A colonização de Brasil e África do Sul por países diferentes acabou por afetar na dimensão do Atlântico Sul para ambos. De fato, enquanto Portugal aproximou seus territórios africanos ao brasileiro via compra e venda de mão de obra escrava, transformando o Atlântico Sul como elo entre tais territórios; Holanda e, posteriormente, Inglaterra, enquadraram o território sul-africano a uma dinâmica afro-asiática, mantendo esta colônia voltada ao Oceano Índico. Posteriormente, já durante a Guerra Fria tal distanciamento se transformou em opção por tais países. Em defesa do regime apartheid, a África do Sul desejava enquadrar o Atlântico Sul no conflito Leste-Oeste via criação da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Sul. Já o Brasil buscava manter a região desmilitarizada, defendendo a criação da chamada Zona de Paz e Cooperação do Atlântico Sul. Ainda que as transformações ocorridas nos anos 1990 indicassem a possibilidade de maior alinhamento acerca da importância do Atlântico Sul, o que predominou foram três momentos diferentes. O primeiro ocorreu durante as administrações Cardoso e Mandela, quando a desvalorização da bacia sul-atlântica foi preponderante para Brasil e África do Sul. Ao longo dos governos Lula e Mbeki houve a maior integração entre Brasília e Pretoria, e, consequentemente, maior similaridade com relação ao Atlântico Sul. Já nas administrações Rousseff e Zuma, o impasse envolvendo o Atlântico Sul passou a ser a tônica na interação entre Brasil e África do Sul Diante disso, o seguinte questionamento torna-se pertinente: por que, mesmo havendo a intensificação nas relações entre Brasil e África do Sul no Pós-Guerra Fria, o interesse pelo Atlântico Sul ainda se mantém descompassado quando comparado às visões brasileira e sul-africana? É pautado nos métodos analítico e indutivo de análise, em vasta revisão da literatura e na estruturação desta tese em duas partes contendo, respectivamente, dois e três capítulos, que se busca responder tal questionamento defendendo a hipótese de que o descompasso entre Brasil e África do Sul com relação ao Atlântico Sul ocorre, principalmente, no âmbito político-economico, visto que as distintas dinâmicas colonizadoras impostas aos países, bem como a adoção de determinadas políticas externas, levaram a interação Brasil, África do Sul e Atlântico Sul ser marcada pelo distanciamento. No entanto, diferentemente disso, as escolhas realizadas a partir das administrações Lula e Mbeki no âmbito securitário, demonstram certa continuidade no interesse de ambos em ser cada vez mais atuante no Atlântico Sul. / The colonization of Brazil and South Africa by different countries affected the dimension of the South Atlantic for both. Indeed, while Portugal brought its African territories closer to the Brazilian ones through the purchase and sale of slave labor, transforming the South Atlantic as a link between these territories, Holland and, later, England, framed the South African territory to an Afro-Asian dynamics, keeping this colony facing the Indian Ocean. Later, during the Cold War, such detachment became an option for such countries. In defense of the apartheid regime, South Africa wanted to frame the South Atlantic in the East-West conflict through the creation of the South Atlantic Treaty Organization. Brazil, meanwhile, sought to keep the region demilitarized, defending the creation of the so-called Zone of Peace and South Atlantic. Although the transformations which occurred in the 1990s indicated the possibility of greater alignment on the importance of the South Atlantic, what predominated were three different moments. The first moment occurred during Cardoso’s and Mandela’s administrations, when the devaluation of the South Atlantic was preponderant for Brazil and South Africa. Throughout Lula’s and Mbeki’s governments there was the greatest integration between Brasília and Pretoria, and, consequently, greater similarity with respect to the South Atlantic During Rousseff’s and Zuma’s administrations, the impasse involving the South Atlantic became the focus of the interaction between Brazil and South Africa. In view of this, the following questioning becomes pertinent: Even though there is intensification in relations between Brazil and South Africa in the post-Cold War period, why is the interest in the South Atlantic still remains out of step compared to the Brazilian and South African visions? Concerning this, based on the analytical and inductive methods of analysis, in an extensive review of the literature, this thesis, which is structered in two parts, two and three chapters, respectively, attempts to answer such questioning by defending the hypothesis that the gap between Brazil and South Africa in relation to the South Atlantic occurs mainly in the political-economic sphere, since the different colonizing dynamics imposed on the countries, as well as the adoption of certain external policies, led to the interaction between Brazil, South Africa and South Atlantic is marked by distance. However, unlike this, the choices made by the Lula and Mbeki administrations in the security sphere show certain continuity in the interest of both in being more active in the South Atlantic.

