Nos anos 90 era comum que a distinção entre o traficante e o usuário estivesse baseada nos artigos da antiga lei de drogas, ou seja, em criminalizar alguém por drogas por meio dos artigos 16 ou 12. Eram os próprios números dos artigos das leis que representavam socialmente e distinguiam um usuário (16) de um traficante de drogas (12) e, claro, o modo como à polícia poderia ou não incriminar alguém dentro do sistema de justiça criminal no Brasil. Após o ano de 2006, o Estado Brasileiro promulga a chamada Nova Lei de Drogas com o objetivo de deslocar o usuário de drogas para o sistema de saúde ao mesmo tempo em que aumenta a punição para os traficantes. Assim, este trabalho analisa as principais implicações da chamada nova lei de drogas lei 11.343 de 2006 desde a sua formulação no sistema político até a sua aplicação no sistema de justiça criminal tendo como problemática empírica geral o fenômeno da intensificação do encarceramento por tráfico de drogas no Brasil, sobretudo, após o advento da nova lei. Para tanto, a análise parte da formulação que o novo dispositivo de drogas no Congresso Nacional teve, dentre os seus principais objetivos, dispor: i) o fim da pena de prisão para o usuário de drogas; ii) o advento de um tratamento médico para o usuário; iii) o aumento da punição para o traficante mediante a expansão de grupos criminosos no início dos anos 2000, sobretudo, em São Paulo. Ou seja, está em jogo à modificação da representação social do traficante e do usuário que bifurca entre uma nova representação médico-social do usuário agora visto como um doente e objeto das instituições de saúde e assistência social e uma velha representação criminal do traficante como inimigo agora visto como um indivíduo perigoso e organizado. São estas duas figuras que engendram a formulação de um novo dispositivo de drogas com diferentes tipos de punições para a venda e o uso de drogas no Brasil nos anos 2000. Argumento que a introdução desse novo dispositivo chamado aqui de dispositivo médico-criminal de drogas produziu uma nova maneira de governar os usuários e traficantes de drogas e que trouxe, como uma das principais consequências, a intensificação da criminalização por tráfico de drogas e a rejeição do deslocamento do usuário para outro sistema que não o sistema de justiça criminal. Assim, demonstro que há uma nova maneira de administração estatal da droga no Brasil, qual é a sua história e como ela desenvolveu práticas no sistema de justiça criminal: como um copo meio vazio de médico e cheio de prisão. / In the 90s it was common that the distinction between the drug dealer and the user was based on the articles from the old drug law, in other words, criminalize someone for drugs through the articles \"16\" or \"12\". Were the very numbers of these articles that used to represent socially and distinguish a user (16) from a drug dealer (12) and, of course, the way the police could incriminate someone or not within the criminal justice system in Brazil. After 2006, the Brazilian State passed the so called New Drug Law in order to move the drug user to the health system while increasing the punishment for traffickers. Thus, this study analyzes the main implications of the new so called drug law - Law 11.343 of 2006 - since its formulation in the political system to its application in the criminal justice system, assuming as a general empirical problem the phenomenon of imprisonment and its increase for trafficking drugs in Brazil, especially after the advent of the new law. Therefore, the analysis assumes that the new drug device in National Congress had, among its main goals, to dispose: i) the end of a prison sentence for drug users; ii) the advent of a medical treatment for the user; iii) an increasing of the punishment for the trafficker due to the expansion of criminal groups in the early 2000s, especially in São Paulo. Ie, what is at stake is the changing in the social representation of drug dealers and users which leads to a bifurcation between a new medical and social representation of the user - now seen as \"sick\" and subject for health and social care institutions - and an old criminal representation of the dealer as an enemy - now seen as an individual \"dangerous and organized.\" These are the two figures that engender the development of a new drug device with different types of punishments for the sale and use of drugs in Brazil in the 2000s. I argue that the introduction of this new device called here as medical- criminal drug device - has produced a new way to govern users and drug dealers and it brought, as one of the main consequences, the increased criminalization of drug trafficking and the rejection of the user displacement to another system other than the criminal justice system. The research, therefore, seeks to first show how new ideas were developed in the formulation of a new drug device, secondly, what were the main implications of this device within the criminal justice system. Thus, I demonstrate that there is a new way of state administration of drugs in Brazil, what is your story and how it developed new practices in the criminal justice system: as a half empty glass of medicine and full of imprisonment.

