralism: Habermas, by appealing to ‘post-conventional morality’ and Taylor, by appealing to an incipient teleology.
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Poverty, inequality and socio-economic rights: A theoretical framework for the realisation of socio-economic rights in the 2010 Kenyan ConstitutionOrago, Nicholas Wasonga January 2013 (has links)
<p>Poverty and inequality are deeply entrenched in Kenya, with the country being one of the most unequal countries in the world. To eradicate poverty and inequality, enhance the achievement of social justice, fast-track human development, as well as to entrench participatory democracy<br />
and a culture of justification in governance, Kenya has, for the first time, entrenched justiciable socio-economic rights (SERs) in its 2010 Constitution. In this thesis, I undertake a critical analysis of the prospects for the implementation and enforcement of the entrenched SERs as well as the probable challenges that Kenya may face in their realisation. In this endeavour, the thesis develops a theoretical and interpretive approach for the realisation of these entrenched SERs. It entails an expansive analysis of the nature, scope, content and extent of the SERs entrenched in the 2010 Kenyan Constitution, and especially the place of international human rights obligations contained in customs and ratified international human rights treaties due to the provisions of the 2010 Constitution which espouse the direct application of international law in Kenya&rsquo / s domestic legal system. It is submitted in this thesis that in order to improve the socio-economic conditions of the poor, vulnerable and marginalised groups in Kenya, there is a need for their socio-economic as well as political empowerment to enable them to effectively take part in societal decision-making in both the public and private spheres with regard to resource (re)distribution. The theory of dialogical constitutionalism, based on the constitutionally entrenched principle of popular participation in governance and public decision-making, is aimed at the realisation of both political and socio-economic empowerment of these groups. Even though the theory of dialogical constitutionalism underscores the importance of litigation in the achievement of the transformative aspirations of the 2010 Kenyan Constitution contained in the entrenched SERs, it acknowledges that litigation is not the panacea of SER enforcement, and that other political and advocacy strategies play an important role in the emancipation of the socio-economically deprived groups in society. The thesis thus advocates a multi-pronged strategy which espouses the equal participation of all sectors of society in a collaborative and cooperative deliberative effort aimed at the full realisation of the entrenched SERs. To accompany the above theoretical framework for the interpretation and implementation of the entrenched SERs, the thesis further proposes a transformative and integrated approach which combines the progressive aspects of the minimum core approachand the reasonableness approach. This is an approach of purposive interpretion which, in the first instance, envisages the courts undertaking a strict and searching scrutiny of the SER implementation framework developed by the political institutions of the State to ensure that sufficient provision has been made for the basic necessities of the most poor and vulnerable groups in society, basically the espousal of a minimum core content approach. The approach entails the requirement that should the SER implementation framework fail to provide this basic minimum to vulnerable groups, and the political institutions do not provide a substantive justification as to the failure, then the courts should find the relevant SER implementation<br />
framework per se unreasonable and thus invalid. However, should the implementation framework provide sufficiently for the basic essentials for vulnerable groups, the courts should then proceed to review it using the reasonableness standards that have been developed by the<br />
South African Constitutional Court. The rationale for this searching analysis is the acknowledgement that if the needs and interests of the most indigent and marginalised in society are not catered for, the entire corpus of rights in the Bill of Rights becomes redundant. The thesis then undertakes a case study of two rights, the right to food and the right to housing, using the theoretical and interpretive approaches developed in the previous chapters of the thesis. On food security, the thesis finds that Kenya is a food insecure country with a declining food production capacity. This is basically due to a lack of subsidy to farmers, global warming leading to intermittent rainfall, lack of investment in sustainable agriculture as well as a fragmented and contradictory legislative and policy agenda. In response to this situation, the thesis proposes the adoption of a livelihoods approach to food security in Kenya, based on the constitutionally entrenched right to food and other supporting rights. This approach advocates the enhancement of the food entitlements of the different sectors of the Kenyan society to ensure their access to adequate and nutritious food, be it through self-production or through the market. On the right to housing, the thesis finds that housing plays a crucial role in ensuring that people are able to have a holistic, dignified and valuable existence. However, Kenya faces a dire housing situation, with the majority of Kenyans, both in rural and urban areas lacking adequate shelter and sanitary conditions, evidenced by the large informal settlements in urban areas and the squatter phenomenon in rural areas. With the entrenchment of a justiciable right to adequate housing in the 2010 Constitution, the study finds that several legislative and policy reforms are underway to improve the housing situation, with efforts being made to draft theLandlord and Tenant Bill 2007, the Housing Bill 2011, the Evictions and Resettlement Guidelines and the Evictions and Resettlement Procedures Bill, 2012, among others. The thesis proposes that these legal reforms must be undertaken within an environment of cooperative and<br />