Cette étude consiste en une analyse historique et stratégique de la politique de la France à l’égard de la défense européenne dans l’après-Guerre froide, du Traité de Maastricht à la Déclaration « d’opérationnalité » de la Politique Européenne de Sécurité et de Défense, couvrant la période la plus récente dans un bref épilogue. Reposant sur des sources primaires, incluant des archives présidentielles et des témoignages oraux, cette étude vise à contribuer à la connaissance de la politique étrangère et de défense française ainsi qu’à la genèse et à la première phase de mise en oeuvre de la défense européenne. Cette étude porte un regard nouveau sur les motivations et les stratégies adoptées par la France dans le cadre des enjeux de sécurité euro-atlantiques sur une période cruciale qui commence à faire l’objet de recherches historiques approfondies. / This study consists in a historical and strategic analysis of French policy with regard to European defence in the post-Cold War era, from the Maastricht Treaty until the 2001 Laeken Declaration of ESDP « operationality », covering the most recent period in a brief coda. Relying on first-hand sources, including presidential archives and oral history, this study aims at contributing to the knowledge of French foreign and defence policy as well as European defence’s genesis and early implementation process. This study sheds new light on France’s motives and strategies in the realm of Euro-Atlantic security in a crucial period which only begins to be the subject of deeper historical research.

自從一九九五年六月李登輝總統訪問美國康乃爾大學（Cornell University）展開「世紀之旅」後，一九九五年下半年中共一連串的軍事演習、對台實施一連串的「文攻武嚇」到一九九六年的台海危機，這一段期間內中共對台政策特別的強硬，有別於中共一再重申的「一國兩制、和平統一」政策，引起了國內對於國家安全的討論與關切，也引發筆者對於探討中華民國國家安全的興趣。 在國際關係中，「安全」（security）是一個基本的概念，也是一個基本的價值。隨著國際政治學的發展，在第二次世界大戰結束後，由於核子武器的出現與冷戰的爆發，在西方國家特別是美國，許多學者開始將安全問題從國際政治研究中分離出來，作為一個次領域（sub-field）做專門研究，這就是安全研究（security study） 。此階段，安全研究的問題主要是指國家安全（National Security），即國家軍事力量的穩定，因此國家安全就是防務或國防的代名詞，保障國家安全是遂成為國家最重要的職責。 冷戰結束後，「安全」的內涵與外延不斷擴大，不再局限於軍事領域，而是逐步延伸到政治、經濟、科技、文化、環境領域，所以學者將其稱為「綜合安全」（Comprehensive Security）。對於安全之研究雖然有國家安全（National Security）、區域安全（Regional Security）、國際安全（International Security）、全球安全（Global Security）、共同安全（Common Security）、集體安全（Collective Security）、合作安全（Cooperative Security）等若干不同的層次，但一般的安全研究仍是以國家為中心，探討國家面臨威脅時，以國家層次的安全，整合各層次的安全關係，了解威脅安全的因素，並謀求解除威脅之道。 據此，國家安全的定義為：「為維持國家長久生存、發展與傳統生活方式，確保領土、主權與國家利益，並提升國家在國際上的地位，保障國民福祉，所採取對抗不安全的措施。」 我國國情特殊，長久以來在中共的敵對威脅下生存、發展，雖然沒有形之於正式文書的「國家安全政策」，但是我國憑藉「反共」與「發展」的策略，以堅定的意志，不僅確保了國家安全，也維持了經濟穩定的成長，創造了舉世公認的經濟奇蹟。冷戰時期的來臨，隨著國際情勢的轉變，將影響國家安全政策的內涵與目標，尤其兩岸互動關係日益密切，在表象上敵對意識漸次模糊，而又無法保證中共不以武力進犯的情況下，建立一套整體的國家安全政策，實為確保國家生存與發展的必要條件，值得重視。無疑地，以現階段而言，中共可能以武力侵犯台澎金馬的行動，是「危害我們國家生存最直接、最嚴重之威脅。」 。換言之，「確保台澎金馬及諸外島安全，與爭取國人生存發展的國際空間」 就成為當前我國國家安全為的首要目標。 不可諱言的，後冷戰時期國際情勢的變遷必將影響我國國家安全政策的內涵與目標，尤其，面對中共武力的威脅，我國對於國家安全的問題應該投入更多的關心和努力。本研究之目的即針對後冷戰時期的中華民國國家安全政策作一評析，將從我國國家安全之環境因素、我國安全威脅對國家安全之衝擊與影響，及主要的政策與作為加以研究，以作為我國修訂國家安全政策的參考與依據，並希望能進一步尋求我國長治久安之道，此為本文的最大目的所在。 目 錄 第一章 緒論 第一節 研究動機與目的……………………………………1 第二節 研究範圍與方法………..