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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
11

Hochstifte als mittelalterliche Verkehrszentren : Regalien und Regaliennutzung am Beispiel von Augsburg und Konstanz /

Wetter, Ingo. January 2005 (has links)
Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Tübingen, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. xix-lxxiv).
12

Vincenti Belvacensis De morali principis institutione

Vincent, Schneider, Robert J. January 1995 (has links)
Revision of Schneider's 1965 University of Notre Dame D.M.S. thesis. / Text in Latin, introduction in English. Includes bibliographical references (p. lxxxvi-lxxxvii) and indexes.
13

"Let heaven kiss earth!": The Function of Humanism and Animism in Shakespeare's Richard II and Henry IV, Parts I and II

Kottemann, Kathrin 20 December 2009 (has links)
As Shakespeare composed the three history plays discussed here, English culture faced a shift in its dominant belief system from an animistic perspective that valued nature and superstition to a humanistic perspective based on reason and personal relationships. In Richard II, Shakespeare creates characters that fall on either side of this divide, and he shows humanism triumph over animism when Henry deposes Richard. In 1 Henry IV, Shakespeare shows that this binary is not so easily reconciled, and Hal (the future Henry V) creates a dual nature that subsumes the tenets of both animism and humanism. After the death of his father and his rejection of Falstaff in 2 Henry IV, Hal demonstrates that the only solution to the humanism/animism debate is to entirely reject the tenets of both and, instead, blend the two viewpoints together. The result is a newly formed conception of kingship and a hero-king.
14

"Lis avec application les articles... et puis tu jugeras" : la réception des XII articles dans les "Flugschriften" de 1525 / « Read with application the articles… and judge for yourself » : the reception of the XII articles in the "Flugschriften" of 1525

Gerber, René Joseph 06 September 2012 (has links)
Les auteurs des Flugschriften mènent un combat pour la paix, chacun à sa manière. Luther veut sauvegarder la paix ; l’assemblée commune des autorités et des sujets de l’Ortenau veut rétablir la paix ; Melanchthon veut consolider la paix. De quelle paix s’agit-il ? Tout d’abord, le renoncement à la violence. Il s’agit essentiellement de sauvegarder la paix civile. Les Réformateurs, surtout Melanchthon, associent volontiers cette paix toute « extérieure » à la paix « intérieure que procure Dieu dans le cœur de celui qui place sa confiance en Lui. ». La paix ne peut pas être fondée sur un usage abusif de l’Ecriture. Luther dénonce le Droit divin qui, à ses yeux, relève d’un mésusage de l’Ecriture, et prône le « droit chrétien » : souffrir, et invoquer Dieu. L’assemblée commune des autorités et des sujets à Renchen ignore totalement ce Droit divin. Melanchthon condamne le recours à ce Droit divin. Aux arguments bibliques avancés par les paysans pour justifier leurs griefs et leur programme, Melanchthon en oppose d’autres pour récuser les XII articles. Luther le rappelle aux princes et aux seigneurs : ils doivent s’attacher à la Parole de Dieu ; qu’ils tiennent compte des articles des paysans qui sont souvent « justes et équitables » ; qu’ils engagent des négociations en vue d’une conciliation. Aux princes et aux seigneurs Melanchthon adresse ses suppliques pour assurer la paix future. Luther demande aux paysans de renoncer au Droit divin ; qu’ils adoptent le droit chrétien et qu’ils se gardent des faux prophètes ! Melanchthon déclare : le maintien de la paix implique pour le chrétien quelques renoncements et obligations. L’Ecriture condamne le recours à la violence illégitime. / The authors of the Flugschriften lead a combat for peace, each one in his own way. Luther wants to preserve the peace; the common assembly of the authorities and the subjects of the Ortenau want to re-establish the peace; Melanchthon wants to consolidate the peace. But what peace is involved here? First of all, it is a combat against violence. This is essentially about preserving civil peace. The Reformers, especially Melanchthon, happily associate this “outer peace with the “inner” peace that God brings to the heart of the one who places his confidence in Him”. Peace cannot be founded on an abusive use of Scripture. Luther denounces Divine right that, in his eyes, is a misuse of Scripture, and rather extols “Christian law”: to suffer, and to invoke God. The common assembly of the authorities and subjects in Renchen totally ignores Divine right. Melanchthon condemns any recourse to this Divine right. To the biblical arguments advanced by the peasants for justifying their grievances and their programme, Melanchthon opposes other arguments to challenge the XII articles. Luther does not forget to remind the princes and lords that they must focus on the Word of God; that they should take into account the articles of the peasantry which are often “just and equitable”. They should engage negotiations with a view to conciliation. Luther asks the peasants to renounce Divine right, that they adopt Christian law and keep themselves from false prophets! To the princes and the lords Melanchthon addresses his petitions in order to assure future peace. Melanchthon declares: Keeping the peace for the Christian involves certain renouncement and obligations.
15

The earthly structures of divine ideas : influences on the political economy of Giovanni Botero

Bobroff, Stephen 22 August 2005
Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.
16

The earthly structures of divine ideas : influences on the political economy of Giovanni Botero

Bobroff, Stephen 22 August 2005 (has links)
Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.
17

Critical analysis of Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer's Christian-historical principle, with a comparative critical analysis of his argument of 'history' with that of Edmund Burke's as used in their critique of the French Revolution

