Les restructurations sectorielles et leurs différents effets localisés, le réétalonnage des échelles de l’autorité politique, les modes de gouvernement propres à chaque ville soulèvent une question sur les recompositions de l’action publique et la différenciation territoriale. Cette recherche prend pour objet le changement des villes historiquement organisées par la politique de défense (trois villes en France et trois villes en Italie) sous l’effet des réformes des armées et de l’augmentation des compétences urbaines. Elle développe un cadre analytique issu de la sociologie historique de l’État qui systématise les liens entre les politiques publiques et la structuration et l’intégration territoriales. Le changement des espaces et sociétés urbains exige pour être compris l’étude des modes d’intervention de l’État et des modes d’intervention des exécutifs urbains dans leur articulation réciproque et propre à chaque ville. D’une part, les négociations au sein de l’État entre administrations financières et militaires, ainsi que les mobilisations au centre national par les élus locaux différencient les modes de retrait des armées d’une ville à l’autre. D’autre part, les exécutifs urbains ont une capacité inégale à organiser l’action collective et à transformer les espaces historiquement structurés par l’État. Elle est liée aux agendas politiques urbains et aux modes d’action collective institutionnalisés dans le temps, ainsi qu’aux interventions de l’État qui sont elles-mêmes différenciées entre les deux pays et à l’intérieur de ceux-ci. Ceci amène à revenir sur les transformations des relations central/local entre décentralisation et politiques de la contrainte budgétaire. / Issues regarding public policies and territorial differentiation have risen as a result of three contemporary phenomena: sectorial structural adjustments and their corresponding territorial impacts; the rescaling of political authority; and the emergence of a variety of local governance models. This dissertation analyses the evolution of six cities, historically modelled by national defence policy, in light of recent defence policy reforms and the rise in local government competencies. The scope of the analysis covers six cities, three in France and three in Italy. The dissertation demonstrates the need to analyse locally-specific forms of national and local public intervention; and their reciprocal interactions; in order to understand urban and social evolutions. It develops a framework inspired by historical sociology of the State that conceptualizes the links between public policy and territorial structuring and integration. On one hand, territorial retrenchment of national defence policy varies accross cities, as a result of negotiations between central defence and financial administrations, and increasing local government lobbying of the central State. On the other hand, it illustrates the varying degrees to which local governments are capable of organising and managing public intervention; and can transform spaces which are historically structured by the State. This capacity hinges upon the nature of urban political agendas; the existing means of institutionalised collective action; as well as upon the ways in which the State operates in cities. The dissertation helps redefine central/local relations in the context of decentralization and budgetary constraints.

The conceptual understanding of security and the practicalities of national defence are interdependent. In many countries both are undergoing significant change. This work provides an international context but focuses on Australian defence, arguing that a transition is underway from old security thinking to new, and that this is evidenced by changes in policies and practical activities. The aim of this work is to demonstrate the interdependence between the current reconceptualisation of security and the practicalities of national defence. Old security thinking concerns military power relationships between states, in contrast with new security thinking, which uses a broader conceptual framework. These are described, providing benchmarks for the subsequent analysis. While it is acknowledged that change has occurred in security thinking throughout history, those developments observed since the end of the Cold War and the rise of globalisation signify a fundamental shift. To explore this shift, recent developments in the defence policies and military activities of four relevant nations are examined, providing an international context for the consideration of the primary case study of Australian defence. This case study draws on historical descriptions and empirical data to analyse developments in four spheres - Australian defence policy, current Australian Defence Force activities, recent military developments and contemporary Australian public debate. The weight of evidence supports the thesis of a transition in both security thinking, described as transitional security thinking, and ADF activities. Tensions are observed between the requirements of defending a nation against attack, and contributing to the expanding requirements of the broadened security agenda. Despite these tensions, the expansion in both security thinking and the associated activities of armed forces, is likely to continue. This expansion has important implications for Australia???s defence capabilities which are increasingly required to meet the demands of refocused national security. These demands contribute to the pressing challenges of convergence and overstretch. A strategy of integration is recommended to address these challenges and it follows the principles of whole-of-government security and sustainable partnerships. The application of these principles will require the ADF to emphasise capabilities with versatility and adaptability.

Despite many economic and state reforms in South America, no comparable changes have taken place with regard to civil-military relations: Neither do the armed forces have a clearly defined mission of their own nor are they adequately democratically controlled. The article looks at the present civil-military relations from various angles and explicitly deals with examples from Argentina, Bolivia, Chile and Peru. It presents the reasons for the lack of civilian control over the military and discusses the resulting consequences for domestic and foreign politics.