………………………..2 第三節 研究限制……………………………………………5 第二章 國家安全概論 第一節 國家安全研究與國家安全的意義…………………7 第二節 威脅國家安全的因素與來源……………………..11 第三節 國家安全政策的內涵……………………………..15 第四節 中華民國國家安全議題…………………………..18 第三章 後冷戰時期中華民國國家安全環境 第一節 後冷戰時期國際安全環境……………………….23 第二節 後冷戰時期亞太地區的安全環境……………….31 第三節 後冷戰時期兩岸關係的發展…………………….43 第四節 後冷戰時期對我國國家安全的影響…………….61 第四章 中華民國國家安全的威脅來源 第一節 中共武力犯台……………………………………..67 第二節 國土分裂：台灣獨立………………………………77 第三節 區域衝突：南海主權衝突…………………………85 第四節 我國安全威脅的評估……………………………..106 第五章 中華民國國家安全的國際保障 第一節 聯合國對中華民國安全的保障……..…………..137 第二節 美國對台海的安全保障.……..…………………154 第三節 美日安保條約與台海安全………………………172 第四節 中華民國國家安全國際保障的評估…………..185 第六章 後冷戰時期中華民國的國家安全政策 第一節 大陸政策…………………………………………187 第二節 外交政策…………………………………………200 第三節 國防政策…………………………………………211 第四節 經濟政策…………………………………………223 第七章 本文結論………………………………………..235 參考書目…………………………………………………..239

This thesis aims to analyze the evolution of the security policies of Finland and Sweden within the European Union (EU) with a comparative perspective. The main argument of this thesis is that increasing European integration in the field of security and defense may lead to adaptations and modifications in the security policy formulations of two militarily non-allied EU member states, Finland and Sweden. However, the nature and extent of these adaptations will depend on each state&rsquo / s own security policy perspective and own perception of the ongoing European security integration. This thesis seeks answers to questions such as &ldquo / How does the policy of non-participation in military alliances affect these countries&rsquo / standpoints and their participation in general in the EU&rsquo / s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and in the Common European Security and Defence Policy (CESDP)?,&rdquo / &ldquo / How do Finland and Sweden interpret and apply this policy perspective within the CFSP, and in the CESDP?&rdquo / and &ldquo / What does membership of the EU imply for the policies of the militarily non-allied countries?.&rdquo / This thesis consists of nine chapters. The second chapter gives the conceptual framework of this thesis. The third chapter focuses on the evolution of their neutrality policies until the Second World War while the fourth one presents the evolution of their security policies from the Second World War until the end of the Cold War. The fifth chapter covers the transition period from their neutrality policy to their EU membership, while the sixth chapter focuses on the evolution of their security policies especially within the CESDP. The seventh chapter draws attention to their new security policy agenda and the eighth chapter presents the comparative analysis of their security policies in the EU. The ninth, and concluding chapter, offers an overall comparative perspective about the respective security policy profiles of the two countries within the EU. This thesis has reached the conclusion that owing to their different histories, geopolitical positions and security policy concerns during the Cold War, their ways of adapting to the changes within the EU were inclined to be different too. Even though their entry to the EU in 1995 may be accepted as the starting-point for the potential future convergence of their security policies, the similarities in their security policy considerations do not outweigh the differences for the time being.

