Работа посвящена изучению особенностей применения речевых стратегий в предвыборном политическом дискурсе американских политиков. Объектом исследования является предвыборный политический дискурс кандидатов на пост президента США Дональда Трампа и Джозефа Байдена во время избирательной кампании 2020 г., предметом – особенности использования речевых стратегий в предвыборных речах обоих кандидатов. Цель исследования – определение особенностей применения речевых стратегий в предвыборном политическом дискурсе Д. Трампа и Дж. Байдена. В практической части работы проанализированы предвыборные выступления кандидатов в период с февраля 2020 г. по январь 2021 г. Анализ, осуществлённый путём выделения стратегий и тактик участников предвыборной кампании, показал, что набор применяемых средств речевого воздействия на избирателей имеет отличительные черты у каждого из кандидатов, хотя общая риторика строится по большей части на основе коммуникативных приёмов нападения, оборонительных приёмов и приёмов кооперации. В целом предвыборная линия обоих участников выборов строится на положительной саморекламе и антирекламе соперника. / The dissertation studies peculiarities of verbal strategies in the election campaigning discourse of American politicians. The object of the study is the pre-election political discourse of US presidential candidates Donald Trump and Joseph R. Biden during the 2020 election campaign. The subject of the study is the features of application of verbal strategies in the campaign speeches of the candidates. The purpose of the study is to determine the features of the use of verbal strategies in the pre-election political discourse of D. Trump and J. Biden. In the practical part of the study, the author analyzes election speeches of both candidates from February 2020 to January 2021. The analysis carried out by highlighting the strategies and tactics of the election campaign participants showed that the set of means of manipulation in their speeches has distinctive features for each of the candidates, although the general rhetoric is mostly based on communicative methods of attack, defensive techniques, and techniques of cooperation. In general, both candidates base their electoral campaigning on positive self-promotion and defamation of the opponent.

The aim of this study was to examine how American news media covered Donald Trump's presidential campaign in the election of 2016, as well as discussing the possible consequences of such reporting on the election results. Using mixed methods, 3652 digital news articles were studied by discourse analysis and topic modeling through MALLET. The study found that a substantial number of articles were dedicated to such non-political news reporting as scandals, portraying an image of Trump as someone who can get away with doing whatever he wants. Furthermore, the results of the study found that media helped to convey Trump’s views of minorities, doing so in particularly by citing him. The media also relied largely on polls. Comparison of the candidates through these polls enhanced the image of the election campaign as nothing more than a horse race, as well as turning up Trumps entertainment value. As the campaign continued, the reporting got more aggressive towards Trump. At the same time there was an element of wanting to balance the critical articles about him by simultaneously writing negatively about other candidates. The study concludes that all of the non-political new stories might have directed focus away from the important policy issues, leading to people voting for candidates without  the proper insight into their politics.

The aim of this diploma thesis is the comparison between cartoons published in two wide-nation newspapers by examples of major political events in Czechoslovakia between 1945 - 1948. In order to achieve this objective I used a comparative-historical method. I deliberately worked with issues that had divided the public and political representation. I focused on inequality in the way of exposing and selection of the content of cartoons. The Selection of newspapers was not random, because representativeness was my main criterion. Svobodné slovo was based on the tradition of the party list and its contents were corrected by the party leadership of the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party, which formed together with the Czechoslovak People's Party internal opposition to the Czechoslovak Communist Party in the National Front. Daily Práce was a new paper which represented the views of the Central Council of Trade Unions, which were initially under the strong influence of the Communists. Práce belonged to a wide block of the media who supported the policy of the Communists. I have divided the referenced period 1945 - 1948 into three consecutive time-related phases. I defined the first section with year 1945. For this period enthusiasm stemming from the liberation from Nazi and the belief in a better...

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dirceu Fernandes dos Santos Junior.pdf: 1165353 bytes, checksum: 891a5ea3d739c7453c793fcaf38aac7a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-08 / This work aims to discuss the relationship between ethics and the financing of elections in Brazil. In this sense, Ethics and Justice must go together, first as a minimum behavioral instruments and guiding in electoral matters, adapting to the existing social realities in our country, and increasingly to legal rules, and seek mechanisms and measures aimed at achieving social benefits. Thus, marked on Ethics, we demonstrate that the welfare state should be the promoter of Fundamental Rights and Political and Social Rights using philosophical justice approaches to the achievement of this goal, the median, proportionality actions, equality and just measure. Ethics and justice in politics, should be regarded as critical mechanisms for funding of election campaigns promoted unequal participation in relation to capital contributions exclusive source in directing political action for the coming to power. At stake is our political participation, when assessed by exclusion of equality since popular sovereignty only exists for political equality and electoral competitiveness equitably. Actions inconsistent with the ethics, not guided by social justice, dictated by donors to election campaigns with several other goals of social development as a whole, tend to political isolation and consequent failure of the electoral system. Political articulations and future benefits of certain economic groups, classes or political parties and their candidates, fighting for very different self-interest of the collective interests are promoted through mechanisms rejected by ethics, by the principles of equality and electoral legislation . This time, working on the basis of legal ethics, law and justice, we will complete the work to the promotion of positive actions, which indicate thoughts of philosophers entitled pointing out the evils of single interference of economic power in the elections / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo discutir a relação entre a Ética e o financiamento das eleições no Brasil. Nesse sentido, a Ética e a Justiça, devem caminhar juntas, inicialmente como instrumentos comportamentais mínimos e orientadores em questões eleitorais, adequando-se às realidades sociais existentes em nosso país, e vez mais às regras legais, e buscar mecanismos e ações tendentes ao atingimento de benefícios sociais. Dessa forma, balizados na Ética, demonstraremos que o Estado social deverá ser o promotor de Direitos Fundamentais e de Direitos Políticos e Sociais utilizando-se de abordagens jus filosóficas para o atingimento desse fim, da mediana, da proporcionalidade de ações, da igualdade e da justa medida. A Ética e a Justiça na política, devem ser observadas como mecanismos críticos a financiamentos de campanhas eleitorais promovidas em desigualdade de participação no que refere-se a aportes de capital como fonte exclusiva no direcionamento de ações políticas para a chegada ao poder. Está em jogo a nossa participação política, quando avaliada por exclusão da igualdade vez que a soberania popular somente existe pela igualdade política e pela competitividade eleitoral de forma equitativa. Ações não condizentes com a Ética, não pautadas em justiça social, ditadas por financiadores de campanhas eleitorais com objetivos outros diversos do desenvolvimento social como um todo, tenderão ao isolamento político e consequente fracasso do sistema eleitoral. Articulações políticas e vantagens futuras de determinados blocos econômicos, de classes ou de partidos políticos e seus respectivos candidatos, que lutam por interesses próprios bem diversos dos interesses coletivos, são promovidas por meio de mecanismos rejeitados pela Ética, por princípios de igualdade e pela legislação eleitoral. Dessa feita, trabalhando com as bases da Ética jurídica, do Direito e da Justiça, completaremos o trabalho com a promoção de ações positivas, onde indicaremos pensamentos de jus filósofos pontuando os malefícios da ingerência única do Poder Econômico nas eleições