collaborative strategic partnership involving all sectors of society so as to ensure that the housing concerns as well as interests of all are catered for.</p>
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Poverty, inequality and socio-economic rights: A theoretical framework for the realisation of socio-economic rights in the 2010 Kenyan ConstitutionOrago, Nicholas Wasonga January 2013 (has links)
<p>Poverty and inequality are deeply entrenched in Kenya, with the country being one of the most unequal countries in the world. To eradicate poverty and inequality, enhance the achievement of social justice, fast-track human development, as well as to entrench participatory democracy<br />
and a culture of justification in governance, Kenya has, for the first time, entrenched justiciable socio-economic rights (SERs) in its 2010 Constitution. In this thesis, I undertake a critical analysis of the prospects for the implementation and enforcement of the entrenched SERs as well as the probable challenges that Kenya may face in their realisation. In this endeavour, the thesis develops a theoretical and interpretive approach for the realisation of these entrenched SERs. It entails an expansive analysis of the nature, scope, content and extent of the SERs entrenched in the 2010 Kenyan Constitution, and especially the place of international human rights obligations contained in customs and ratified international human rights treaties due to the provisions of the 2010 Constitution which espouse the direct application of international law in Kenya&rsquo / s domestic legal system. It is submitted in this thesis that in order to improve the socio-economic conditions of the poor, vulnerable and marginalised groups in Kenya, there is a need for their socio-economic as well as political empowerment to enable them to effectively take part in societal decision-making in both the public and private spheres with regard to resource (re)distribution. The theory of dialogical constitutionalism, based on the constitutionally entrenched principle of popular participation in governance and public decision-making, is aimed at the realisation of both political and socio-economic empowerment of these groups. Even though the theory of dialogical constitutionalism underscores the importance of litigation in the achievement of the transformative aspirations of the 2010 Kenyan Constitution contained in the entrenched SERs, it acknowledges that litigation is not the panacea of SER enforcement, and that other political and advocacy strategies play an important role in the emancipation of the socio-economically deprived groups in society. The thesis thus advocates a multi-pronged strategy which espouses the equal participation of all sectors of society in a collaborative and cooperative deliberative effort aimed at the full realisation of the entrenched SERs. To accompany the above theoretical framework for the interpretation and implementation of the entrenched SERs, the thesis further proposes a transformative and integrated approach which combines the progressive aspects of the minimum core approachand the reasonableness approach. This is an approach of purposive interpretion which, in the first instance, envisages the courts undertaking a strict and searching scrutiny of the SER implementation framework developed by the political institutions of the State to ensure that sufficient provision has been made for the basic necessities of the most poor and vulnerable groups in society, basically the espousal of a minimum core content approach. The approach entails the requirement that should the SER implementation framework fail to provide this basic minimum to vulnerable groups, and the political institutions do not provide a substantive justification as to the failure, then the courts should find the relevant SER implementation<br />
framework per se unreasonable and thus invalid. However, should the implementation framework provide sufficiently for the basic essentials for vulnerable groups, the courts should then proceed to review it using the reasonableness standards that have been developed by the<br />
