As the Congolese conflict marks the 20th year, and the peace process 17 years, the apparent question is why is the search for peace in the DRC proving elusive? Spoilers and other impediments to the peace process in the DRC have been studied and UN peacekeepers have been operational in the country for nearly seventeen years, but the conflict continues. This study therefore seeks to understand the potential of UN peacekeeping to hinder the peace process in the DRC, and the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) constitutes a study case. MONUSCO has been in operation for six years today succeeding the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC), and is still operating. Inasmuch as it looks early to gauge whether MONUSCO is contributing to progress or hindering the peace process in the DRC, this study focuses on the practices of UN peacekeepers under MONUSCO and their potential to delay peace initiatives. Using secondary data as the main source of information, i.e., books, articles, journals, news, UN reports and resolutions, triangulation and Game Theory, especially the Prisoners’ Dilemma Analytical Framework derived from the Prisoners’ Dilemma Game Matrix, this study finds that the Stabilization Mission is inconsistent, i.e., UN peacekeepers are performing controversial tasks: use of force to protect civilians, engaging in battles to neutralize armed militias and investigation of war crimes and human rights, tasks that have generated resentment from the FARDC/Kinshasa government and the armed militias, making the search for peace a one actors responsibility [MONUSCO’s task]. A clear indication that MONUSCO is hindering the peace process in the DRC. The thematic analysis details five (5) themes and indicates that; cooperation is problematic, use of force to protect civilians is controversial, there is a mismatch between doctrine and practice, i.e., deviation of UN peacekeeping from the basic principles, the justice dilemma, and an understanding of peace as absence of war and fighters. The thesis concludes that practices of MONUSCO need revisiting, dialogue should be encouraged, revision of peacekeeping principles and accurate timing of interventions, so as to enhance progress in the search for peace in DRC. / <p>This thesis is a true representation of my artistic academic work, written passiantely and informed with logical interpretation of other authors' perepectives, i.e., it is a deskstudy. It took me 10 weeks to produce this piece of work which adds to the ongoing debate on the Congolese process and UN peacekeeping in the DRC and other parts of the world. Written in Linnaeus University, Småland Sweden. </p> / Masters Thesis

Student Number : 0513998G - MA research report - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / This study aimed to investigate how specific needs of the Rwandan child combatants who fought in the Great Lakes Region are being addressed in the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) processes. Data collected by the use of semistructured interviews of demobilised child combatants and key informants revealed that many children were recruited after being orphaned, separated from parents, or because of their search for physical and psychological security which was threatened by war and its immediate effects. Further, it was found that child combatants experienced harsh living conditions in the bush due to both the nature of their work as combatants and their physical and mental immaturity. As far as the DDR processes are concerned, the study revealed many weaknesses in addressing the specific needs of child combatants at least until January 2004. However, there has been a significant positive shift in dealing with the same needs since then. The absence of female child combatants in the DDR process was noted. This research concludes with a number of recommendations for both future interventions and further research.

No description available.

Donor states use aid and grants to promote foreign interests, either directly or through international institutions. This thesis argues that the concept of localization is an emerging form of paternalism that donor states use to advance their domestic interests internationally. This study examines the effect of paternalism on aid localization in conflict zones. It emphasizes the differences between the global north and the global south. A qualitative case study design was applied. Two cases of paternalistic-based localization strategies were subjectively selected for this study considering their geographical locations: the global North and the global South. The cases include Bosnia and Herzegovina from the global north and the Democratic Republic of the Congo from the global south. This thesis used a qualitative methodology base on three main methods: case study method, narrative method and comparative method. Additionally, The data collected was mainly from secondary sources like peer-reviewed articles from journals, as well as resolutions, reports, and other Uppsala University library sources. The literature collected was extensively reviewed for analysis and discussion. Case study, comparative, and narrative methods were used to analyse the data on the selected cases of paternalism-based localization strategies. The thesis found that donor states' paternalism-based localization strategies in the global south reduce affected populations' agency and impede effective humanitarian interventions. The thesis then concluded that paternalism-based localization strategies are still common among donor states in humanitarian and other intervention aid, which has negative effects on interventions. Secondly, geographical, geopolitical, and geoeconomic factors influence paternalism-based localization strategies, affecting interventions negatively. Finally, paternalism-based differentiated localization approaches by donors based on geography have negative effects on the population and also prolonging the conflicts.