This research assessed the perceived and actual roles of Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs) in their community and in working with offenders and their families in relation to the Criminal Justice System (CJS). Additionally, the research study evaluated this issue on the local level in an attempt to ascertain whether FBOs still do what they have historically been perceived to do or whether their involvement with the CJS has shifted in any way. Particularly, the research study also examined perceptions of staff members from FBOs regarding services and support provided for families of offenders. The sample was selected using a combination of convenience and snowball sampling. Group sizes ranged from 2-5 participants. A total of 14 participants interacted in the focus groups. Each focus group lasted approximately one hour. All focus groups were recorded using a digital audio recording device, and transcriptions of the focus groups were prepared. The transcripts were prepared using a combination of edited and intelligent transcription techniques. Researchers reviewed the transcriptions for recurring themes. Twenty-four initial themes were generated. Researchers then reviewed the themes for redundancy which resulted in 10 themes being identified. The transcripts were then coded based on the 10 revised themes. These themes focused on issues related to the perceived and real roles of FBOs in relation to the Criminal Justice System. As expected, the researchers found that FBO programming difficulties and concerns (f = 65) and misperception and lack of church involvement in the lives of offenders and the CJS (f = 50) were the most recurring themes. Miscommunication and lack of connection between the CJS and community was found to be the third most recurring theme (f = 15), followed closely by lack of reunification of offenders with their families (f = 14). Perceptions of participants such as clergy and mental health practitioners confirmed the researcher’s expectations that offenders often express deep anxiety and concern over being separated from their families. Thus, current programming efforts may reflect a lack of emphasis on services designed to rejoin offenders with their families or reintegrate them in family systems based on participants’ perceptions. Analysis of the data is ongoing. Researchers will return to the data to further discuss theme coding and to determine if additional themes emerge. All identified themes will be further assessed for inter-rater reliability.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

La présente étude porte sur l’expérience pénale de jeunes femmes ayant porté plainte ou témoigné contre un proxénète. En effectuant notre recherche, notre intention était de comprendre le vécu de ces jeunes femmes lors de leur relation avec le proxénète ainsi que de mieux saisir leurs motivations et attentes en recourant au système pénal. Nous avions également pour objectif de cerner les effets de leur expérience judiciaire sur leur vie en général. Afin de recueillir le point de vue des jeunes femmes et de rendre compte du sens qu’elles donnent à leur expérience au sein du processus pénal, nous avons effectué dix entretiens à tendance non-directive avec des jeunes femmes ayant fait cette expérience. L’analyse montre, dans un premier temps, qu’une fragilité émotionnelle conjuguée à une situation financière précaire constituent un facteur de risque de tomber sous l’emprise d’un proxénète. Malgré la présence d’une vulnérabilité les prédisposant à s’investir dans une relation d’abus, une majorité de jeunes femmes démontrent une ouverture face au monde prostitutionnel avant de faire la connaissance d’un proxénète. L’entrée dans le domaine de la prostitution ne peut donc être uniquement attribuable à l’influence d’un proxénète et constitue plutôt le corollaire d’un amalgame de facteurs. Au début de la relation, la manipulation du proxénète vise essentiellement à renforcer un intérêt à se prostituer déjà présent chez plusieurs jeunes femmes. Dans le cas de celles qui n’ont jamais envisagé de s’adonner à des activités de prostitution, c’est une dépendance affective préexistante qui les amènera à se laisser convaincre de s’engager dans cette avenue. Que la nature de la relation avec le proxénète soit professionnelle ou amoureuse, toutes les jeunes femmes que nous avons rencontrées sont rapidement confrontées à des stratégies de manipulation et font les frais de manifestations de violence visant à les assujettir. L’amorce d’une prise de conscience de la situation d’abus qui leur est imposée constitue l’élément-clé qui les amène à prendre la décision de quitter leur proxénète et à accepter de coopérer avec les policiers. Celles qui entretiennent une relation de travail avec le proxénète amorceront cette réflexion avant celles en relation de couple. Ce constat s’explique par l’amour que celles qui se considèrent en relation de couple ressentent à l’égard du proxénète qui, non seulement les rend plus vulnérables à sa manipulation, mais freine également toute tentative d’autonomisation face à lui. Le recours à l’aide des policiers ne va pas de soi pour toutes les jeunes femmes sous le joug d’un proxénète. Bien que l’influence d’une personne bienveillante joue souvent un rôle significatif sur leur décision de porter plainte, le choix de collaborer avec les intervenants judiciaires découle essentiellement de leur propre réflexion psychologique vis-à-vis de leur situation. En portant plainte, elles souhaitent généralement être délivrées de l’emprise du proxénète et être protégées par le système pénal afin d’avoir le temps nécessaire pour prendre des décisions quant à la réorganisation de leur vie. Pendant les procédures judiciaires, les jeunes femmes se disent pour la plupart anxieuses à l’idée de rendre témoignage. Leurs appréhensions sont essentiellement liées à la crainte de revoir