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This study explores the interactive process between decentralized structures and traditional authorities in Wenchi district, with a view to generating lessons and insights that can guide the recommendation of a more appropriate decentralization framework to tap the strengths of traditional authorities towards accelerated rural development. Within the framework of action research methodology, mixed-methods were used to triangulate findings and enhance research rigour. Specific methods employed were focus group discussions (FGDs), in-depth interviews (IDIs), and observation, complemented by context analyses of relevant documents. It was found that the interactive processes between traditional authorities and decentralized structures are characterized mainly by competition for power and legitimacy, leading to mistrust and an inability to take advantage of the synergy effect between the two systems of local governance in accomplishing accelerated rural development. Key recommendations are that traditional authorities should not be fused with the decentralized structures, but should remain as countervailing institutions to check the misuse of power by the decentralized structures. However, traditional authorities should be given the ceremonial role of the right to address meetings of the District Assembly and the Area Councils. Additionally, chiefs should be given the chance to nominate at least two people onto the Unit Committees. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)

Since 1994 a number of health reforms took place in furthering democracy. These changes included the decentralisation of Primary Health Care Services. This study is a phenomenological research that chronicles the Primary Health Care decentralisation experiences in the Bophirima District of the North-West Province. Using a descriptive phenomenological orientation, the purpose of this study was to describe the experiences of participants associated with decentralisation in the Bophirima District. Also, to illustrate how the participants perceive these experiences in relation to Primary Health Care services. Furthermore, to provide scientific evidence regarding factors related to the decentralisation of PHC services in the Bophirima District. These and other issues remain of paramount importance given the current state of health care in the South Africa. This study took place in the outskirts of the semi-rural area of Bophirima and Central District in the North-West Province. The investigation followed qualitative research design that was descriptive, exploratory, contextual and phenomenological in nature. The sampling procedure involved non-probability purposive, sampling technique with a sample size of five participants. Data was collected by using an unstructured interview technique. The modified Giorgi method of analysis was used for qualitative data analysis. These are contained in Burns and Grove (2001:596) and Polit and Beck (2004:394) are fully explicated in Chapter Four. Guba model (in Babbie & Mouton, 2001:180) was utilised to ensure the trustworthiness of the study. Ethical requirements were considered throughout and these are reflected in chapter four of the thesis.Three forms of decentralisation: deconcentration, delegation and devolution were identified in the findings. The investigation further indicated that the integration of primary health care services was also underway at the time of decentralisation. This integration triggered different psychological and emotional states amongst research participants. Most importantly, the research revealed that the interest of leadership across three spheres of government played a key role in the decentralisation of PHCs and integration of PHCs, while highlighting the importance of community participation in health service delivery (CP). In conclusion, the decentralisation process was generally perceived as empowering although, nationally, leadership needs to be strengthened to support provinces and districts regarding major policy issues such decentralisation. Key recommendations were made and further research was suggested. / Health Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Health Studies)

L’étude du pouvoir hiérarchique impose une approche basée sur sa fonction, en ce qu’elle est profondément liée à la théorie de la personnalité publique et à l’aménagement des compétences au sein des structures administratives. Ce préambule permet d’en identifier les caractères particuliers et de le définir comme un moyen d’unification de volonté au sein des personnes publiques. D’un point de vue théorique, il est un pouvoir inconditionné affectant l’ensemble de l’activité de subordonnés, qu’elle se traduise par la réalisation d’actes juridiques ou d’opérations matérielles. À travers des prérogatives d’instruction, de correction et de substitution, qui chacune en constitue un aspect particulier, il permet aux supérieurs de commander et contrôler. Cependant, et au-delà de ces instruments, le pouvoir hiérarchique conserve la réelle unité que lui donne sa fonction particulière. Cela ne signifie pas qu’il ne soit pas sujet à variation selon les habilitations respectives du supérieur et du subordonné, par exemple en conséquence de procédés de déconcentration ou de délégation qui peuvent venir limiter certaines de ses manifestations. Inversement, c’est parfois l’altération du pouvoir hiérarchique lui-même qui révèle un aménagement particulier de l’exercice des compétences. De plus, il faut envisager le pouvoir hiérarchique au-delà de la relation entre supérieur et subordonné. Si celle-ci présente des spécificités et s’adjoint des garanties non hiérarchiques nécessaires à son efficacité, le pouvoir hiérarchique joue également un rôle, en droit comme en fait, à l’égard des administrés, ce qui relativise la distinction parfois faite entre légalité intérieure et légalité générale. / The study of hierarchical power imposes a function-based approach, as it is deeply linked to the theory of public personality and to the arrangement of habilitations or jurisdictions in administrative structures. This preamble allows to identity its proper characteristics and to define it as a mean to unify the will of public persons. On a theoretical point of view, it is an unconditioned power concerning the whole activity of subordinates, as they can edict legal acts or realise physical operations. Through the diverse privileges of instruction, correction and substitution, each of which constitutes a particular aspect, it allows superiors to command and control. However and beyond these instruments, hierarchical power has a true unity which results of its particular function. This doesn’t implies that it is not subject to variation by virtue of respective empowerment of superior and subordinate members of the Administration, for example as a consequence of devolution or delegation of power that can modify some of its expressions. Contrariwise, it is sometimes the alteration of hierarchical power that reveals a particular arrangement of habilitations. Moreover, consideration should be given to hierarchical power beyond the relationship between superior and subordinate. As it shows specificities and needs the adjunction of non hierarchical powers that guarantees its effectiveness, hierarchical power also plays a role, in law and in fact, in respect of the governed or constituents, which puts the distinction sometimes made between internal and external law into perspective.

