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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 91 to 98 of 98 (0.033 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"defence colicy"" "subject:"defence bpolicy""
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F.C. Erasmus as Minister van Verdediging, 1948-1959Jooste, L. 11 1900 (has links)
Text in Afrikaans / Die portefeulje Verdediging het vanaf 1948 tot 1959 besondere eise aan F.C. Erasmus gestel. Hy moes
'n parate en doeltreffende Unieverdedigingsmag, wat Suid-Afrika teen moontlike kommunistiese aggressie
kon verdedig, daarstel. Hy moes ook die Nasionale Party se verdedigingsbeleid, tot nag toe abstrakte
beginsels vervat in die partyprogram, implementeer. Erasmus het die Mag d.m.v. 'n ingrypende
hervormingsprogram met 'n Suid-Afrikaanse identiteit beklee en Afrikaanssprekendes in groat getalle
daarheen gelok. Nieteenstaande die beperkte hulpbronne tot die land se beskikking en sterk kritiek teen
hom, het Erasmus Suid-Afrika se verdediging met rasse skrede laat vooruitgaan. Hy het die organisasie, opleiding en krygstuig van die Mag uitgebou en gemoderniseer, en ook die grondslag van 'n
onafhanklike, plaaslike krygstuigvervaardigingsbedryf gele. Voorts het Erasmus 'n prominente rol in
Suid-Afrika se internasionale militere strategie gespeel. Hy bet onvermoeid gepoog om die Europese
koloniale moondhede te oorreed om 'n Afrika-verdedigingsorganisasie op die been te bring. 'n
Hoogtepunt van sy dienstermyn aan die internasionale front was Brittanje se oordrag van Simonstad aan
Suid-Afrika. / The Defence portfolio placed heavy demands on F.C. Erasmus from 1948 to 1959. He had to transform
the South African armed forces into an efficient and combat ready Union Defence Force. He also had
to implement the National Party's defence policy, which hitherto consisted of abstract principles
contained in the party's political programme. Erasmus made far reaching changes to the Union Defence
Force, furnishing it with a distinct South African identity. Despite criticism against him and the
country's limited resources Erasmus improved South Africa's defence significantly. He modernized the
organization, training and equipment of the Union Defence Force and established the basis for an
independent local armaments industry. Erasmus also played a prominent role in South Africa's
international military strategy. He laboured unceasingly to persuade the European colonial powers to
enter into an African defence alli~nce. One of his greatest achievements is the transfer of Simonstown
to South Africa. / History / M.A. (Geskiedenis)
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[en] THE EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY AND COLLECTIVE IDENTITY: THE UNITED KIGDOM UNDER TONY BLAIR / [pt] A POLÍTICA EUROPÉIA DE SEGURANÇA E DEFESA E A FORMAÇÃO DA IDENTIDADE COLETIVA: O CASO DO REINO UNIDO NO GOVERNO DE TONY BLAIRNATALIA VALERIA TOLOSSA 24 September 2004 (has links)
[pt] O objetivo desta dissertação de Mestrado é analisar o
processo de reformulação da identidade coletiva do Reino
Unido no governo de Tony Blair, em função de sua
participação na Política Européia de Segurança e Defesa da
União Européia, com base em conceitos desenvolvidos pela
teoria construtivista de Relações Internacionais. As
mudanças ocorridas no esquema de segurança e defesa
europeu
receberam um grande ímpeto por parte do Reino Unido, que,
tradicionalmente, tem se caracterizado por uma política
reticiente no que diz respeito a cooperação em questões
de
segurança e defesa. Argumenta-se que o novo enfoque da
política britânica com relação à Política Européia de
Segurança e Defesa, a partir de 1998, insere-se num
processo de redefinição da identidade coletiva com
relação
a União Européia, apos o Reino Unido ter sido relegado ao
segundo plano no que se refere a questões de uniao
política
européia. / [en] The aim of this dissertation is to analize the process of
identity reformulation of the United Kingdom under Tony
Blair through its participation in the European Security
and Defence Policy of the European Union. This analysis is
based on constructivism litterature. The changes that had
taken place in the european security and defence field
were, to a certain degree, the result of a british
attitude, which has traditionally been characterized as
sceptical in these areas. The argument is that this new
british approch is part of a deeper process of colletive
identity reformulation.