le proxénète ainsi qu’à la peur de ne pas être crue par le juge. Les principales motivations qui poussent les interviewées à maintenir leur plainte sont le désir de démontrer au proxénète qu’il n’a plus d’emprise sur elles et de mettre un terme à cette expérience de vie. La représentation qu’elles se font du traitement reçu dans le cadre des procédures pénales est généralement positive pour peu que l’attitude des intervenants judiciaires à leur endroit ait été empreinte d’empathie et qu’elles aient été impliquées dans le dossier. Ainsi, qu’elles aient initié ou pas la démarche pénale, les jeunes femmes qui se sentent soutenues par les policiers et les intervenants judiciaires seront plus enclines à maintenir leur plainte jusqu’à la fin des procédures pénales. Suite à leur relation avec le proxénète, les jeunes femmes sont aux prises avec de multiples conséquences qui affectent différentes sphères de leur vie. Malgré leurs nombreuses séquelles psychologiques, physiques et sociales, peu sont celles qui s’impliquent jusqu'au bout d’une démarche thérapeutique. Plusieurs estiment ne pas être prêtes à se lancer dans une telle démarche, alors que d’autres ont l’impression que personne ne peut réellement les aider et préfèrent s’en remettre à leur résilience ou utiliser des moyens alternatifs pour passer au travers de cette épreuve de vie. Les jeunes femmes qui reçoivent l’aide de leurs proches et/ou d’organismes professionnels sont celles qui perçoivent le plus rapidement les effets bénéfiques de leur implication pénale. Il ressort de notre analyse que l’expérience pénale vient renforcer une autonomisation déjà amorcée par la jeune femme lors de la rupture avec le proxénète. Les impacts de l’implication pénale sont doubles : elle permet aux jeunes femmes d’augmenter l’estime qu’elles ont d’elles-mêmes, et de couper définitivement tous contacts avec le souteneur. Le système pénal comporte cependant des limites puisqu’il n’a aucun effet sur le contexte de vie des jeunes femmes et, par le fait même, sur leurs activités prostitutionnelles. Ainsi, bon nombre de jeunes femmes retournent dans leur milieu d’origine après la démarche pénale et doivent continuer à composer avec les conditions associées à leur mode de vie antérieur. Qui plus est, l’effet déstabilisant lié à l’expérience pénale a pour conséquence de retarder leur rétablissement psychologique et la réorganisation de leur existence. Celles qui arrivent à réorienter le plus rapidement leur vie sont les jeunes femmes qui reçoivent le soutien de leurs proches ainsi que celles qui n’entretenaient pas de relation amoureuse avec le proxénète. Mots-clés : proxénétisme, prostitution, système pénal, empowerment, stigmatisation. / The present study focuses on the experiences of the criminal justice system by a number of young women, all of whom have pressed charges or testified against a pimp. In carrying out our research, our objective was to understand the experiences of these young women during their relationship with the pimp, as well as gaining a better insight into their reasons and expectations when they turned to the criminal justice system. We also aimed to identify the effects such judicial experiences have had on their lives in general. In order to gather the young women’s perspectives and faithfully report the meaning they attribute to their experiences of criminal procedure, we carried out ten non-directive interviews with young women who had been through such an experience. First of all, our analysis shows that emotional fragility combined with a precarious financial situation constitute a risk factor of falling under the control of a pimp. Despite an existing vulnerability predisposing these women to become involved in an abusive relationship, the majority of such young women demonstrate an open-minded approach to the world of prostitution prior to meeting a pimp. Thus, their entrance into prostitution cannot be solely attributed to the influence of a pimp and seems rather to be the outcome of a combination of factors. At the beginning of the relationship, the pimp’s manipulation essentially aims to reinforce this interest in prostitution already present in several of the young women. In the case of those women who had never envisaged engaging in prostitution, a pre-existing affective dependence could lead them to be persuaded to follow this path. Whether the relationship with the pimp is professional or romantic, all the young women we met were quickly confronted with strategies of manipulation and were exposed to displays of violence aimed at subjugating them. The initial realisation of the abusive situation to which they are being subjected constitutes the key factor leading them to make the decision to leave their pimp and agree to cooperate with the police. Those who had a professional relationship with their pimp came to this decision before those in a romantic relationship with the pimp. This observation can be explained by the love which those who considered themselves to be in a romantic relationship felt for their pimp, which not only made them more vulnerable to his manipulation but also slowed all attempts to empower themselves against him. Turning to the police for help is not an obvious choice for all young women under a pimp’s control. While the influence of a caring person often plays a significant role in their decision to press charges, the decision to cooperate with criminal justice officials usually arises from their own psychological reflection concerning their situation. By pressing charges, they generally hope to get away from their pimp’s control and be protected by the legal system, giving them the necessary time to make decisions to turn their lives around. During the judicial procedure, most of these young women say they are anxious at the idea of testifying. Their apprehension is essentially linked with the fear of seeing