No description available.

Forum: EU-Diplomatie im Jahre 2020

By creating a common foreign policy the EU stands to maximize its international clout and leverage over the globe, in much the same fashion as it has done with its united economic policies. European integrationists imagine the EU becoming a major global power, speaking with one voice, substantially increasing its political clout. As a major power the EU could stand to become a counterbalance to the United States, stabilizing the current unipolar world system and offering a real alternative on the global scene. However, standing in the way of such pursuits is the EU member states unwillingness to give up national sovereignty, along with their own individual foreign policy interests, orientations, traditions, and histories. Achieving global superpower status is most unlikely, but the EU can still make great strides in the area of foreign affairs if it can develop some common ground to work upon. This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing the European Unions foreign policy process. It seeks to clarify the issues preventing the development of meaningful foreign policy, and therefore contribute to the body of knowledge concerning the difficulties that the EU faces. By examining the recent events of the preamble to the war in Iraq, this study analyzes the CFSP as it is to date, and draws conclusion about the nature of collective decision-making within the EU. It is also valuable in its analysis of the foreign policy process and how this in turn reflects upon the wider process of European integration.

I nationens intresse: (En beskrivning och analys av texter från regeringen ochFörsvarsberedningen 2008 vad avser ”nationella intressen” i svensk säkerhetspolitik.)Att försvara svenska värden och intressen är nu jämte försvaret av Sverige Försvarsmaktensfrämsta uppgift. Nu när begreppet ”nationellt intresse” verkar ha fått en ny och viktig roll i svensksäkerhetspolitik så är det angeläget att undersöka mer systematiskt på vilket sätt det förhåller sig.Det är med denna bakomliggande tanke som ämnet för uppsatsen är valt, dvs. att undersöka vilkenroll den klassiska termen ”nationella intressen” spelar i nutida svensk försvars ochsäkerhetspolitik.Som grund för undersökningen har jag har analyserat officiella tal, artiklar och uttalanden utlagdapå regeringens hemsida från januari 2008 till november 2008 av Sveriges statsminister,utrikesminister och försvarsminister. Alla texter har kontrollerats om begreppet nationellaintressen, svenska intressen, egenintresse inklusive engelska översättningar och svenska böjningarförekommer. Jag har även analyserat karaktären av de nationella intressen som finns redovisade iFörsvarsberedningens rapport Försvar i användning. Sveriges nationella intressen är därdefinierade som: 1. Upprätthålla och säkra Sveriges välstånd.(Önskat intresse) 2. Upprätthålla ochsäkra Sveriges trygghet och säkerhet.(Operationellt intresse) 3. En världsordning med sin grund ifolkrätten, för att uppnå fred, frihet och försoning.(Önskat intresse) 4. Ett stabilt och förutsägbartnärområde.(Operationellt intresse) och använt dem som utgångspunkt i diskussion och analys.Undersökningen visar att begreppet innehar rollen såsom ett centralt analytiskt begrepp och utryckför politiskt handlande i svensk säkerhetspolitik. Men ju mer man preciserar innebörden avbegreppet så nedgår det politiska utrymmet för dess användning. Det ligger alltså i dess politiskaanvändningsområdes natur att förbli oprecist och övergripande för att fortsätta inneha en centralroll. Det uppkommer ett dilemma när begreppet skall fungera väl i ytterligare en roll. Nämligen irollen såsom värdeord för målstyrning av Försvarsmakten vilket kräver precisering ochkonkretisering. / Defending Swedish values and national interests are- together with the defense of Sweden- theprinciple tasks of the Armed Forces. This concept of “national interest” has gained particularcuriosity resent, thus both the traditional and contemporary notion(s) are examined.To accomplish the above an analysis of relevant documents, speeches and statements betweenJanuary 2008 and November 2008 has been conducted. Statements of policy from the Swedishgovernment have been investigated for evidence of vested interests. All texts have been checkedfor the concept of national interests, Swedish interests, vested interests including Englishtranslations and their possible distortions. A review of the of the Ministry of Defence ‘SwedishDefense Commission Report (2008)’. In this document Sweden’s “national interests” are definedas: Maintain and secure Sweden's prosperity. (Aspirational interest) Maintain and ensure thatSweden is safe and secure. (Operational interest) A world order with its basis in international law,in order to achieve peace, freedom and reconciliation. (Aspirational interest ) A predictable andstable surrounding area. (Operational interest)The survey attempts to show that the concept is holding a role as a key analytical concept and anexpression of political action in the Swedish security policy. But the more you clarify the meaningof the term so fall the political space for its use. It is therefore in its political nature to remainimprecise to continue to hold a central role. One current dilemma for the Armed Forces is that inorder for it to function effectively it requires clearly defined goals whilst the political use of the“national interest” can have the obverse consequence. / Avdelning: ALB – Slutet Mag. 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 07-09