South African Constitutional Court. The rationale for this searching analysis is the acknowledgement that if the needs and interests of the most indigent and marginalised in society are not catered for, the entire corpus of rights in the Bill of Rights becomes redundant. The thesis then undertakes a case study of two rights, the right to food and the right to housing, using the theoretical and interpretive approaches developed in the previous chapters of the thesis. On food security, the thesis finds that Kenya is a food insecure country with a declining food production capacity. This is basically due to a lack of subsidy to farmers, global warming leading to intermittent rainfall, lack of investment in sustainable agriculture as well as a fragmented and contradictory legislative and policy agenda. In response to this situation, the thesis proposes the adoption of a livelihoods approach to food security in Kenya, based on the constitutionally entrenched right to food and other supporting rights. This approach advocates the enhancement of the food entitlements of the different sectors of the Kenyan society to ensure their access to adequate and nutritious food, be it through self-production or through the market. On the right to housing, the thesis finds that housing plays a crucial role in ensuring that people are able to have a holistic, dignified and valuable existence. However, Kenya faces a dire housing situation, with the majority of Kenyans, both in rural and urban areas lacking adequate shelter and sanitary conditions, evidenced by the large informal settlements in urban areas and the squatter phenomenon in rural areas. With the entrenchment of a justiciable right to adequate housing in the 2010 Constitution, the study finds that several legislative and policy reforms are underway to improve the housing situation, with efforts being made to draft theLandlord and Tenant Bill 2007, the Housing Bill 2011, the Evictions and Resettlement Guidelines and the Evictions and Resettlement Procedures Bill, 2012, among others. The thesis proposes that these legal reforms must be undertaken within an environment of cooperative and<br />
collaborative strategic partnership involving all sectors of society so as to ensure that the housing concerns as well as interests of all are catered for.</p>
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[en] ACTIVISM AND MINORITIES: A SYMBOLIC SCENARIO OF STRUGGLES FOR RECOGNITION / [pt] ATIVISMO JUDICIAL E MINORIAS: UM CENÁRIO SIMBÓLICO DE LUTAS PELO RECONHECIMENTOMARIA EUGENIA BUNCHAFT 18 October 2017 (has links)
[pt] Na filosofia política contemporânea, a problemática do reconhecimento pode ser enfocada sob duas perspectivas: como uma questão de autorrealização ou como uma questão de justiça. Fraser e Habermas assumem uma perspectiva deontológica e procedimental por meio da qual as reivindicações identitárias são tematizadas no espaço público, concebendo o reconhecimento como uma questão de justiça. Taylor e Honneth seguindo o modelo hegeliano, concebem o reconhecimento como uma questão de autorrealização, terminando por enfatizar a dimensão psicológica do reconhecimento. Pretendemos apresentar um diálogo entre os referidos autores, pois suas propostas teóricas são fundamentais para compreensão dos desafios propostos pelas sociedades multiculturais. O tema do reconhecimento, todavia, será analisado, não apenas em uma dimensão filosófica, mas também contemplando um aspecto fundamental: a proteção jurisdicional aos direitos fundamentais de minorias. Inicialmente, pretendemos estabelecer os conceitos essenciais acerca dos fundamentos filosóficos das teorias do reconhecimento; logo após, tais premissas teóricas serão articuladas com a análise de formas de ativismo judicial voltadas para a proteção de minorias estigmatizadas que se delinearam na jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal, do Superior Tribunal de Justiça e da Suprema Corte Americana. Em suma, estabelecidos os contornos teóricos acerca dos fundamentos filosóficos das teorias do reconhecimento, propugnamos compreender a dimensão simbólica das lutas por reconhecimento na arena jurídicoconstitucional, sob uma perspectiva filosófica, especialmente no que se refere ao papel dos tribunais superiores brasileiros (Supremo Tribunal Federal e Superior Tribunal de Justiça) e Suprema Corte americana na proteção de grupos estigmatizados cujas expectativas normativas, muitas vezes, não são satisfeitas pelas instâncias deliberativas. / [en] In contemporary political philosophy, the issue of recognition can be approached from two perspectives: either as a matter of self-realization or as a matter of justice. Fraser and Habermas take an ethical and procedural perspective through which the claims of identity are themed in the public space, conceiving recognition as a matter of justice. Taylor and Honneth, following the Hegelian model, see recognition as a matter of self-realization and eventually emphasize the psychological dimension of recognition. We intend to present a dialogue between these authors, because their theoretical propositions are fundamental to understanding the challenges posed by multicultural societies. The issue of recognition, however, will be examined not just in its philosophical dimension, but also in view of a fundamental aspect: the judicial protection of the fundamental rights of minorities. Initially, we intend to establish the essential concepts regarding the philosophical foundations of theories of recognition; following that, such theoretical premises will be coordinated with the analysis of forms of judicial activism aimed at protecting stigmatized minorities as outlined in the jurisprudences of the Higher Court of Justice and Federal Supreme Court, and of the U.S. Supreme Court. In short, once the theoretical outlines of the philosophical theories of recognition have been set, we aim at understanding the symbolic dimension of the struggle for recognition in the legal-constitutional arena from a philosophical perspective, particularly regarding the role of the higher Brazilian courts (the Higher Court of Justice and the Federal Supreme Court) and of the U.S. Supreme Court in the protection of stigmatized groups whose normative expectations are often not met by the deliberative bodies.