the pimp again, along with fear of not being believed by the judge. The main reasons motivating interviewees to maintain their charges are the desire to show the pimp he no longer has any control over them and also to end this episode of their life. Their representations of the treatment they received during the criminal justice procedure are generally positive if legal officials have shown empathy towards them and if the women have been encouraged to be involved in the legal case. Thus, whether the women initiated the legal procedure themselves or not, those who feel supported by the police and criminal justice officials are more likely to maintain charges to the end of the legal procedure. Following their relationship with the pimp, the young women struggle with many consequences which affect different areas of their lives. Despite numerous psychological, physical and social repercussions, only a small minority ever follow through with a full course of therapy. Many feel they are not ready to undertake such measures, while others feel that nobody can really help them and prefer to rely on their own resilience or use alternative methods to get past this difficult experience. Those young women who receive help from their friends and family or professional organisations more rapidly perceive the beneficial effects of their involvement with the legal system. Our analysis finds that the experience of the legal system serves to reinforce a process of empowerment already initiated by a young woman when her relationship with her pimp ended. The impacts of the young women’s judicial involvement are twofold: it allows them to improve their self-esteem while also permanently cutting all contact with the pimp. However, the criminal justice system does have limits, as the experience has no impact on the young women’s life context nor, by this very fact, on their involvement in prostitution. Consequently, many young women return to their original environments once the criminal procedure is over and continue to face the conditions associated with their previous lifestyle. Moreover, the destabilizing effect associated with the judicial experience causes their psychological recovery and reorganisation of their lives to be delayed. Those who do manage to turn their lives around the fastest are those who receive support from people close to them and also those who were not in a romantic relationship with their pimp. Key words: pimping, prostitution, criminal justice system, empowerment, stigmatisation.

The objectives of this thesis were to observe how the Canadian youth justice system has dealt with the regulation of the transfer of young offenders to the adult court and how the Canadian statutes have regulated the imposition of adult offences for young offenders. For this, I drew a distinction between two levels of observation: first, I observed the process of "creation of statutes" by the political system. Second, I observed the process of "understanding and interpretation of statutes" by the judicial system. The notion of "political system" includes the legislation enacted by Parliament, parliamentary debates, and reports published by the Government of Canada. The notion of "judicial system" includes the decisions of the Montreal Youth Court. For the first level of observation ("creation of statutes"), I observed and analyzed the work of the political system for the period 1842 to 2012. Starting in 1857, many statutes regulated different aspects of the criminal law system as it applied to young people. The first statute to deal with youth offenders comprehensively and different from adult offenders was the Juvenile Delinquents Act (1908); this statute was replaced by the Young Offenders Act (1982). The current statute is the Youth Criminal Justice Act (2002). With regard to the Juvenile Delinquents Act (1908) and the Young Offenders Act (1982), I observed how the political system regulated the mechanism of transferring a young person to the adult court. This mechanism allowed the youth court to decide a question of jurisdiction: whether the young person would be processed and sentenced within the youth justice system, or whether the young person would be sent to the adult court for him to be dealt with and sentenced therein. With regard to the Youth Criminal Justice Act (2002), I observed how the political system has regulated the imposition of adult sentences by the youth court. This statute replaced the mechanism of transfer under the two previous statutes by the imposition of adult sentences within the youth justice system. For the second level of observation ("the understanding and interpretation of statutes"), I observed how the Montreal Youth Court had understood and interpreted the statutory provision that allowed the youth court to transfer a young person to the adult court for the young person to be dealt with and sentenced therein. My period of observation is from 1911 to 1995. I argue that both the political and the judicial systems have been strongly influenced by the theories of deterrence, denunciation, retribution, and rehabilitation. The influence that each theory has exercised on each system varies. The political system, originally focused on the rehabilitation of young people, has been slowly “contaminated” by the most punitive theories, such as deterrence and denunciation. This shift started in the 70’s and slowly increased over the years. Conversely, while the judicial system does not seem to have been originally influenced by the theories of rehabilitation, its focus has slowly shifted towards this objective as the primary goal of their intervention towards young offenders since the 70’s. However, the “successful rehabilitation” of a young person has become a goal in itself, where “unsuccessful offenders” have been transferred to the adult court and dealt with the adult punitive justice system.

