This research has been guided through the interest on relations between political agents and potential voters which are users of Facebook social media`s pages, especially in electoral periods. This assumption based on technological environment supports the idea the candidates gain a new platform for the polls. The voter now has theoretically a direct communication with no mediation of traditional communication vehicles to the politician. However, it has been followed by a problem: How does the electorate do with Facebook social media on municipal election campaign considering they are closer to the candidates in dispute? To address this issue we opted to investigate how conversations among voters and candidates to Aracaju city hall (Sergipe State capital city, in Brazilian northeast region) in 2016 election, by using the Facebook`s timelines as the main part of our work in the candidates profiles who had disputed that election. Based on Conversation Analysis Methodology, it was possible to observe out of 28,067 comments posted at that time, the vast majority of users who had chatted in such profiles on Facebook were limited to laconic conversations, with little or no interaction to others wasting opportunities in which civic debates could emerge. On the other hand, it was assumed the immense potential the tool could represents to the voters which might express their opinions by themselves and thus reach the politicians out with no one interference. Therefore, this work seeks to contribute to new researches that focus on Facebook`s approach in political campaigns by monitoring how this platform influences the netizens voters` choices in the electoral process. / A pesquisa que orientou o desenvolvimento desta dissertação partiu do interesse pelas relações entre agentes políticos e potenciais eleitores observáveis nas páginas do Facebook, sobretudo em períodos eleitorais. Parte-se da premissa de que, nesse ambiente tecnológico, o candidato ganha uma nova plataforma para a disputa pelo voto e o eleitor passa a ter, em tese, um canal de comunicação direta com o político, sem a mediação dos tradicionais veículos de comunicação. O problema de pesquisa que daí decorre é: como os eleitores se apropriam do Facebook em uma campanha eleitoral municipal, considerando a maior proximidade com os candidatos em disputa? Para abordar tal questão, optou-se por investigar as conversações entre eleitores e candidatos à prefeitura de Aracaju (capital do estado de Sergipe) no pleito de 2016, tendo como corpus de trabalho as timelines do Facebook nos perfis dos candidatos que disputaram aquela eleição. Com base na metodologia de Análise da Conversação, foi possível observar, nos 28.067 comentários postados naquele período, que a grande maioria dos usuários que frequentaram tais perfis no Facebook ainda se limita a conversações lacônicas, com pouca ou quase nenhuma interação mútua, na qual debates cívicos pudessem emergir. Por outro lado, constatou-se o imenso potencial que a ferramenta apresenta para que os anseios dos eleitores sejam expostos por eles mesmos e, assim, possam chegar aos políticos sem a interferência de terceiros. Assim, o presente trabalho busca contribuir para novas pesquisas que tenham como foco o uso do Facebook em campanhas políticas, visando acompanhar como essa plataforma influencia o processo eleitoral e as escolhas dos internautas-eleitores. / São Cristóvão, SE

Diploma thesis focuses on parliamentary election campaign of Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) in 2002, 2006 and 2010. The hypothesis is that ČSSD maintains relatively stable core of voters, manages to call on them through their political campaign and to keep their support. Yet ČSSD is unable to catch new voters, especially young people and university educated voters. The goal is to prove or disprove this hypothesis and to give a reason why it is so. This paper outlines the influence of political marketing and presents a critical analysis of political marketing. It examines trends in Czech parliamentary election campaigns of 2002, 2006 and 2010 and the shifts in voters preferences. The paper analyses election materials in order to determine the profile of ČSSD voters and to explain why ČSSD has this profile of voters.

Quels sont les éléments qui ont une influence sur le vote ?En tentant de répondre à cette question fondamentale en démocratie, les travaux de recherche ont mis au jour les différents paramètres à prendre en compte lors d'une campagne électorale. Aussi, quand un candidat ne propose que des avantages individuels pour les électeurs, le débat ne s'élève pas au-dessus des satisfactions personnelles de chaque électeur. Promesses, distribution de prébendes et autorisations dérogatoires au droit commun ne constituent alors qu'un catalogue de propositions diverses. Les systèmes de valeurs, les principes, les opinions, l'appartenance et les familles politiques s'effacent devant la personnalité du candidat, et les avantages attendus par chaque électeur. / What are the factors that influence the vote ? In attempting to answer this fundamental question in a democracy, the research revealed the various parameters to be considered during an election campaign. Also, when a candidate only offers benefits to individual voters, the debate does not rise above each voter's personal satisfaction. Promises, distributing bribes, and derogation to the common law permits then constitute a catalog of various proposals. Systems of values, principles, beliefs, membership and political families are superseded by the candidate's personality, and the expected benefits of each voter. / En un intento de responder a esta pregunta fundamental en una democracia , la investigación ha pusto de manifesto los diferentes parámetros a tener en cuenta durante la campaña electoral. Además, cuando un candidato sólo ofrece beneficios a los votantes individuales, el debate no se levanta por encima de la satisfacción personal de cada votante. Promesas, distribución de sobornos, y permisos derogatorios a la ley común constituyen un catálogo de las diversas propuestas. Los sistemas de valores, principios, creencias, la pertenencia y las familias políticas se desvanecen ante la personalidad del candidato, así como los beneficios esperados de cada votante.