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Rozvoj bezpečnostní a obranné identity Evropy (perspektivy spolupráce EU a NATO) / Development of the European Security and Defence Identity (Perspectives of Cooperation between EU and NATO)Šibík, Milan January 2009 (has links)
This master thesis deals with the topic of the European security and examines its development from the end of the Second World War. Single development stages are analyzed, with an increased attention paid to the Western European Union in the first part. Further the thesis explains the formation of the Common Foreign and Security policy, its development in particular primary documents on the EU, its major actors and tools and than the gradual emergence of the European security and defence policy. The recent EU operations are described as well. The entire thesis reflects the relations between the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty. Various legal, political and practical conflicts and difficulties arising from these relations are analyzed in detail. A significant part of this thesis focuses on the national positions of the selected countries regarding the European security.
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Evropská bezpečnostní a obranná politika - 10 let plánů, nadějí, úspěchů i zklamání / European Security and Defence Policy - 10 years of plans, hopes, successes and disappointmentsHlaváčková, Kristina January 2009 (has links)
European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), which creates security and defence dimension of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union, is today one of the most dynamically developing European projects. During the ten years of its existence it has demonstrated its sense, vitality, the momentum of development, the ability to respond to current topics, issues and trends, created strong political and military structure and committed to develop its own military capabilities, established integrated strategy for security and defence and create framework for cooperation with NATO. ESDP was able to turn the initial theoretical considerations into political and military practice. EU has launched more than twenty military or civilian missions and gradually began to build a global position as a credible security actor. The entire decade of the ESDP, however, was not only about the venerable results. At the same time, it accompanied the unsuccessful efforts to find consensus among nearly three dozens of Member States, the lack of sufficient resources and skills to empower the real defence connected with military- technical dependence on NATO, the limited flexibility of the system of political decision-making and limits set by the actual nature of the European Union. The main objective of...
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ILLUSIONEN OM DET VÄPNADE ANGREPPETAsklander, Niklas, Schmidt, Christian January 2020 (has links)
The Defence Commission has proposed that the Swedish Armed Forces once again will be assigned the main task of defending Sweden against an armed attack. Defence against an armed attack has gained more focus since the defence decision 2015 and prior to the upcoming defence decision it is even more emphasized. Are the politics and the Swedish Armed Forces in agreement regarding the meaning and implications of this on basis of contemporary threats? The overall aim of the study is to understand the interaction between politics and the Swedish Armed Forces in the designing and shaping of the Swedish Armed Forces. This study has a starting point in the prelude to the planned political defence decision 2020 and aims to understand some of this major context. It is focusing on identifying the coherence between the Defence Committee and the Swedish Armed Forces’ military strategic leadership in terms of the meaning of an armed attack being the primary basis of designing and shaping the Swedish Armed Forces. In addition, important factors that have an impact on the interaction between politics and the Swedish Armed Forces are identified. The empiricism is taken from international law, the military strategic doctrine of the Swedish Armed Forces, reports from the Defence Commission and interviews with members of the Defence Committee and the military strategic leadership of the Swedish Armed Forces. The results show that there is lack of coherence within the Defence Committee as well as between the Defence Committee and the Swedish Armed Forces regarding the meaning of the proposed main task to the Swedish Armed Forces and how it should relate to other tasks. There is an illusion regarding the definition of an armed attack. In reality it is the government that, under constitutional responsibility, defines an armed attack when there is an act of aggression. In addition, it is identified that it is suitable to mutually improve trust between politics and the Swedish Armed Forces by increasing knowledge of each other's realities. / Försvarsberedningen har föreslagit att Försvarsmakten åter ska få huvuduppgiften att försvara Sverige mot väpnat angrepp. Försvar mot väpnat angrepp har fått ett allt större fokus sedan försvarsbeslutet 2015 och inför det kommande försvarsbeslutet föreslås en ytterligare inskärpning. Är politiken och Försvarsmakten överens om innebörden utifrån samtidens hot? Studiens övergripande syfte är att förstå samspelet mellan politiken och Försvarsmakten i utformningen och inriktningen av Försvarsmakten. Studien tar avstamp i förspelet inför det planerade försvarsbeslutet 2020 och tar sikte på att förstå en del av detta stora sammanhang genom att fokusera på att identifiera samstämmigheten mellan försvarsutskottet och Försvarsmaktens militärstrategiska ledning om innebörden av att väpnat angrepp ska vara dimensionerande för Försvarsmaktens inriktning. Därtill identifieras viktiga faktorer som påverkar samspelet mellan politiken och Försvarsmakten. Empirin är hämtad från internationell rätt, Försvarsmaktens militärstrategiska doktrin, försvarsberedningens rapporter samt intervjuer med försvarsutskottet och Försvarsmaktens militärstrategiska ledning. Resultatet visar på att det saknas samstämmighet såväl inom försvarsutskottet som mellan försvarsutskottet och Försvarsmakten avseende innebörden av Försvarsmaktens föreslagna huvuduppgift samt hur den ska förhålla sig till övriga uppgifter. Det råder en illusion om innebörden av ett väpnat angrepp. I verkligheten är det regeringen som under konstitutionellt ansvar fastställer vad som är ett väpnat angrepp när en aggressionshandling sker. Därtill identifieras lämpligheten av att ömsesidigt förbättra förtroendet mellan politiken och Försvarsmakten genom att öka kunskapen om varandras realiteter.