This thesis provides strong, triangulated evidence to suggest that despite many reforms to legislation, policy and training, in an Australian context, there has been limited improvement in the manner by which police officers respond to complaints of rape and treat women who have experienced rape. My research provides insight into a police organisation that is rarely open to scrutiny, and shows that when a woman reports a rape to police, she is less likely to be believed if, for example, she has been raped by someone familiar to her, or if she has demonstrated non-consent in an acquiescent manner. It is within this climate that I conducted my research to gain the perceptions of women who have experienced rape regarding the criminal justice response to rape, the perceptions of support workers from Centres Against Sexual Assault (CASAs) on the criminal justice response to rape, police officers’ perceptions of the manner in which rape is dealt with by police, and the perceptions of potential jurors regarding rape. This research therefore examines the factors which influenced which rape cases were investigated by police and referred to prosecution by police, and the manner in which police decisions were made, based on non legal factors such as stereotypes, myths, individual and collective factors. This thesis comprises four separate but complementary studies and combines quantitative and qualitative research techniques. Study 1 investigated the perceptions of women (N=6) who have experienced rape regarding the police response to rape in semi-structured in depth interviews. Analysis of this data suggested police officers’ treatment and decisions regarding these women’s experiences were determined by the relationship between the woman and the perpetrator, and by rape myths regarding ‘real rapes’ and ‘genuine victims’. Through focus groups (N=4) with support workers from Centres Against Sexual Assault (CASAs) Study 2 examined the perceptions of these workers regarding the manner by which rape myths and gender stereotypes influenced police officers’ treatment and decisions regarding complaints of rape made by women. In support of the women’s perceptions from Study 1, this data indicated CASA workers believed that police officers’ responses are heavily imbued with stereotypes and myths regarding appropriate behaviours for women, and those associated with mental illness and ethnicity. The data obtained in Study 3 elucidated a more detailed understanding of the influence of rape myths and gender stereotypes on the police response to rape. In semi-structured in depth interviews (N=14) police officers identified factors such as alcohol use, mental illness, the effect of potential jurors’ perceptions regarding a woman, and the relationship between the woman and the perpetrator as influencing their decision making. Police officers also described the manner by which they use these stereotypes to arrive at a ‘hunch’, using intuition to determine the credibility of a woman who reports rape. Through surveys, Study 4 investigated the influence of rape myths and gender stereotypes on potential jurors (N=161) perceptions of what constitutes rape, and provided some insight regarding the attitudes police officers may consider when determining the ‘convictability’ of a rape complaint. The data from Study 4 indicated that potential jurors are less likely to define a scenario as rape when the familiarity between the woman and the perpetrator increased, when the woman had been drinking alcohol and when the woman demonstrated her non-consent in an acquiescent manner. Of critical importance, interviews with police officers indicated they use considerable discretion to act on their hunches and intuition to arrive at decisions regarding the woman’s credibility based on rape myths and gender stereotypes. The triangulation of findings from women’s, CASA support workers’, and from police officers, suggest women who report rape to police are going to be judged by interpretations of the legal definitions of what constitutes rape that are imbued with rape myths and gender stereotypes. My findings illustrate the importance of seeking methods that will improve the substantial under reporting of rape. My findings also demonstrate that if women do have their cases proceed to court, they are likely to be subjected to considerable disbelief as a consequence of prejudicial attitudes within jurors, which are similar to those of police. In response to these findings, suggestions for improvements are recommended, such as specialist rape courts and evaluations of the content of police training. Ultimately, this research illustrates that in 2009 in Australia, women who report rape are subject to considerable uncertainty regarding whether they will receive justice or judgement.

