The main purpose of this thesis is to provide an understanding of the EU’s approach to peacebuilding in its Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions and operations. The thesis explores why EU missions carry out mainly post-conflict peacebuilding tasks and whether the shift towards peacebuilding is about a substantial change of EU norms. The research analyses how peacebuilding in CSDP actions is framed, designed and operationalised through the complex decision- and policy-making processes within the CSDP. In particular, the thesis assesses how the EU’s approach to peacebuilding in the CSDP was influenced by the UN’s conceptualisation of peacebuilding and how the EU has developed its own distinctive approach to peacebuilding. While looking at the examples of civilian missions and military operations in Mali and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the thesis provides insights into the operational dynamics of peacebuilding under the CSDP. The thesis argues that CSDP missions and operations reflect a normative and practical commitment of the EU to international peacebuilding. CSDP actions deployed in post-conflict scenarios follow the logic of liberal peacebuilding strategies while aiming at the stabilisation, reconstruction and building of the institutions of a functioning state, in particular the military, police and justice sectors. The EU pursues its peacebuilding activities under the CSDP in a comprehensive, case-specific and geopolitically strategic way as demonstrated by case studies of Mali and Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the same time, the research reveals that, although the shift towards peacebuilding in CSDP actions has been underpinned by a change of normative approaches, driven by the reform process of the UN peacekeeping, it also reflects the EU’s preferences, pragmatic limits and capability-expectation gaps in crisis management.

Currently, there is little research on other countries' defence policies in Swedish. This essay will hopefully provide you with an interest in examining other countries' defence policies. The focus will be on Finland, Sweden's neighbour. Considering that Finland and Sweden are both members of the Nordic Council and strive for prosperity in the Nordic region, we should know more about our neighbours. Finnish defence policy reports are published every four or five years. This essay contains two of those reports from 2001 and 2017. The purpose of this essay is to find similarities and differences between the reports, but also to relate the reports to the theories, realism and liberalism. The theoretical analysis examines four different subjects where realism and liberalism will be discussed: International cooperation, rearmament, disarmament, and threat.  This analysis showed that Finland shows a lot of differences between the two reports. There are differences between all the subjects that are observed and the way the reports are written differs as well. The theories also shift a lot between the reports and that is concluded in the essay's conclusion. Suggestions about future research are included in the essay's discussion.

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By adopting a multilevel approach to understanding decisions taken in security and defence policies by European member states, the paper argues that the development of the European Security and Defence Policy, the proliferation of ad-hoc coalitions of the willing, and the subcontracting of security tasks from the UN has worsened the challenge of parliamentary accountability in foreign, security and defence policies. The paper evaluates how the European Convention has sought to bridge the parliamentary accountability gap in Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and in European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The outcomes of the Convention on the future of Europe are not meeting its initial ambition to put foreign, security and defence policy among the priorities for the European Union¿s constitutional design. CFSP will become more integrated, on an intergovernmental rather than supranational model and under the large states¿ control. The major innovation is the creation of the position of Foreign Affairs Minister whose autonomy remains still uncertain, especially in his/her relationship with the President of the European Council. ESDP¿s operational capabilities and scope are both extended while coalitions of the willing are institutionalised and a defence core group could emerge. The contrast remains between a slower integration of CFSP and a faster progress of ESDP. Given the significance of proposals in ESDP, the new powers proposed by the European Convention to be given to national parliaments and the European Parliament in this policy area are too weak to close the existing parliamentary accountability gap.

There are several things which can influence a nations policy both from within a nation and without. This Thesis aimed to understand the relationship between international incidents and the national rhetoric and policy of a nation. To this end the thesis made use of a comparative case study around the case of the annexation of Crimea and its impact on Swedish defence policy and rhetoric. Making use of two theories to structure the analysis that of Framing and Securitisation. The thesis selected and made use of public addresses performed by the Swedish Prime Minsters, Foreign Minsters, Defence Ministers and policy documents posted from the years 2010 to 2018. This thesis found that while the frame of the Russian state existed before 2014, it became much more severe within the speeches and statements from Swedish politicians following the event moving from being a passive threat to Sweden to an actively growing threat which needed to be addressed. The solutions which are proposed during the period range from increased cooperation with nations around Sweden to more extreme solutions such as an increased war readiness and a permanent garrison which is stationed on the Gotland Island in response to a suggested Russian threat.