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[en] FROM HIGH-LEVEL THEORY TO OPERATIONAL LEVEL: INSTITUTIONAL ANALISYS AS THE BASIS OF INTERPRETIVE CHOICE / [pt] DA ABSTRAÇÃO PARA O PLANO OPERACIONAL: A ANÁLISE INSTITUCIONAL COMO BASE DA ESCOLHA INTERPRETATIVADANIEL ALMEIDA DE OLIVEIRA 22 November 2016 (has links)
[pt] O trabalho identifica as bases necessárias para apontar o método adequado
de interpretação das normas do Direito Regulatório. Para atingir esse ponto, no
entanto, perpassa pela discussão a respeito de qual o método adequado de
interpretação da Constituição e da lei em geral. O resultado (prático) das teorias
constitucionais ou das teorias de interpretação jurídica depende de fatores que
muitas vezes são negligenciados, o que repercute, obviamente, na correção dessas
teorias, fazendo com que a discussão a respeito do formalismo jurídico seja
retomada, com argumentos mais robustos a seu favor. A hipótese levantada é a de
que os teóricos constitucionais e os da interpretação jurídica brasileiros
geralmente desenvolvem suas teorias como se fossem ser aplicadas por eles
próprios ou por grandes especialistas e/ou a partir de critérios abstratos,
negligenciando o fato de a regra interpretativa defendida poder acabar resultando
num Direito inadequado, no nível operacional, tendo em vista as limitações dos
agentes responsáveis por sua aplicação e as contingências do mundo real. No caso
do Direito Regulatório, obtém-se um melhor direito caso adotado pelos juízes o
formalismo deferencial (ou formalismo maximilianista) como postura
interpretativa, ao invés de uma postura interpretativa não formalista, como a póspositivista
e a neoconstitucionalista. Existem fatores externos ao Direito que
repercutem decisivamente na capacidade de aplicação da Constituição e da lei que
não são perceptíveis à análise moral e/ou conceitual-teórica. Portanto, se não
identificados e adequadamente trabalhados, levam à construção de uma teoria
constitucional ou da interpretação jurídica sem maior valor prático, gerando
disfunções no sistema constitucional e legal, além de um Direito ruim, caso
empregada. Propõe-se identificar a interpretação jurídica e o direito adequados
sob outra perspectiva que não a moral ou teórico-conceitual-abstrata,
demonstrando que existem teorias sólidas contrárias a uma leitura moral da
Constituição pelo Poder Judiciário, bem como que a defesa da aplicação prática
da leitura moral da Constituição depende de análises prévias geralmente
negligenciadas pelos seus defensores, de maneira que pode gerar resultados
(negativos) bastante diversos do pretendido. Essa outra perspectiva, importante
principalmente para a escolha do método interpretativo, seria a institucional. De
modo que incitar o jurista e o servidor público em geral ao perfeccionismo na
aplicação do Direito pode levar, e leva muitas vezes, a um mal Direito. Pode
repercutir negativamente, inclusive, no funcionamento do sistema republicano (o
papel e responsabilidade das instituições) e da democracia (legitimidade das
instituições que decidem) do Estado. Conclui que a maioria das questões legais e
constitucionais é decidida, no Estado, pelo Legislativo e pela Administração
Pública. Não chegam ao Judiciário. Foi constatada a maior capacidade decisória
do Legislativo e da Administração Pública, quando comparados aos tribunais, no
que toca à escolha das regras e doutrinas interpretativas, bem como na
interpretação de textos normativos vagos, ambíguos e principiológicos,
notadamente em matérias de extrema complexidade e especificidade técnica,
como as normas regulatórias e as normas constitucionais incidentes sobre estas
últimas. Por outro lado, identificou-se uma maior capacidade decisória dos
tribunais no âmbito dos textos normativos claros e específicos (regras jurídicas).