This thesis provides strong, triangulated evidence to suggest that despite many reforms to legislation, policy and training, in an Australian context, there has been limited improvement in the manner by which police officers respond to complaints of rape and treat women who have experienced rape. My research provides insight into a police organisation that is rarely open to scrutiny, and shows that when a woman reports a rape to police, she is less likely to be believed if, for example, she has been raped by someone familiar to her, or if she has demonstrated non-consent in an acquiescent manner. It is within this climate that I conducted my research to gain the perceptions of women who have experienced rape regarding the criminal justice response to rape, the perceptions of support workers from Centres Against Sexual Assault (CASAs) on the criminal justice response to rape, police officers’ perceptions of the manner in which rape is dealt with by police, and the perceptions of potential jurors regarding rape. This research therefore examines the factors which influenced which rape cases were investigated by police and referred to prosecution by police, and the manner in which police decisions were made, based on non legal factors such as stereotypes, myths, individual and collective factors. This thesis comprises four separate but complementary studies and combines quantitative and qualitative research techniques. Study 1 investigated the perceptions of women (N=6) who have experienced rape regarding the police response to rape in semi-structured in depth interviews. Analysis of this data suggested police officers’ treatment and decisions regarding these women’s experiences were determined by the relationship between the woman and the perpetrator, and by rape myths regarding ‘real rapes’ and ‘genuine victims’. Through focus groups (N=4) with support workers from Centres Against Sexual Assault (CASAs) Study 2 examined the perceptions of these workers regarding the manner by which rape myths and gender stereotypes influenced police officers’ treatment and decisions regarding complaints of rape made by women. In support of the women’s perceptions from Study 1, this data indicated CASA workers believed that police officers’ responses are heavily imbued with stereotypes and myths regarding appropriate behaviours for women, and those associated with mental illness and ethnicity. The data obtained in Study 3 elucidated a more detailed understanding of the influence of rape myths and gender stereotypes on the police response to rape. In semi-structured in depth interviews (N=14) police officers identified factors such as alcohol use, mental illness, the effect of potential jurors’ perceptions regarding a woman, and the relationship between the woman and the perpetrator as influencing their decision making. Police officers also described the manner by which they use these stereotypes to arrive at a ‘hunch’, using intuition to determine the credibility of a woman who reports rape. Through surveys, Study 4 investigated the influence of rape myths and gender stereotypes on potential jurors (N=161) perceptions of what constitutes rape, and provided some insight regarding the attitudes police officers may consider when determining the ‘convictability’ of a rape complaint. The data from Study 4 indicated that potential jurors are less likely to define a scenario as rape when the familiarity between the woman and the perpetrator increased, when the woman had been drinking alcohol and when the woman demonstrated her non-consent in an acquiescent manner. Of critical importance, interviews with police officers indicated they use considerable discretion to act on their hunches and intuition to arrive at decisions regarding the woman’s credibility based on rape myths and gender stereotypes. The triangulation of findings from women’s, CASA support workers’, and from police officers, suggest women who report rape to police are going to be judged by interpretations of the legal definitions of what constitutes rape that are imbued with rape myths and gender stereotypes. My findings illustrate the importance of seeking methods that will improve the substantial under reporting of rape. My findings also demonstrate that if women do have their cases proceed to court, they are likely to be subjected to considerable disbelief as a consequence of prejudicial attitudes within jurors, which are similar to those of police. In response to these findings, suggestions for improvements are recommended, such as specialist rape courts and evaluations of the content of police training. Ultimately, this research illustrates that in 2009 in Australia, women who report rape are subject to considerable uncertainty regarding whether they will receive justice or judgement.