L’objet de cette étude est d’identifier une constitution « britannique » distincte de la constitution anglaise. Si le langage commun tend trop souvent à confondre une partie pour le tout, l’Angleterre pour le Royaume-Uni, cet écueil n’épargne pas les juristes. La notion de constitution britannique vise précisément à rendre compte de la manière dont le droit constitutionnel a pu appréhender et saisir la tension fondamentale qui l’anime entre deux exigences en apparence contraires, l’unité et la diversité. Depuis les lois de dévolution adoptées à la fin du XXe siècle, l’Ecosse, le Pays de Galles et l’Irlande du Nord disposent d’institutions de gouvernement autonomes, soumises théoriquement à la souveraineté du Parlement de Westminster. Le corps de lois, règles et principes qui régissent cet arrangement institutionnel permettent d’identifier un cadre constitutionnel spécifiquement britannique. Mais celui-ci n’est pas pour autant né à la fin du XXe siècle. Il nous semble en effet que cette constitution britannique trouve ses sources et son origine dans les relations qui ont pu s’établir entre le Royaume-Uni et certaines de ses colonies dotées d’un statut particulier et d’un gouvernement autonome, les Dominions. C’est dans ce cadre historique et intellectuel qu’a pu apparaître une manière spécifiquement britannique d’organiser cette tension entre l’unité et la diversité. Celle-ci puise d’ailleurs dans les ressources propres du constitutionnalisme britannique, qui résulte d’un entrelacement ingénieux de règles et principes juridiques et de pratiques institutionnalisées, les conventions de la constitution. Cette rencontre entre le droit et les conventions dessine un droit constitutionnel original et peut-être fédéral. / This study aims at identifying a « British » constitution distinct from the English constitution. If popular language tends to confuse one part with the whole, England with the United Kingdom, so do jurists. The concept of a British constitution aims at capturing the way in which constitutional law may have grasped the fundamental tension between two seemingly antagonist ideas, unity and diversity. Since the devolution Acts have been enacted in the end of the XXth century, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland enjoy responsible government, under the asserted sovereignty of the Parliament of Westminster. The body of statutes, rules and principles that govern this institutional arrangement thus form a specifically British constitutional framework. But this framework was not necessarily born in the end of the XXth century. We intend to show that this British constitution can be traced back to the constitutional relations established between the United Kingdom and some of her colonies, the Dominions. It is within this historical and intellectual framework that may have appeared a specifically British way of dealing with this tension between unity and diversity. It seems to have resorted to the resources of British constitutionalism, which is produced by the ingenious imbrication of legal rules and principles and of institutionalized practices, i.e. the conventions of the Constitution. This confluence of law and conventions sketches a constitutional law that is both original and possibly federal.

L’action extérieure du Parlement écossais est l’objet de notre étude. D’abord, nous avons identifié la capacité opérationnelle de cette institution au sein du système institutionnel britannique, sur la scène communautaire et dans les échanges internationaux. Puis, nous avons détecté les facteurs structurant cette action. Selon notre étude, trois pôles prennent forme dans l’action parlementaire tels que les îles Britanniques, l’Europe qui couvre l’espace géographique européen, l’environnement institutionnel communautaire. Enfin, le troisième pôle est l’espace hors d’Europe, notamment les pays du Commonwealth et les Etats-Unis d’Amérique. Nous avons également établi une certaine spécialisation des méthodes et des moyens d’action dans les trois pôles évoqués. / The focus of my dissertation is the external action of the Scottish Parliament. My study identifies the operational capacity of this institution within the British institutional system, on the European Union arena and in international relations. I have identified the factors structuring the parliamentary action that shaped three poles such as the British Isles, Europe and outside the geographic European space. The pole of Europe covers both Continental Europe and the EC institutional environment. I have also identified the specialisation of methods and tools of action within the above mentioned poles