Noteboom, Emilie Jeannette January 2017 (has links)
This thesis provides an analytical interpretation of the critique Dutch nineteenth-century statesman-cum-historian Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer (1801-1876) articulated of French revolutionary ideology. It achieves an original reading of Groen's thought as Protestant right-order theory. This reading achieves a clarification of the functions that Scripture, 'nature', and 'history' have in his thought, and connects his thinking to that of a small group of contemporary British-based political theologians, notably Oliver and Joan Lockwood O'Donovan, and their minority view on the ontological grounding of justice. Our comparison of Groen's argument of 'history' with that of Edmund Burke achieves original critical leverage on their concepts of 'history', and draws out that Burke's critique of the Revolution purposes to re-affirm English common law, while Groen's is an apologia for Christianity.
18

Andrew Michael Ramsay (1686-1743) : religion, philosophie et pensée maçonnique / Andrew Michael Ramsay (1686-1743) : religion, philosophy and masonic thought

Desplanches, Sophie 30 September 2016 (has links)
Andrew Michael Ramsay fut un intellectuel écossais du Siècle des Lumières, à la fois "aventurier religieux", auteur politique et franc-maçon. Élevé dans le protestantisme, il rechercha un équilibre spirituel et une doctrine plus conformes à ses vœux. Il voyagea dans de nombreux pays pour atteindre ce but et finalement trouva auprès de Fénelon, archevêque de Cambrai, et de Madame Guyon, adepte du "Pur Amour", un père et une mère spirituels. Sous leur influence, il finit par adhérer à un catholicisme de nature gallicane caractérisé par un appel constant à l’intériorité. De son œuvre, émergent quatre traités : l’Essai sur le gouvernement civil(1721) dans lequel il démontre que la meilleure forme de gouvernement est la monarchie absolue, héréditaire, de droit divin. Fervent jacobite, il espérait le retour de la dynastie Stuart sur le trône d’Angleterre. L’Histoire de la vie de Fénelon (1727) traite principalement des péripéties de sa conversion par le prélat; Les Voyages de Cyrus (1727), roman didactique, apologétique et politique, raconte la formation d’un jeune prince accompli, rempli de sagesse et de piété. Son ouvrage central, Les principes philosophiques de la religion naturelle et révélée (1749), communément appelé le "Great Work" ne parut qu’après sa mort. Le franc-maçon perçait alors sous le philosophe. Son Discours (1737) fait remonter les origines de l’Ordre aux croisades et, surtout, fixe les obligations auxquelles est soumis tout franc-maçon, qui lui sont rappelées au moment de son initiation. Cet homme, complexe, mystique et politique réussit l’exploit de faire changer radicalement cette organisation très attachée à ses traditions qu’est la Franc-maçonnerie. / Andrew Michael Ramsay was a Scottish intellectual of the Enlightenment and was at the same time a "religious adventurer", a political author and a freemason. Born into a Protestant family, he undertook a search for spiritual stability and for a doctrine more in line with his aspirations. In this quest, he journeyed through several countries, and he eventually found in the company of Fénelon, archbishop of Cambrai, and of Madame Guyon, an advocate of the doctrine of "Pure Love", a spiritual father and mother. Inspired by them, he finally converted to a Gallican variety of Catholicism which was at the root of his call to a life of constant soul-searching. From his work four treatises emerge: An Essay upon Civil Government (1721), in which he sought to show that the best form of government is an absolute, hereditary monarchy, based on divine right. As a zealous Jacobite, he longed for the return of the Stuarts to the British throne. The Life of Fénelon (1727) deals mainly with the various stages leading up to his conversion by the prelate. The Travel of Cyrus (1727) is a didactic, apologetic and political novel which relates the education of a young accomplished prince endowed with wisdom and piety. His most considerable work is The Philosophical Principles of Natural and Revealed Religion (1749), commonly called the "Great Work", which was published posthumously. Here the freemason can be seen beneath the philosopher. His Discourse (1737) traces the origins of Freemasonry back to the crusades, and also sets out the obligations that every freemason must adhere to and which he is reminded of during his initiation. His success in radically changing this organization so deeply attached to its customs remains the lasting legacy of this complex, mystical and political figure who is Andrew Michael Ramsay.
19

Political Atheism vs. The Divine Right of Kings: Understanding 'The Fairy of the Lake' (1801)

Post, Andy 30 April 2014 (has links)
In 'Political Atheism vs. The Divine Right of Kings,' I build on Thompson and Scrivener’s work analysing John Thelwall’s play 'The Fairy of the Lake' as a political allegory, arguing all religious symbolism in 'FL' to advance the traditionally Revolutionary thesis that “the King is not a God.” My first chapter contextualises Thelwall’s revival of 17th century radicalism during the French Revolution and its failure. My second chapter examines how Thelwall’s use of fire as a symbol discrediting the Saxons’ pagan notion of divine monarchy, also emphasises the idolatrous apotheosis of King Arthur. My third chapter deconstructs the Fairy of the Lake’s water and characterisation, and concludes her sole purpose to be to justify a Revolution beyond moral reproach. My fourth chapter traces how beer satirises Communion wine, among both pagans and Christians, in order to undermine any religion that could reinforce either divinity or the Divine Right of Kings. / A close reading of an all-but-forgotten Arthurian play as an allegory against the Divine Right of Kings.

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