Orientadora: Profa. Dra. Camila Nunes Dias / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2017. / A presente pesquisa iniciou-se a partir de uma pergunta: as audiências de custódia representam um ponto de inflexão no Sistema de Justiça Criminal? Instituídas em fevereiro 2015 em São Paulo, foram apresentadas como importante mecanismo para a redução do número de prisões provisórias e mais atenta observação dos direitos e garantias das pessoas presas. Entretanto, o Sistema de Justiça Criminal funciona segundo lógicas que historicamente têm se mostrado pouco permeáveis aos princípios democráticos previstos Constitucionalmente. Assim, com a pesquisa, cuja técnica privilegiada foi a observação direta da cena das audiências, buscou-se compreender, a partir da interação entre os atores, como as velhas práticas relacionadas ao funcionamento do SJC são excluídas ou incorporadas ao novo instituto, e ainda, os limites que se impõem à potência inovadora das audiências de custódia, partindo do pressuposto que compõem um arranjo institucional muito mais amplo, que engloba desde as agências policiais até o sistema prisional. Apesar de ser possível identificar pontos de inflexão tendo como foco de análise apenas a cena das audiências de custódia, observa-se também permanências sobretudo no que diz respeito ao descrédito atribuído às narrativas dos indivíduos presos, e questões relacionadas à violência institucional. / This research started from a question: do custody hearings represent a turning point for the Brazilian criminal justice system? Implemented in February 2015 in São Paulo, they were presented as an important mechanism to reduce the number of pre-trial custody and assure a more attentive observation of prisoners¿ rights and guarantees. However, sense, the research - whose privileged technique was the direct observation of the hearings¿ scene, with specific attention to the interactions among the actors involved ¿ was aimed at understanding how old practices related to the functioning of the system are excluded or incorporated into this new institute, as well as the limits imposed to its innovative power. These research questions were based on the assumption that custody hearings are part of a broader institutional arrangement, which encompasses a wide range of actors, from police agencies to prison authorities. Although it is possible to identify inflection points when focusing the analysis on the hearing scene itself, it is also possible to notice aspects that remain unchanged, especially regarding the discredit towards prisoners¿ narratives and issues related to institutional violence.

Orientadora: Profa Dra Camila Caldeira Nunes Dias / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2017. / A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo observar como o sistema de justiça criminal investiga e processa o crime de tortura na cidade de São Paulo. Para tal, utilizamos como material de análise 36 processos e procedimentos criminais findos que apuraram o crime de tortura através da lei 9.455/97 e tiveram tramitação entre os anos de 2004 - 2014. Estes documentos foram analisados com o propósito de compreender quais elementos são relevantes ao longo das etapas de incriminação desses eventos. De que modo regras, práticas e lógicas próprias do sistema de justiça criminal influenciam nas tomadas de decisões pelos atores jurídicos. Igualmente, como tais apurações levam em consideração valores e estereótipos que embora dispersos na sociedade brasileira, acabam por ser incorporados e ressignificados quando da incriminação de práticas de tortura. Além disso, como os fatos incriminados também são interpretados a partir dos atores sociais envolvidos nessas dinâmicas violentas. Assim, através da análise e interpretação dos casos pode se observar algumas regularidades, discrepâncias e a variedade de fatos que foram incriminados como crimes de tortura. Depreende-se que a observação desses múltiplos elementos quando da incriminação de eventos desse tipo constituem um ponto privilegiado para compreender as disputas de sentido e significado quanto ao uso da tortura nas relações sociais e institucionais na sociedade brasileira. / The present research aims to observe how the criminal justice system investigates and processes torture crimes in the city of São Paulo. To achieve this purpose, we use as a material for analysis 36 proceedings and ended criminal proceedings that qualified the crime of torture through the law 9.455/97, between the years 2004 and 2014. These documents were analysed aiming understand which elements are relevant along the stages of the incrimination of these events. In which ways rules, practices and logics inherents to the criminal justice system have an effect on decision-making by legal actors. Likewise, how such calculations assumes values and stereotypes which, although dispersed in brazilian society, they end up being incorporated and redefined in the incrimination of torture. In addition, how the incriminated facts are also interpreted by the social actors involved in these violent dynamics. Therefore, through the analysis and interpretation of these cases it is possible observing some regularities, discrepancies, and variety of facts that have been prosecuted as torture crimes. It appears that the observation of these multiple elements when the incrimination of events of this type consists an advantaged point to understand the sense and meaning disputes existent in the use of torture on social and institutional relationships in the brazilian society.

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