Canada consistently balances competing inclinations for proximity and distance with the United States. Yet the extant literature on Canadian foreign policy has rarely focused on this particular behaviour trait or readily accepted that such an ambiguous stance is actually underpinned by a strategic logic, let alone the crux of a purported grand strategy. And the few that that are open to the notion of a Canadian grand strategy often overlook the domestic decision-making determinants of behaviour, are largely empirical-descriptive in content, or are chronologically limited to either the early Cold War or a few key foreign policy episodes. This dissertation rectifies these shortcomings by providing a theoretical-explanatory and empirically-informed account of Canada’s post-war grand strategy, in which its domestic origins, strategic policies, and cultural predispositions are all carefully explored. It does so by applying the cultural-cybernetic model of behaviour, which combines strategic cultural factors that guide policy-makers on security matters with cybernetic policy processes, through which beliefs, inclinations, and policy choices are standardized and regularized as distinct doctrines across a range of foreign, defence, and security policies. It tests this model on two key cases of Canadian grand strategy in the post-war period: (1) Canada’s policy responses to American preferences on strategic (air and missile) defence over some six decades, and (2) its policy responses to US – and to a lesser extent British – strategic preferences on NATO defence strategy during the Cold War. The findings reveal that Canada’s strategic policies fluctuated between the two Standing Operational Doctrines in its policy repertoire: continental soft-bandwagoning and defensive weak-multilateralism. These two doctrines span the range of feasible policy options – the “goldilocks zone” – required to ensure that any trade-offs between security and sovereignty, as the central values being pursued in the cybernetic process, are minimized. It is for this reason that Canada’s strategic behaviour has a high degree of policy continuity, patterned consistency, and is best described as the goldilocks grand strategy.

This Final Paper consists of analysis of NATO and EU role to Lithuanian security by identifying our days and future threats to Lithuanian security and identification of the future of the Lithuanian security policy. In the first part of this final paper was glanced through NATO and EU CFSP and DP history, highlighting problems of EU integration to Euroatlantic security. It can be assumed that more then half of continuing Cold War century NATO has assured the creation and the welfare of Eastern Europe. The collective defense remains further of one’s NATO functions, by that time EU is not responsible of European collective defense. EU stands just in crisis management. The NATO��s and EU’ intercourse problem maintains historical and national color. The second part was dedicated to analyze the evolution of Lithuanian membership in NATO, EU CFSP and DP. It was noticeable that Lithuanian NATO membership gives security to country against straight military invasion by discouraging potential threats. The EU membership gives economical sanctions to threat object just de facto i. m. after, for example, the invasion to Lithuania. But according to NATO and EU agreements, nations which belong to these organizations are allowed to choose the way of reaction so it’s might depend on relationship of each of them and Lithuania. The type and the spectrum of threats were identified in the last part and there was made an analysis which of them and in what time dimension might occur against... [to full text]

The objective of this thesis is to evaluate European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy in the context of historical evolution of the CFSP. In this thesis, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy will be evaluated in three international political contexts. First period is Post World War II Period, second one is Post-Cold War Period and third one is Post September 11 Period. In the context of Post World War II period, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy is shaped by the conditions of Cold War, Bipolar World and threat of Soviet expansionism towards Western Europe and characterized by the attempts such as European Defence Community, Fouchet Plan and European Political Cooperation. In the context of Post-Cold War period, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by ex-Yugoslavian Conflict in early 90s which brought new security challenges such as ethnic conflicts and instability in the ex-Communist States in Central and Eastern Europe. EU&rsquo / s attempts were characterized by the CFSP which was launched by the Maastricht Treaty and the CESDP which emerged after Kosovo War with Saint Malo Declaration as defence dimension of the CFSP. In the context of Post September 11 period, European States&rsquo / efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by global fight against international terrorism. EU&rsquo / s attempts were characterized by adoption of European Security Strategy which accepted international terrorism, organized crime and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction as key threats towards Europe and aimed at developing a coherent vision of strategic objectives, shared threat assessment for European States in order to prevent divisions among EU States in future international events. The main argument of this thesis is that in order to be an important and effective actor in global politics, EU Member States should act coherently and speak with one voice. Their influence on important international issues is greater if they act as a coherent actor rather than acting individually.