Studies on immigrant women’s political incorporation in Canada suggest that they are less likely to participate politically than immigrant men and Canadian-born women. Many studies have examined the factors that contribute to their lower levels of political participation, yet the impacts of migration experiences have received less attention. To address this gap, this dissertation examines the political incorporation experiences of first-generation immigrant women from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in Canada as a case study by employing a trajectory and life course approach to migration to analyze how gendered migration trajectories and experiences influence immigrant women’s political participation in Canada. I also employ La Barbera’s (2012) ‘intersectional-gender’ approach to examine how gender intersects with other social cleavages like race, ethnicity, class, and immigration status to affect immigrant women’s repertoires of political participation. Lastly, I examine how immigrant women may overcome the obstacles imposed by migration and the interlocking systems of oppression in Canada, particularly through the various ways they exercise political agency in the informal political sphere. I draw on life stories interviews with fifteen Congolese women residing in Canada’s metropolitan area of Ottawa-Gatineau. The findings reveal that participants’ migration trajectories to Canada are deeply gendered at the micro, meso, and macro levels, and while most participants felt politically incorporated in Canada, aspects of their gendered migration trajectories limited their participation in the formal political sphere. This includes barriers posed by migration projects, migration types, modes of entry, immigration status, migration experiences, and travelling gender norms from the DRC. However, these barriers generated opportunities for greater participation in the informal political sphere, such as advocacy through ethnocultural and religious groups, protests, school boards, professional networks, and petitions. Furthermore, the findings reveal that participants’ experiences of political marginalization and discrimination in both Canadian society and African immigrant communities, because of their identity as Black Congolese immigrant women, increased their proclivity to participate in informal political activities, as did their socioeconomic status as middle-class immigrant women. The findings make important empirical, analytical, and methodological contributions by providing an original framework for understanding the links between gendered migration trajectories and immigrant women’s political incorporation, enlightening broader understandings of political participation and challenging notions of immigrant women as apolitical, highlighting the understudied impacts of interlocking systems of power on political participation, and disproving the idea that political incorporation is a straightforward process of inclusion and a condition of social cohesiveness.

This study examines sexual violence against women in armed conflict settings as a form of discrimination within the framework of CEDAW. Informed by Judith Butler's theory of Gender Performativity emphasizes that gender is socially constructed. This study utilizes existing literature reviews and reports; the analysis focuses on gender-based violence, revealing its structural nature. Using the Democratic Republic of Congo as a case study, it highlights the interplay of ethnic, political, and economic factors leading to extreme violence. The study emphasizes the authority of the CEDAW committee to propose an inclusive and understandable protocol, protecting women's rights universally. Overcoming barriers like structural discrimination is crucial to strengthening CEDAW's response. The study acknowledges the need to avoid generalizations and underscores the urgency of enhancing the existing framework to protect women during armed conflicts. It contributes to human rights discourse by emphasizing the inherent nature of human rights and equal protection for all individuals.

No description available.

The purpose of this thesis is to study the proposed Disarmament, Demobilization & Reintegration (DDR) policies of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Congo, the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO) and the recommendations of the Rift Valley Institute in the wake of the surrender of the M23 Movement, an armed rebel faction, in December 2013. The study seeks to assess the capability of these policies to address the grievances of the members of the M23 Movement and whether they will bring lasting peace between the rebels and the Government.To assess these policies, a content analysis of five key documents is conducted. The analysis uses a theoretical framework inspired by the work of John Paul Lederach (1997) on Conflict Transformation and that of Stina Torjesen (2013) on reintegration of former combatants. The framework explores the content of the policies according to four “pillars” of successful DDR – actors, context, timeframe & action.The study concludes that while efforts for political integration has had some success, the cause for the M23 rebellion was economic grievances which has not yet been addressed. Furthermore, a lack of political will has delayed the implementation of the demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants, which bears a resemblance to previous attempts at DDR. A new amnesty law that exempts perpetrators of gross human rights violations has had some success in ending impunity for the worst offences. MONUSCO has been criticized for partiality towards the National Government, and its increasingly forceful stance in the conflict has persuaded some groups to submit to DDR while others have intensified their aggressions on UN personnel.

With the rise of new information and communication technologies, advocacy campaigns in development have experienced a resurgence of video as an instrument to enrich outreach efforts and build bridges, to empower marginalised groups and rescue the culture and heritage of indigenous people, and to reach decision-makers – and ultimately change policies and laws. The use of “humanising” elements through film, such as the oral testimonies of individuals, allows practitioners to transport the realities and conditions of specific localities to audiences otherwise unable to experience them directly. The present study examines the mechanisms through which video advocacy reaches audiences, looking specifically at trade-offs and knock-on effects among key stakeholders, based upon the case study of the Our Voices Matter advocacy film. The video features oral testimonies of local women survivors of rape from the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It is employed to campaign for justice for women victims of sexual violence and to mobilise social change to alter the role of women in the region. In light of the multifaceted nature of video advocacy use in development, the study utilises a composite of three analysis techniques, employing the collection and critical examination of information both qualitative and quantitative in nature: A content analysis of the case study, examining the narrative and semiotic elements used by the film’s producers, was designed to complement interviews with stakeholders of the campaign. An international survey of women was conducted to shine light on how vulnerable groups across the world relate to the video in question and evaluate the effectiveness of video advocacy. The composite discussion reveals insights into video advocacy conception, strategy, and implementation, with particular emphasis on stakeholder mapping, while underscoring the potential for trade-offs and knock-on effects among stakeholder groups. The case study also provides a theoretical and practical basis for similar communication for development campaigns.