This study aims to shed light on the relationship between the commercial advertising model AIDA (Awareness/Attention, Interest, Desire, Action) and political television advertising, with a historical perspective being of extra interest. In order to do so, the study made use of theories concerning the AIDA-model, representation, rhetoric (with focus on ethos, pathos, and logos), and the professionalisation of political communication. The methodology involved qualitative analyses of 18 official political campaign advertisements from nine United States presidential elections between the years 1952-2016. One issue-ad from each candidate (Republicans and Democrats only) from every other election was strategically chosen for examination. Each advertisement was then analysed both as it relates to its rhetorical content as well as its structure with the defined four stages of the AIDA-model in mind, with any potential patterns between the rhetoric and the structure being taken into account. The results of the study suggest that while the AIDA-model can be recognised in political television advertisements in the United States since the inception in the 1950s, the advertisements from the post-modern phase of the professionalisation of political communication (1985-) seem to place more emphasis, compared to the modern phase (1950s-1985), on the desire stage of the AIDA-model. Furthermore, no distinct differences could be found between the parties from a pure rhetorical and structural standpoint, and both appear to be on practically identical evolutionary paths. An explanation to this could be the escalating reliance on hiring independent experts and specialist to manage the various areas involved with running a political campaign, which is a characteristic of the ever-increasingly professional environment of political communication.

In 2014 the Czech republic celebrated 10th anniversary of accession to the European Union and the third elections to the European Parliament took place. It is these elections and especially the pre-election campaigns this diploma thesis focuses on. Its main goal is to analyze these pre-election campaigns, evaluate whether they were effective and whether media choices in them were influential to the election results.

My thesis deals with political awareness and participation of students of Faculty of International Relations, University of Economics in Prague. In theoretical part I dealt with models of democracy and the significance of political participation in these models. Afterwards I described political participation tools, especially voter turnout, its decline in Czech Republic and its consequences. In connection with voter turnout I dealt with election campaigns in Czech Republic, especially the negative campaigns, and with the role of mass media in politics. Theoretical part is followed by case study. Its aim is to discover and describe, if the students of Faculty of International Relations are interested in faculty affairs, if they are aware of political situation, if they take part in political participation and what are the factors that influence them the most in decision-making and in their long term political preferences.

The goal of this diploma thesis is to map the possible uses of social media in election campaign. The theoretical part includes basic concepts of political marketing; brief characterization of social media and its most important sociocultural aspects; it also describes the specifics of election campaign in social media environment and few policies for its success. The practical part consists of case studies of campaigns of the parties Strana zelených and TOP 09 for czech parliamentary election in 2010. It examines the way in which both parties used social media in their campaigns and how their strategies complied with the policies described in theoretical chapters, with emphasis on addressing youngest voters.

1 Abstract The diploma thesis focuses on defining the factors that significantly influence the frame of the pension reform in years 1990-2017. It observes the evolution of the predominant discourses relevant to each period, as well as the role of political parties, both from the point of view of individual governments and during their activity within the expert committees focusing on adjustments to the pension system. The thesis analyses the election programmes of political parties and movements, which are then confronted with the submitted variants within the I Bezděk Committee and the Expert Committee on Pension Reform. There is also a role analysis of other selected participants, who significantly contributed to the creation of possible reform options. The thesis finds answers to the set hypotheses dedicated to the issue of political parties and their interest and possible consistency in the field of pension reform. The impact of the created coalitions on the deviations from the originally declared intentions and the expert committee's influence on the possible form of the pension reform are discussed, too. Theories of discourse institutionalism, the theory of agenda setting, and the theory of framing were used as theoretical starting points. Within the methodology, the author applies mainly the...

The presented Thesis "Political Communication and Politainment in the Presidential Election in the Czech Republic in 2013" analyses political communication in the historically first presidential election campaign in the Czech Republic. I saw the presidential election as an opportunity to research a new platform of political communication that politainment is. The primary aim of the Thesis is to introduce this concept in the context of the current nature of political communication and at the same time to identify variables defining this phenomenon in the Czech environment. Analysis of the elements of politainment is performed on campaigns of the two most successful candidates aspiring for the office of the President of the Czech Republic - Miloš Zeman and Karel Schwarzenberg. I focused primarily on the television appearance of both candidates in TV debates broadcasted by Czech Television, which were the climax of the entire presidential campaign. I was interested in the content of communication of both candidates and the overall character of the debates. The Thesis answers the following questions: What is political communication and its role in politics? How does its form change over time? Does personalisation of election campaigns result in the emergence of politainment as a phenomenon of political...