資訊革命伴隨全球化時代的來臨，使得具備跨國性、複雜性的綜合安全議題，成為當代世界各國關注的焦點，同時也改變了過去以戰爭行動做為確保主權國家安全的傳統圖像，此一環境的改變，促使世界各國興起軍事國防轉型的熱潮。 中共受到1991年第一次波灣戰爭的啟示，以及藉由改革開放所帶來的經濟成長及綜合國力的提升，加速了其軍事現代化的腳步，對於我國國家安全的威脅更甚以往。我國除了面對國際社會體系變遷及全球化進程所衍生的新安全問題外，來自中共軍事的傳統威脅也日趨嚴峻。 在國內方面，受到整體政治環境隨著戒嚴與動員勘亂體制的廢除、黨禁、報禁的開放及透過憲法與法律制度的改革，在80年代逐漸由威權體制朝民主政體發展，進一步促成國防改革的驅動力。綜合上述國際環境、中共軍事威脅及國內政治體制變化，使得我國在國防政策上面臨轉型的重大的挑戰。 本研究主要目的，是透過自民國81年起至今發行的10本國防報告書及國、內外有關戰略及國防政策、戰略相關議題的著作、期刊、論文及官方文件的蒐集，藉由國際情勢、兩岸互動以及國內政治環境之變化等面向分析，提供讀者瞭解我國自民國81年以來國防政策的演變歷程與外在因素的關係。 關鍵字：國防報告書、國防政策、國防轉型 / With the coming era of globalization, a revolution of information does not only cause each country in world to place emphasis on addressing the comprehensive and complex issues with regard to the international security but reconstruct the framework of national security which is originally based on the warfare operation. This shifted the relationship among countries and contributed significantly to a trend of reform regarding national defense in each country around the world. What promoted the PRC’s military modernization are the domestic rapid economic growth and comprehensive national strength that is activated by the reform and open policy. However, this brings a serious threat to national security much more than ever before. Now, not only does our nation have to cope with the problems in globalization as well as power shift of the international society but we also have to confront the conventional military threat form the PRC. On the other hand, the development from an authority system to the democratic polity, which did away with the martial law and established open policy including abolishment of suppression of factions and restrictions on medium, facilitated our national defense system to reform in the 80s. In short, that are those factors with respect to the international relationship, military threats from the PRC, and shits of domestic polity bring the great challenge to our national defense policy while reforming. This paper explored ten national defense reports published in 1992 to date, and speculated works, journals and theses regarding discussion over national defense policy and strategy and the collections of official documents, so as to have readers comprehend the relations between the process of NDP reform and some outside factors. This research is based on the data analysis in 1992 to date within the realm of international circumstance, interactions across straight, and the shift in domestic policy. Key words: national defence report, national defence policy (NDP), national defence reform

This thesis aims to analyse the transformation of Sweden’s state identity as well as its Security and Defence Policy through a theoretical framework based on Alexander Wendt’s “Social Theory of International Relations”. By identifying factors (both internal and external) that have affected Sweden’s actions and policymaking, the thesis provides an understanding of the gradual conversion from neutrality, isolation and national defence to military non-alignment, cooperation and international operations. The thesis discusses a future renationalisation in international relations and identifies difficulties with Sweden’s policy of being militarily non-aligned in peacetime aiming for neutrality in wartime. Because of Sweden’s membership in the European Union, NATO’s Partnership for Peace, and the Declaration of Solidarity, the neutrality option does not seem particularly viable if a conflict were to arise in Sweden’s vicinity.