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Velká Británie a Bagdádský pakt (CENTO) v letech 1955-1964 / Great Britain and the Baghdad Pact (CENTO), 1955-1964Nevrkla, Lukáš January 2019 (has links)
The main aim of the thesis is to analyse the British foreign and defence policy attitude toward the Baghdad Pact (Central Treaty Organisation, CENTO) and the Northern Tier countries from 1955-1964. The text seeks to outline the role and importance which the British foreign and defence policy attributed to the pact as well as the British perception of the Communist threat to the Middle East as it was reflected in the documents related to the British participation in the alliance. The text concentrates on the analysis of the British interpretation of the alliance, in particular with respect to the impact of the Cold War on the international relations in the Middle East (1955-1964) and the transformation which affected the British position and Special Relationship with the United States in the Middle East. The thesis follows the development of British foreign and defence policy between 1955 and 1964. Approaching the Baghdad Pact (CENTO) as a tool of British foreign and defence policy in the Middle East (1955-1964), it seeks to identify and specify the functions attributed to the pact by the British and Foreign Policy and outline their development and changing priority. In addition, the thesis analyses the development and structural problems of the Baghdad Pact (CENTO) from 1955 to 1964, connecting...
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The swing of the pendulum: Sweden's pivot to NATO : A case of small states' shift in security policyBonnier, Irena January 2024 (has links)
Sweden is the only state in the Baltic Sea region currently not under NATO protection, which puts the state in a particularly vulnerable position. On 18 May 2022, Sweden officially deemed NATO alignment a more effective option of security strategy in projecting deterrence and dealing with the security challenges the state is facing, compared to a strategy of non-alignment which has been Sweden’s security posture for over 200 years. The aim of the thesis is to explain this shift in Sweden’s security policy. The thesis will explain small states’ security policy beyond the traditional explanations found in realist theory of state-centric threat balancing and sovereignty. Shelter theory claims that small states’ options for security is either to find a protecting power or join an alliance in order to be politically and militarily sustainable. The thesis will analyse Sweden’s shift in security policy by examining shelter theory’s claim that in order for small states to survive and prosper, buffering up domestic capabilities does not suffice, they need to seek political and military shelter from external security providers by implementing bi- or multilateral agreements with neighbouring states, great powers and by joining alliances. Analysing a long-time deviant case of a non-aligned small state, this thesis argues that Sweden’s drawn-out road-map to NATO membership is problematic to explain from the perspective of shelter theory. Consequently, the thesis makes the additional claim that factors related to Sweden’s domestic policy, such as public opinion and the nearly institutionalised practice of broad political consensus in issues relating to security policy, also play an important role for the design of Sweden’s security policy. Shelter theory in combination with domestic factors’ influence on security policy change offer a more fully fledged explanation of Sweden's shift in security policy to NATO alignment. This thesis argues that its findings complement and enhance shelter theory by shedding light on the importance of domestic factors in the study of small states’ security policy.
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Low Intensity Conflict: Contemporary Approaches and Strategic ThinkingSearle, Deane January 2007 (has links)
Low Intensity Conflict (LIC) is a significant feature of the contemporary world and it is a particular challenge to the armed forces of many states which are involved is such conflict, or are likely to become so. This thesis is not concerned with how such difficult conflict situations arise. Rather it is concerned with how, from the point of view of the state, they may be contained and ultimately brought to a satisfactory resolution. The work is thus concerned with the practicalities of ending LIC. More specifically, the purpose of this research is to establish a framework of doctrinal and military principles applicable to the prevention and resolution of LIC. The principles of this thesis are based in numerous historical examples of LIC and six in depth case studies. These distilled principles are analysed in two central chapters, and are then applied in two latter defence force chapters so as to ensure there practicality and resilience. Numerous defence academics and military practitioners have been consulted in the production of this thesis; their contribution has further reinforced the functionality of the principles examined in this research. The research illustrates the criticality of a holistic approach to LIC. The function of this approach is to guarantee the stability of the sovereign state, by unifying civil, police, intelligence and military services. The effectiveness of the military elements must also be ensured, as military force is central to the suppression of LIC. Consequently, the research makes strategic and operational prescriptions, so as to improve the capability of defence forces that are concerned with preventing or resolving LIC.
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