Cette thèse traite des réformes et des politiques éducatives mises en place au Royaume-Uni après l’arrivée au pouvoir des nouveaux travaillistes en 1997. À la suite de la dévolution, deux Assemblées furent créés en 1999, l’une au Pays de Galles, et l’autre en Irlande du Nord, et l’Écosse se dota d’un Parlement. Cela entraîna la pérennisation des différences qui existaient entre les systèmes éducatifs du Royaume-Uni, la gestion de chaque système éducatif étant confiée à ces nouvelles institutions. La thèse analyse en profondeur les évolutions et les transformations générées au sein des différents systèmes éducatifs entre 1997 et 2010 (période de gouvernance des nouveaux travaillistes), et dégage les divergences et/ou rapprochements qui en ont découlé. Elle montre comment chacune des quatre nations a fait évoluer sa politique éducative, tout en tenant compte des réformes qui furent mises en place par les précédents gouvernements, ces changements ayant déjà profondément bouleversé l’organisation des systèmes éducatifs (New Public Management/autonomie des écoles). Certaines réformes antérieures à la période d’étude, qui modifièrent profondément le modèle de fonctionnement et l’organisation de ces systèmes éducatifs, sont également abordées car les gouvernements du début des années 2000 durent en tenir compte lors de l’élaboration de leurs projets éducatifs. Cette étude comparative tente aussi de définir l’efficacité des réformes en matière de performance scolaire et d’égalité des chances. / This thesis deals with the reforms and education policies that were implemented in the United Kingdom after the arrival of New Labour in 1997. Following devolution, two Assemblies were created in 1999, one in Wales, and one in Northern Ireland, and Scotland had a Parliament. This led to the persistence of the differences that existed between the education systems of the United Kingdom, the management of each education system being entrusted to these new institutions. The thesis analyses in depth the evolutions and the transformations generated within the different education systems between 1997 and 2010 (period of governance of New Labour), and reveals the divergences and/or convergences that ensued. It shows how each of the four nations has changed its education policy, while taking into account the reforms that were put in place by previous governments, these changes having already profoundly changed the organisation of these education systems (New Public Management/Local management of schools). Some reforms, prior to the period under study, which profoundly changed the organisation of these education systems, are also discussed because the governments in the early 2000s had to take them into account when developing their education projects. This comparative study also attempts to define the effectiveness of reforms in school performance and equal opportunities.

This thesis examines and compares newspaper coverage of the first two general elections after Scottish devolution, looking at both the Scottish and English/UK press. By considering the coverage of a major political event which affects both countries, it contributes to debates regarding the performance of the Scottish press within an arguably distinct Scottish public sphere as well as that of the press in England within a post-devolution context. The research is based on a content analysis of all the coverage of the 2001 and 2005 elections in seven Scottish and five English and UK daily morning newspapers, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in each campaign and a small set of interviews with Scottish political editors. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on theories of national identity and deliberative democracy in the media. It finds that the coverage of elections in the two countries has a similar issue agenda, however Scottish newspapers appear less interested in the UK aspect of the elections and include debates on Scottish affairs which are discussed in isolation, within an exclusively Scottish mediated space. These issues are constructed as particularly relevant to a Scottish readership through references to the nation, inclusive modes of address to the reader and the inclusion of exclusively Scottish sources, which contrast with the Scottish coverage of “UK” issues. This distinction between “Scottish” and “UK” topics emerges as the key differentiating factor in the discursive construction of election issues in the Scottish press, rather than that between devolved and reserved issues. Newspapers in England on the other hand, report on the two campaigns without taking into consideration the post-devolution political reality. These core questions are contextualized within the thesis by reference to relevant dimensions of Scottish culture and politics, and interpreted in the light of events since 2005.

The difficulties faced by services in the cultural sector have been immediate and challenging. Public services that are cultural in nature have faced funding cuts, closures and redundancies. Museum services are low in political importance and unable to provide clear evidence of their policy impact. Despite these challenges, there has been limited evidence about the policy process at ground-level. This thesis builds on theoretical and empirical ideas in social and cultural policy to present museum workers’ perspectives within a cultural theory framework. Following Lipsky’s (1980) work on street-level bureaucrats, this thesis presents an analysis of street-level workers’ roles in delivering social and cultural policy. Museum workers’ perspectives are presented through a series of case studies (drawing on qualitative interviews and observations) from three local-authority museum services in England, Scotland and Wales. The findings showed evidence that top-down cultural and social policies have had an influence on workers actions, but service-level workers’ understandings were central to the policy process. Museum workers actively shaped museum policy through ground-level interactions with visitors and groups. Workers experienced policy in the cultural sector as fragmented, vague and difficult to engage with at the ground-level. Workers mainly viewed policy as meaningless rhetoric. Despite this, those working at ground-level often utilised policy rhetoric effectively to gain funding and manipulate activities towards their own needs and interpretations. Policy evaluation was also fragmented and underdeveloped within the services studied. Workers found themselves under pressure to fulfil policy objectives but were unable to show how they did this. Furthermore, there was a perceived distance from managers and local authority structures. This allowed a space for workers to implement and shape policy towards their own professional and personal ideals. Vague policies and a lack of formal mechanisms for evaluation led to high levels of worker discretion at ground-level. Economic policy expectations were resisted by workers, who tended to have more egalitarian views. Museum workers effectively managed policy expectations through a mixture of discretion and policy manipulation. Delivery at the ground-level was seen as effective – despite, not because of, cultural sector policies.