Denna uppsats skildrar ett axplock av de upplevelser av samverkan som rådde bland ett antal organisationer i civilsamhällelig och offentlig sektor som under Coronavirus-pandemin 2020 ingick i formaliserade samverkansavtal med varandra i avsikt att stärka Sveriges krisberedskap och minimera de samhälleliga och mänskliga kostnaderna av Covid-19. Dessa civilsamhälleliga aktörer är olika organisationer som skiljer sig åt struktur- och arbetsmetodmässigt – en olikhet som tidigare forskning inom krisberedskap och samverkan med civilsamhället sällan fångar. Upplevelser av samverkan mellan offentlig och privat sektor har undersökts tidigare, men tenderar att belysas från offentliga organisationers perspektiv – något som beskrivs som en besvärande forskningslucka. Syftet med denna uppsats är att belysa krisstödjande organisationers erfarenheter och uppfattningar om kvaliteten på ett samarbete och skillnaderna i dessa upplevelser aktörerna emellan, med ett teoretiskt avstamp i DRC-typologins idealtyper av krisstödjande organisationer. Studien operationaliserar syftet genom att konkretisera fem relevanta variabler under samverkan: de (1) behov, och (2) insatser och roller som karaktäriserar organisationerna – enligt DRC-typologin – som direkta influenser på de (3) utmaningar, (4) fallgropar, och (5) framgångsfaktorer som de upplevt under aktuell samverkan. DRC-typologin används flitigt inom krisberedskapsforskningen och ämnar att genom fyra idealtyper av organisationer öka förståelsen för det extremt heterogena organisationslandskapet, där inblandade organisationer kan ha vida skilda kapaciteter, strukturer, och möjligheter att bistå med krisstödjande insatser.  Uppsatsens undersökande moment utgörs av en fallstudie grundad i 13 djupt kvalitativa intervjuer av representanter för organisationer involverade i Myndigheten för Samhällsskydd och Beredskaps två samverkansavtal under 2020. Majoriteten av dessa organisationer har någon form av anknytning till Norrbottens län, på grund av den bakomliggande kartläggningsrapporten publicerad av Region Norrbotten i början av 2021 som sådde fröet för den här vidarestudien inom området. Analysen av intervjuerna (som transkriberades till totalt runt 6000 ord) sker genom en innehållsanalytisk metodologi: författaren tar fram tio retoriska forskningsfrågor knutna till de framtagna variablerna och genomför en meningskoncentrering av det transkriberade materialet, för att på så vis förstå kärnan av det empiriska materialet. De intervjuade aktörerna klassificeras genom DRC-typologins idealtyper, och deras uppfattningar av de fem variablerna redogörs för (i en begränsad form). Resultatet av intervjuerna visar bland annat ett stort antal upplevda utmaningar – den variabel som de svarande var mest benägna att diskutera under intervjuerna – men ger också ett viktigt, akademiskt mikroperspektiv på offentliga och civilsamhälleliga aktörers upplevelser av samverkan. Författaren diskuterar detta vidare – med inslag av egna insikter, tolkningar, och slutsatser knutna till de identifierade upplevelserna – i uppsatsens avslutande del. / This thesis recounts a sample of the experiences of civil society and public sector organizations during the cross-sector cooperative agreements instigated by the Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency (SCCA) at the beginning of the Coronavirus pandemic in 2020, the purpose of which were to strengthen Swedish crisis-response and minimize the societal and humane costs of Covid-19. The civil society parties of this agreement all have different organizational structures, internal policies, and areas of operation – a difference that prior research in the area seldom acknowledge. The experiences of actors within these two sectors bound together by cooperative agreements has been studied before, but these studies tend to illustrate their findings through the perspective lenses of the public sector – something that has been described as a problematic trend within the field. The purpose of this thesis is to illustrate crisis-response organizations’ experiences and perceptions of quality of cross-sector cooperative agreements and the differences in these perceptions between the parties, with a theoretical starting point in the DRC-typology’s classifications of crisis-response organizations. The study operationalizes its purpose by concretizing five relevant variables related to cooperation: the (1) needs, and (2) contributions and roles which characterizes these organizations – according to the DRC-typology – as direct influences on the perceived (3) challenges, (4) failures, and (5) successes experienced during these cooperative agreements. The DRC-typology is frequently used within crisis-response research to increase the understanding of individual organizations within an extremely heterogenous landscape using four distinct categories that differentiates between organizations by how they are structured and their capacities to provide aid during a crisis.  The investigatory element of this thesis is comprised of 13 deeply qualitative interviews with representatives of organizations involved in SCCA’s two cross-sector cooperative agreements during 2020. Most of these organizations are in some way connected to Norrbotten County, the primary reason being the surveying study published by the regional government of Norrbotten County in early 2021 planting the seed for this deeper exploration of the topic. The analysis of the interviews (which, transcribed, totaled around 6000 words) is done through a contextual methodology: the author asks the text ten rhetorical question tied to the study’s variables and performs a concentration of the transcribed material to gain access to the contextual core of said material. The interviewed parties are categorized through the DRC-typology, and their perceptions of the five variables are presented (in a limited fashion). The results of the interviews show that involved parties experienced many challenges during the cooperation – the variable interviewees were most prone to discuss – but also contributes an academically important micro-perspective of public- and civil society actors’ experiences of cooperative agreements. The author then discusses these results further – including subjective opinions, interpretations and conclusions tied to these experiences – in this paper’s closing chapter.