Verificou-se que o STF e o STJ têm, em geral, essa visão, adotando uma postura
formalista deferencial quanto às normas regulatórias, mesmo estando a doutrina
nacional em peso no sentido inverso. Desse modo e, ao constatar o deslocamento
do paradoxo da onipotência para o Judiciário, reforçado após a década de 1990 no
Brasil, acredita-se no acolhimento do formalismo deferencial como postura
interpretativa estratégica pelos juízes. Já a / [en] This research identifies the necessary foundations to point out the proper
method of interpreting the norms of Regulatory Law. To reach this point, however,
this thesis goes through the discussion of which is the proper method of
interpreting the Constitution and the statutes in general. The (practical) results of
the constitutional theories or of the theories of legal interpretation depend on
factors that are often overlooked, which affects obviously in the correctness of
these theories, resuming the discussion of legal formalism, with more robust
arguments in its favor. The proposed hypothesis is that the Brazilian theorists of
constitutional and legal interpretation generally develop their theories as if they
would be applied by themselves or by prominent experts and / or with abstract
criteria, neglecting the fact that the proposed interpretive rule may result in an
inappropriate Law, at the operational level, given the limitations of the agents
responsible for its implementation and real-world contingencies. In Regulatory
Law, specifically, a better law is obtained if a deferential formalism (or
maximilianist formalism) is adopted by the judges as interpretive standard, rather
than a non-formalist interpretive standard, such as the post-positivist and the
neoconstitucionalist one. There are external factors that affect decisively the
ability to enforce the Constitution and the statutes, which are not perceptible to the
moral and / or conceptual-theoretical analysis. So, if not identified and adequately
addressed, these factors lead to the elaboration of a constitutional or legal
interpretation theory that lacks substantial practical value, and which enforcement
will generate dysfunctions in the constitutional and legal system, and also a bad
law. It is proposed that the appropriate law and legal interpretation is identified
from a perspective other than the moral or theoretical-conceptual-abstract
perspective, to show that there are solid theories opposing a moral reading of the
Constitution by the judiciary branch, and that the defense of the practical
application the moral reading of the Constitution depends on previous analyzes
generally neglected by their defenders. This moral reading can yield unexpected
(negative) results. This other perspective, especially important for the choice of
interpretive method, would be institutional. To call the scholars and public
servants in general to use perfectionism in the application of law may lead, and
often leads to a bad law. It may even negatively impact the functioning of the
republican system (the role and responsibility of institutions) and democracy
(legitimacy of the deciding institutions) of the State. The conclusion of this
research is that the majority of the legal and constitutional issues are decided by
the Legislature and the Public Administration. They do not even reach the courts.