By creating a common foreign policy the EU stands to maximize its international clout and leverage over the globe, in much the same fashion as it has done with its united economic policies. European integrationists imagine the EU becoming a major global power, speaking with one voice, substantially increasing its political clout. As a major power the EU could stand to become a counterbalance to the United States, stabilizing the current unipolar world system and offering a real alternative on the global scene. However, standing in the way of such pursuits is the EU member states unwillingness to give up national sovereignty, along with their own individual foreign policy interests, orientations, traditions, and histories. Achieving global superpower status is most unlikely, but the EU can still make great strides in the area of foreign affairs if it can develop some common ground to work upon. This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing the European Unions foreign policy process. It seeks to clarify the issues preventing the development of meaningful foreign policy, and therefore contribute to the body of knowledge concerning the difficulties that the EU faces. By examining the recent events of the preamble to the war in Iraq, this study analyzes the CFSP as it is to date, and draws conclusion about the nature of collective decision-making within the EU. It is also valuable in its analysis of the foreign policy process and how this in turn reflects upon the wider process of European integration.

The conceptual understanding of security and the practicalities of national defence are interdependent. In many countries both are undergoing significant change. This work provides an international context but focuses on Australian defence, arguing that a transition is underway from old security thinking to new, and that this is evidenced by changes in policies and practical activities. The aim of this work is to demonstrate the interdependence between the current reconceptualisation of security and the practicalities of national defence. Old security thinking concerns military power relationships between states, in contrast with new security thinking, which uses a broader conceptual framework. These are described, providing benchmarks for the subsequent analysis. While it is acknowledged that change has occurred in security thinking throughout history, those developments observed since the end of the Cold War and the rise of globalisation signify a fundamental shift. To explore this shift, recent developments in the defence policies and military activities of four relevant nations are examined, providing an international context for the consideration of the primary case study of Australian defence. This case study draws on historical descriptions and empirical data to analyse developments in four spheres - Australian defence policy, current Australian Defence Force activities, recent military developments and contemporary Australian public debate. The weight of evidence supports the thesis of a transition in both security thinking, described as transitional security thinking, and ADF activities. Tensions are observed between the requirements of defending a nation against attack, and contributing to the expanding requirements of the broadened security agenda. Despite these tensions, the expansion in both security thinking and the associated activities of armed forces, is likely to continue. This expansion has important implications for Australia???s defence capabilities which are increasingly required to meet the demands of refocused national security. These demands contribute to the pressing challenges of convergence and overstretch. A strategy of integration is recommended to address these challenges and it follows the principles of whole-of-government security and sustainable partnerships. The application of these principles will require the ADF to emphasise capabilities with versatility and adaptability.

This study explores the Swedish non-alignment policy from a European Union perspective. Spanning the period 1995-2018, i.e. from the year when Sweden joined the European Union to the present day, the study concerns the way the EU membership has affected Sweden’s defence policy. Given a variety of noted political decisions and developments, mainly in terms of Swedish defence policy propositions during the target period, the key question presents itself as follows: Does the Swedish membership undermine its possibilities to remain as a true case of non-alignment? To be able to answer this question, the study will look into the extent to which the Swedish policy can be seen as a case of Europeanization regarding its EU membership. Thus, the investigation takes as its starting-point the theory of Europeanization. Relying on a variety of previous research, the discussion uses this theory to provide a perspective of this concept as “Goodness of fit”, essentially an analytical tool for identifying processes and changes within this framework. On a practical level, this means that if the different terms and policies fit perfectly between the union and its member states, there is no need for a change. On the other hand, if there is incompatibility in this context, a process of Europeanization is likely to be identified through the lens of “Goodness of fit”. In general terms, it is concluded that the Swedish defence policy has gradually assumed more of a European identity. Arguably, the country’s official non-alignment policy raises questions for its future involvement in the union. Rather, there is indication that political rhetoric has been only one side of the coin, practical reality another. Yet, one thing is clear: it all seems to happen on Swedish terms.