A colonização de Brasil e África do Sul por países diferentes acabou por afetar na dimensão do Atlântico Sul para ambos. De fato, enquanto Portugal aproximou seus territórios africanos ao brasileiro via compra e venda de mão de obra escrava, transformando o Atlântico Sul como elo entre tais territórios; Holanda e, posteriormente, Inglaterra, enquadraram o território sul-africano a uma dinâmica afro-asiática, mantendo esta colônia voltada ao Oceano Índico. Posteriormente, já durante a Guerra Fria tal distanciamento se transformou em opção por tais países. Em defesa do regime apartheid, a África do Sul desejava enquadrar o Atlântico Sul no conflito Leste-Oeste via criação da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Sul. Já o Brasil buscava manter a região desmilitarizada, defendendo a criação da chamada Zona de Paz e Cooperação do Atlântico Sul. Ainda que as transformações ocorridas nos anos 1990 indicassem a possibilidade de maior alinhamento acerca da importância do Atlântico Sul, o que predominou foram três momentos diferentes. O primeiro ocorreu durante as administrações Cardoso e Mandela, quando a desvalorização da bacia sul-atlântica foi preponderante para Brasil e África do Sul. Ao longo dos governos Lula e Mbeki houve a maior integração entre Brasília e Pretoria, e, consequentemente, maior similaridade com relação ao Atlântico Sul. Já nas administrações Rousseff e Zuma, o impasse envolvendo o Atlântico Sul passou a ser a tônica na interação entre Brasil e África do Sul Diante disso, o seguinte questionamento torna-se pertinente: por que, mesmo havendo a intensificação nas relações entre Brasil e África do Sul no Pós-Guerra Fria, o interesse pelo Atlântico Sul ainda se mantém descompassado quando comparado às visões brasileira e sul-africana? É pautado nos métodos analítico e indutivo de análise, em vasta revisão da literatura e na estruturação desta tese em duas partes contendo, respectivamente, dois e três capítulos, que se busca responder tal questionamento defendendo a hipótese de que o descompasso entre Brasil e África do Sul com relação ao Atlântico Sul ocorre, principalmente, no âmbito político-economico, visto que as distintas dinâmicas colonizadoras impostas aos países, bem como a adoção de determinadas políticas externas, levaram a interação Brasil, África do Sul e Atlântico Sul ser marcada pelo distanciamento. No entanto, diferentemente disso, as escolhas realizadas a partir das administrações Lula e Mbeki no âmbito securitário, demonstram certa continuidade no interesse de ambos em ser cada vez mais atuante no Atlântico Sul. / The colonization of Brazil and South Africa by different countries affected the dimension of the South Atlantic for both. Indeed, while Portugal brought its African territories closer to the Brazilian ones through the purchase and sale of slave labor, transforming the South Atlantic as a link between these territories, Holland and, later, England, framed the South African territory to an Afro-Asian dynamics, keeping this colony facing the Indian Ocean. Later, during the Cold War, such detachment became an option for such countries. In defense of the apartheid regime, South Africa wanted to frame the South Atlantic in the East-West conflict through the creation of the South Atlantic Treaty Organization. Brazil, meanwhile, sought to keep the region demilitarized, defending the creation of the so-called Zone of Peace and South Atlantic. Although the transformations which occurred in the 1990s indicated the possibility of greater alignment on the importance of the South Atlantic, what predominated were three different moments. The first moment occurred during Cardoso’s and Mandela’s administrations, when the devaluation of the South Atlantic was preponderant for Brazil and South Africa. Throughout Lula’s and Mbeki’s governments there was the greatest integration between Brasília and Pretoria, and, consequently, greater similarity with respect to the South Atlantic During Rousseff’s and Zuma’s administrations, the impasse involving the South Atlantic became the focus of the interaction between Brazil and South Africa. In view of this, the following questioning becomes pertinent: Even though there is intensification in relations between Brazil and South Africa in the post-Cold War period, why is the interest in the South Atlantic still remains out of step compared to the Brazilian and South African visions? Concerning this, based on the analytical and inductive methods of analysis, in an extensive review of the literature, this thesis, which is structered in two parts, two and three chapters, respectively, attempts to answer such questioning by defending the hypothesis that the gap between Brazil and South Africa in relation to the South Atlantic occurs mainly in the political-economic sphere, since the different colonizing dynamics imposed on the countries, as well as the adoption of certain external policies, led to the interaction between Brazil, South Africa and South Atlantic is marked by distance. However, unlike this, the choices made by the Lula and Mbeki administrations in the security sphere show certain continuity in the interest of both in being more active in the South Atlantic.