It was noted that of the Legislature and the Public Administration have greater
decision-making capacity, when compared to the courts, in regard to the choice of
interpretive rules and theories, as well as in the interpretation of vague, ambiguous
and principle-oriented legal provisions, especially in matters of extreme
complexity and technicality, such as the regulatory standards and related
constitutional provisions. On the other hand, we identified a greater decisionmaking
ability of the courts within legal provisions that are clear and specific
(legal rules). It was noticed that the Federal Supreme Court (STF) and the
Superior Court of Justice (STJ) generally share this view, adopting a deferential
formalist approach regarding regulatory standards, even though the majority of
Brazilian legal scholars tend to follow the opposite direction. Thus, observing the
shift of the paradox of omnipotence towards the Judiciary, intensified in Brazil
after the 1990s, we believe that the adoption of deferential formalism interpretive
standard by the judges is strategic. On the other hand the Public Administration
and the Legislature should
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Constitutionalism, human rights and the judiciary in NigeriaUzoukwu, Livinus Ifeanyichukwu 06 1900 (has links)
The cultivation of a culture of constitutionalism remains the greatest challenge to Nigeria’s constitutional democracy. Militarism affected in a very substantial way Africa’s efforts to develop a culture of constitutionalism in the continent. Nigeria typifies the failed African effort in trying to establish an enduring democracy and constitutionalism. After ten years of transition from militarism to constitutional democracy and the euphoria of the country’s return to democracy, the country is still on a slow march in the entrenchment of the practice of constitutionalism. This work primarily sets out to investigate the state of constitutionalism in Nigeria. Human rights and judiciary as constituents of constitutionalism are the main focus of that investigation. A crucial question that encapsulates the main objective of the study is how can Nigeria entrench a culture of constitutionalism?
The study, therefore, investigates the question whether constitutional formalism or textualism without more can guarantee constitutionalism. It advocates that constitutionality does not necessarily lead to constitutionalism. The work further probes into the nature, extent and reasons for the past failure of constitutionalism in the country and its current state. The study also embarks on an exploration into the mechanisms for the protection of human rights, the problems and challenges in Nigeria. The challenges include the introduction of the “new Sharia” by some States in Nigeria; the failure to accord socio-economic rights due consideration in Nigerian jurisprudence and the poor pace of the domestication of human rights norms. The work demonstrates the relationship and linkage between human rights, democracy and judicialism in the study of constitutionalism. / Public Constitutional and International Law / LL.D.
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Constitutionalism and judicial appointment as a means of safeguarding judicial independence in selected African jurisdictionsMakama, Saul Porsche 11 1900 (has links)
The beginning of the 1990s saw many African countries embarking on the process of drafting
new constitutions as they abandoned independence constitutions. Most of the independence
constitutions were perceived as constitutions without constitutionalism and they were
generally blamed for failure of democracy and the rule of law in Africa.
The study analyses the state of democracy and constitutionalism and the impact that
colonialism had on the African continent. Apart from the spurt of new constitutions adopted,
democracy is growing very slowly in most African states with widespread human rights
violations and disregard for the rule of law and the principle of separation of powers, still
holding the centre stage.
Judicial independence is an important component of democracy in the modern state. The
study therefore scrutinizes how the principle of judicial independence can be promoted and
protected to enhance democracy. One important mechanism which plays a crucial role in
safeguarding judicial independence is the way judicial officers are appointed. The study
selects four countries – Swaziland, Kenya, Zimbabwe and South Africa and analyses how
judicial officers are appointed in these countries in an effort to find an effective and optimal
approach.The premise of the study is centred on the role of constitutionalism and the process of
appointing judges as a means of promoting and safeguarding democracy in these selected
countries. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LLM
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Between conceptualism and constitutionalism : private-law and constitutional perspectives on propertyKroeze, Irma Johanna 11 1900 (has links)
The conceptualist view of property is based on the conceptual system or
hierarchy of rights conceived by Grotius and developed by the pandectists. It
rests on the assumptions that ownership is neutral and timeless. As such it
has a number of abstract, timeless and universal characteristics, namely
absoluteness, uniformity and exclusivity. Combined with liberalism, this
concept of property becomes the guarantee of liberty and equality.
The first part of this study shows that not only are the assumptions historically
unfounded, but this conceptualist view of property made liberty and equality
for women, in particular, impossible. The liberal, conceptualist property
concept is a modernist construct that cannot guarantee either liberty or
equality. The question then becomes whether constitutionalism can do what
conceptualism cannot- can die constitutional protection of property guarantee
liberty and equality.