Populism har de senaste åren blivit ett ökande fenomen i västvärlden, där partier och politiska aktörer som benämns som populistiska vinner alltmer mark. Även årets riksdagsval i Sverige följde denna trend, där Sverigedemokraterna (ett parti som har beskrivits som populistiskt) blev det näst största partiet och samarbetsparti till den nya regeringen. Trots kommunikationens viktiga roll inom populism har denna aspekt av populism i det stora hela oftast blivit förbisedd inom forskningen. Det gäller också tidigare forskning om populism i Sverige, som oftast har fokuserat på populistiska aktörers innehåll och deras ideologiska positioner. Tidigare forskning om populism i Sverige har också oftast fokuserat på partiet Sverigedemokraterna och inte studerat andra partiers användning av populism. Mot bakgrund av denna lucka i forskningen samt Sverigedemokraternas framgångar och konventionella partiers beslut att samarbeta med partiet, har denna studie valt att undersöka om och i sådana fall hur tre svenska politiska aktörer (Ulf Kristersson, Magdalena Andersson, Jimmie Åkesson) använder sig av populism i sin politiska kommunikation. Syftet har varit att undersöka hur populism som politisk kommunikation används och tar sig uttryck. Konkret har uppsatsen, genom en tematisk analys, analyserat de tre partiledarnas Almedalstal valåret 2022 och med hjälp av det teoretiska ramverket undersökt vilka populistiska element som kan urskiljas i talen och hur de används i den politiska kommunikationen. Studien identifierade att alla dessa tre politiska aktörer använde sig av populism för att mobilisera väljarstöd, men att de gjorde det med hjälp av populism på olika sätt, genom tre olika identifierade teman. Ulf Kristersson använde sig av det identifierade temat den rättfärdiga vinnaren genom att använda sig av populism för att framhålla sig själv och sin sida som den rättfärdiga och kompetenta vinnaren av valet. Jimmie Åkesson använde sig av populism i de identifierade temat landets räddare för att framställa Sverige som ett land i djup kris och han och hans parti som de enda om kan rädda landet. Till sist använde sig Magdalena Andersson av det identifierande temat mobiliseringen av en nationell gemenskap, där hon till skillnad från Kristersson och Åkesson använde sig av populism för att framhålla en enande svensk identitet och kultur som väljare kan identifiera sig med. Studiens resultat mynnar ut i en diskussion om användningen av begreppet populism och om man mer ska se populism som en komponent av politiska aktörers kommunikation och inte som ett definierande drag av politiska aktörers politiska identitet. Detta med tanke på att resultatet av studien visade att alla de politiska aktörerna använde sig av populism trots deras politiska och ideologiska skillnader. / In recent years, populism has become an increased phenomenon in the Western world, where parties and political actors that are called populist are increasingly gaining ground. This year's parliamentary elections in Sweden also followed this trend, where the Sweden Democrats (a party that has been described as populist) became the second largest party and a collaborating party to the new government. Despite the important role of communication in populism, this aspect of populism as a whole has often been overlooked in research. This applies to previous research on populism in Sweden, which usually focuses on the content of populist actors and their ideological positions. Previous research on populism in Sweden has also focused on the Sweden Democrats and not studied other parties' use of populism. Against this gap in the research and the Sweden Democrats successes and conventional parties' decisions to cooperate with the party, this study set out to analyze whether, and in such cases, how three Swedish political actors in the form of party leaders Magdalena Andersson, Ulf Kristersson and Jimmie Åkesson used populism in their political communication. The aim has been to examine how populism as political communication is used and expressed. Concretely, the essay has, through a thematic analysis, analyzed the Almedal speeches of the three party leaders in the election year 2022 and, with the help of the theoretical framework, examined which populist elements can be distinguished in the speeches and how they are used in political communication. The study identified that all these three political actors used populism to mobilize voter support, but that they did so using populism in different ways, through three different identified themes. Ulf Kristersson used the identified theme of the righteous winner by using populism to promote himself and his side as the righteous and competent winner of the election. Jimmie Åkesson used populism in the identified theme of the country's savior to portray Sweden as a country in deep crisis and he and his party as the only ones who can save the country. Finally, Magdalena Andersson used the identified theme of the mobilization of a national community, where, unlike Kristersson and Åkesson, she used populism to emphasize a unifying Swedish identity and culture that voters can identify with. The results of the study prompted a discussion about the use of the term populism and whether, given that the results of the study showed that all the political actors used populism despite their political and ideological differences, populism should be seen as a component of political actor’s communication and not as an identifying feature of a political actor's political identity.