The thesis results from a research project, combining elements of European law and public international law. The project focuses on the different forms of the use of force by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Security and Defence Policy as an integral part of the EU’s common foreign and security policy. It examines the conditions under which the European Union can engage in military crisis management missions from the perspective of European Union law as well as from the perspective of public international law. The main emphasis of the thesis is put on the former, analysing the EU’s ambitions to become an international security actor from an inside-out perspective. When addressing the vertical dimension of the EU and the use of force in more detail, the thesis analyses the extent to which the Member States are constrained in the conduct of their national foreign and security policy through decisions by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. With regards to the EU’s legal relationship with the United Nations, the thesis examines whether and if so to what extent the European Union, although not a member of the United Nations, is bound by UN Security Council resolutions in respect of the use of force. Based on the assumption that the EU is bound by UN Security Council resolutions imposing economic sanctions, the thesis uses a comparative method in order to show that the EU as an international organisation is bound by decisions of the UN Security Council in the sense that the EU is obliged to respect the wording and limits of a UN Security Council mandate to use force once it decides to contribute with an EU mission. If the EU decides not to accept a UN Security Council mandate, the thesis argues that the EU is under the obligation not to undermine the success of a UN authorised military intervention, in the spirit of a loyalty obligation. Apart from analyzing the interaction of the EU and the international legal framework, the thesis also uses a speculative approach in order to examine the implications of silence in the context of the use of force.

<p>The world is increasingly coalescing, ecologically, economically and culturally. Many problems can no longer be solved within the own state borders and the limitation of the territorial state is obvious. Jürgen Habermas means that a <i>world domestic politic</i> without a world government is what this progress need. Therefore it is important that national interests become less central and the solidarity between people is given priority in international relations. </p><p>The focus of this thesis is therefore a critical discourse analysis of the current position of the internationalisation of Swedish security and defence policy. </p><p>The discourse analysis shows that the morality and solidarity is described as important issues for the increasing Swedish international military engagement. One conclusion of the discourse is that the peace no longer is something that Sweden retains on it’s own. Instead the peace is secured in co-operation with other states. Hence, in the presence of thefuture, it’s interesting to consider Immanuel Kants thought, <i>zum ewigen Frieden</i>.</p>

<p>In the course of this master thesis I will argue the following:</p><p> a) ESDP project is an interesting initiative and concern issues that stand at the core of the EU integration processes. It relates to the most significant and updated development of the EU institutional, conceptual and strategic design, but is yet relatively unexplored and underdeveloped. </p><p>b) The aim of this study is to evaluate the efforts to enhance cooperation among European countries in the provision and use of military force. To set the scene and illustrate constrains and complications that bear upon activities in this field. Indeed, the author intends to recommend a theoretical framework, as a fundamental prerequisite for the proper study of EU Defense and Security Policy. </p><p>c) Constructivism and neo- Realism and their theoretical tenets offer an unexplored avenue to investigate and account for the development of the European Security and Defense Policy. </p><p>d) The efficiency of such an account depends on a meticulous evaluation of proposed theoretical approaches versus the emerging security complex. This theoretical choice allows for a construction beyond that of the unit or system levels of analysis and may therefore grant a causal role to perceived interests in terms of non- traditional approach to research in social science. Also it may thereby provoke an interest in terms of security and threat. </p><p>e) The originality and validity of a combination between Realism and Constructivism as a starting point for inquiries in IR may not only be relevant to an understanding of how such a development can unfold, but mostly how a real social phenomena can be unfolded by such a non-traditional theoretical approach.</p>

<p>This dissertations aims to examine the EU Foreign Policy, and more precisely map the High Representative (HR) and his impact on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in the EU. Using two theoretical frameworks, leadership theory and institutional theory, the study tests the explanatory power of these theories to explain the HR and his impact on the CFSP. The study is limited to a period of time, from November 2002 until December 2003, when several different events took place within the framework of the CFSP. The conclusion indicates that both leadership theory and institutional theory can help explain the development and outcomes of the CFSP.</p><p>Keywords: EU foreign policy, Common Foreign and Security Policy, High Representative of the CFSP, European Security and Defence Policy, Iraq war, European Security Strategy</p>

In the course of this master thesis I will argue the following: a) ESDP project is an interesting initiative and concern issues that stand at the core of the EU integration processes. It relates to the most significant and updated development of the EU institutional, conceptual and strategic design, but is yet relatively unexplored and underdeveloped. b) The aim of this study is to evaluate the efforts to enhance cooperation among European countries in the provision and use of military force. To set the scene and illustrate constrains and complications that bear upon activities in this field. Indeed, the author intends to recommend a theoretical framework, as a fundamental prerequisite for the proper study of EU Defense and Security Policy. c) Constructivism and neo- Realism and their theoretical tenets offer an unexplored avenue to investigate and account for the development of the European Security and Defense Policy. d) The efficiency of such an account depends on a meticulous evaluation of proposed theoretical approaches versus the emerging security complex. This theoretical choice allows for a construction beyond that of the unit or system levels of analysis and may therefore grant a causal role to perceived interests in terms of non- traditional approach to research in social science. Also it may thereby provoke an interest in terms of security and threat. e) The originality and validity of a combination between Realism and Constructivism as a starting point for inquiries in IR may not only be relevant to an understanding of how such a development can unfold, but mostly how a real social phenomena can be unfolded by such a non-traditional theoretical approach.