The second part of this study suggests that the answer to this is an "it
depends" kind of answer. It depends on the structure of a constitution,
underlying philosophical, political and, above all, hermeneutics theories
employed by courts. In the South African context courts need to reject the
private-law conceptualist view of ownership in favour of a constitutional
property concept. This last-mentioned concept should be based on the values
and normative context of the 1996 constitution. As such it involves value
choices and making a political stand. Courts need to abandon conceptualist
frameworks and decide on the proportionality of limitations on property.
The conclusion to this study suggests that a feminist understanding of human
beings as socially constructed and constrained, so that democracy alone
cannot provide an answer to the counter-majaritarian dilemma, is necessary
far an understanding of property. The creative tension provided by the
feminist conflict between a political agenda and a respect far contexts may
provide a framework far adjudicating an property issues. / Private Law / LL.D.
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OS DESAFIOS DO USO DAS TECNOLOGIAS DE INFORMAÇÃO E COMUNICAÇÃO NO PROCESSO JUDICIAL: AS RESPOSTAS DO CONSTITUCIONALISMO CONTEMPORÂNEO DIANTE DO PROCESSO ELETRÔNICO / THE USE OF THE CHALLENGES OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY AND COMMUNICATION IN JUDICIAL PROCESS: THE CONTEMPORARY CONSTITUTIONALISM ANSWERS BEFORE THE PROCESS ELECTRONICLangner, Ariane 28 March 2016 (has links)
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The recent insertion of the electronic process befalls wrapped in a series
of questions, since in relation to the more practical aspects of procedural routine to
the most sensitive issues, particularly in relation to the exponential use of the
technique, which requires a deep reflection. Alongside this context, it is notorious
double face of crisis, which is revealed in a model of the problem of law and the
philosophical and interpretive parameter, and, to some extent, prevents the
"happening" of decision theory of Constitutionalism Contemporary. This dissertation,
based on this situation, seek to answer the following question: to what extent the civil
process of electronic nature, to be conceived in the wake of new information and
communication technologies (TIC`s), puts at risk what has been She won in terms of
the theory of decidability, based on the Constitutionalism Contemporary
assumptions? Therefore, the "methodology" approach used is the "method"
phenomenological-hermeneutic and, as regards methods of procedure, monographic
and historical methods will be adopted. It is concluded that there are risks inherent in
the extensive use of technology, which, when used to promote the process of
virtualization, deepens the risk of a poor justice meaning, dematerialized,
destemporalizada and dehumanized, to strengthen and enhance the hallucinatory
search referring quantitative results in practice due to acceleration of pressing
technique. The big concern is imminent deepening the gap between factual world
(case) and legal world, exacerbating the difficulty of inserting the judge-interpreter in
the hermeneutic situation, substantially changing the hermeneutic circle and the
ontological difference. It remains, therefore, a long road still to be traveled in order to
speak of a real "happening" of Constitutionalism Contemporary decision theory and,
therefore, it is essential to discuss / prevent that put into question what has been
achieved. / A recente inserção do processo eletrônico sobrevém envolta em uma série de
questionamentos, desde em relação a aspectos mais práticos do cotidiano
processual a questões mais delicadas, em especial no que tange ao exponencial
uso da técnica, que requerem uma profunda reflexão. A par desse contexto, é
notória uma crise de dupla face, que se revela em um problema do modelo do direito
e do parâmetro filosófico-interpretativo, e, em determinada medida, impede o
acontecer da teoria da decisão do Constitucionalismo Contemporâneo. A presente
dissertação, com base nessa conjuntura, buscará responder ao seguinte
questionamento: em que medida o processo civil de cariz eletrônico, ao ser
concebido no bojo das novas tecnologias da informação e comunicação (TIC`s),
coloca em risco o que já se conquistou em termos de teoria da decidibilidade,
pautada nos pressupostos do Constitucionalismo Contemporâneo? Para tanto, a
metodologia de abordagem utilizada será o método fenomenológicohermenêutico
e, no que concerne aos métodos de procedimento, serão adotados os
métodos monográfico e histórico. Conclui-se que existem riscos inerentes ao uso
extensivo da técnica, a qual, ao ser utilizada para a promoção da virtualização do
processo, aprofunda os riscos de uma justiça carente de significação,
desmaterializada, destemporalizada e desumanizada, por fortalecer e incrementar a
alucinante busca de resultados quantitativos na prática jurisdicional, devido a
premente aceleração da técnica. A grande preocupação é com um iminente
aprofundamento do abismo entre mundo fático (caso concreto) e mundo jurídico,
agravando a dificuldade da inserção do juiz-intérprete na situação hermenêutica,
alterando substancialmente o círculo hermenêutico e a diferença ontológica. Resta,
portanto, um longo caminho ainda a ser percorrido para poder-se falar em um
verdadeiro acontecer da teoria da decisão do Constitucionalismo Contemporâneo
e, para tanto, é imprescindível discutir/prevenir que se ponha em xeque o que já se
conquistou.
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Federalismo cooperativo e o exerc?cio da compet?ncia administrativa ambientalSantos, Ronaldo Alencar dos 15 December 2010 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2010-12-15 / This paper aims to discuss the conflicts of competence in environmental matters, as well as the legitimacy of the normative acts in the exercise of jurisdiction effected environmental management. For this work, addresses the issue of federalism, North American (dual) and German (cooperative), deepening its historical and theoretical fundamentals, as well as the influences on the evolution of the ideological matrix of Brazilian federalism. Distinguishes itself around the problem the theoretical and abstract discussion involving the constitutional division of powers, and the issue of his relationship with the vicissitudes in the embracement of environmental matters that invariably leads to mistakes in the exercise of jurisdiction environmental management. Its highlight the existence of a framework environmental law, embodying the principles themselves as well as a specific object of authority, which qualifies a different interpretation of the rules of constitutional powers as well as influencing the acting agent of government in managing the public good environment. The study represents an exploratory research as it investigates the depths of the institutes are in evidence not only with satisfying its practical outcome. For this to happen, explores bibliographical sources and identified by the science of law as more important, as the search for social-political boundary which takes the issue studied in their historical and contextual materiality, whose study is essential for a complete understanding of the topic . The dialectic that arguments have been constructed throughout the monograph, attempts to pass a critical way to expose the author's ideas, which considers as essential in the arrival of new questions / Este trabalho tem o intuito de discutir os conflitos de compet?ncia em mat?ria ambiental, assim como a legitimidade dos atos normativos efetivados no exerc?cio da compet?ncia ambiental administrativa. Para tal empreitada, aborda o tema do federalismo, norte americano (dualista) e alem?o (cooperativo), aprofundando seus aspectos hist?ricos e te?ricos fundamentais, assim como as influ?ncias sobre a evolu??o da matriz ideol?gica do federalismo brasileiro. Distingue-se em torno do problema a discuss?o te?rico-abstrata que envolve a reparti??o de compet?ncias constitucionais, e a problem?tica de sua rela??o com as vicissitudes no abarcamento da mat?ria ambiental o que leva invariavelmente a equ?vocos no exerc?cio da compet?ncia ambiental administrativa. Destaca-se a exist?ncia de um regime jur?dico de direito ambiental, portador de princ?pios pr?prios assim como um objeto de tutela espec?fico, que qualifica uma diferente interpreta??o das regras de compet?ncias constitucionais assim como, agente influenciador da atua??o da administra??o p?blica na gest?o do bem p?blico ambiental. O trabalho constitui-se numa pesquisa de cunho explorat?rio, visto que investiga as profundezas dos institutos postos em evid?ncia n?o se satisfazendo apenas com o seu desenlace pr?tico. Para tal feito, explora fontes bibliogr?ficas e documentais apontadas pela Ci?ncia do Direito como mais importantes, assim como a busca pelo contorno social-pol?tico qual reveste a quest?o, estudados em sua materialidade hist?rica e contextual, cujo estudo ? fundamental para o completo entendimento do tema. A dial?tica com que os argumentos foram constru?dos ao longo do trabalho monogr?fico, tenta passar de modo cr?tico a exposi??o das id?ias do autor, qual entende como fundamental na chegada a novos questionamentos
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