La présente thèse propose une analyse et une systématisation de l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux en période électorale tant au niveau national que local. Ainsi seront étudiées les techniques numériques utilisées, les formes et les méthodes de communication politique « en ligne » au cours des campagnes présidentielles de 2012 en France et en Russie et les campagnes municipales à Bordeaux et à Moscou en 2014 et 2013. Seront donc comparés les ressorts utilisés dans deux pays différents et qui ont permis de transformer les grands réseaux sociaux tels que Facebook, Twitter, Instagram et VKontakte en outils de rassemblement politique attirant de nombreux jeunes à participer activement au processus de campagne.Des entretiens réalisés avec des responsables des mouvements politiques français de Gironde tels ceux des Jeunes socialistes, des Jeunes Populaires et ceux du Front National, il ressort que l’activité numérique en France relève d’un caractère constructif. Ils servent à attirer et mobiliser la jeunesse de moins de 30 ans autours des candidats et de leurs partis grâce à un support en ligne mais s’accompagnent d’un militantisme de terrain, dans la vie réelle.En revanche, il apparaît qu’en Russie, le niveau élevé et l’influence de ces jeunes sur Internet fournit un soutien pour les nouvelles institutions de la société civile. Le succès de la mobilisation des jeunes appartenant à la classe moyenne urbaine relève d’une combinaison de « citoyenneté » et de « massification » de la protestation sur le réseau.En 2013, la volonté et mobilisation active des jeunes dans le projet politique à permis l’émergence de l’opposant Alekseï Navalny, qui a réuni 27% des suffrages et atteint la seconde place aux élections municipales de Moscou. La quasi intégralité de sa campagne a été effectuée sur les réseaux sociaux. Si le fait est courant pour nombre de ses homologues occidentaux, il convient de relever que ce n’est pas habituel pour les politiciens russes. Cette campagne « révolutionnaire » d’A. Navalny a été rendue possible par le fort soutien des jeunes Moscovites qu’il a pu mobiliser sur le plus grand réseau russe : VKontakte. L’organisation de la campagne s’est presque entièrement fondée sur l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux, tant pour la distribution de tracts dans les rues, que la sensibilisation et les collectes de dons. / This thesis will focus on the analysis and systematization of the use of social networks in the presidential campaigns, both in France and in Russia in 2012, as well as in the municipal campaigns in Bordeaux and Moscow, in 2014 and 2013 respectively. The development of this thesis will also include the basic use of technologies, as well as the forms and methods of political online communication at the actual stage of their development.In this thesis, the examination of the political mechanisms used in France and Russia will be carried out in order to assess how social networks such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and VKontakte have developed into a powerful tool, with their main aim being to attract more and more young people to actively participate in the election campaigns as well as the voting process in general.Through the conduction of interviews with the chiefs of French Youth Movements, such as the Young Socialists (Gironde), the People’s Young (Gironde), and the Young of National Front (Gironde), we have found that these movements tend to have an overall peaceful nature in France. They aim to attract and mobilize young people (of up to 30 years old) to provide support both online and in the real world, for candidates of the major French political parties, namely the UMP, the Socialist Party and the National Front.In comparison, in Russia, the high level presence and influence of Youth Movements on the Internet provides support for new institutions forming in civil society. The success of the youth mobilization from the urban middle class can be explained by the combination of “civic consciousness” and “massive involvement”.In 2013, young Russians mobilized for active participation in the political life of Alexei Navalny, one of the leaders of the Russian opposition, who managed to obtain 27% of the votes in the municipal elections of Moscow, the equivalent to second place. His «revolutionary” electoral campaign was predominantly transmitted through social networks, notably through the use of VKontakte (the largest social network in Russia), in order to gain a large amount of support from young Moscovites. This action is deemed to be very uncommon among Russian politicians, and is more likely to be seen among Western homologues. Consequently, this led to the distribution of leaflets in the streets, in the subway, going door-to-door, as well as organizing the collection of donations for the campaign across networks.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PauloRC_DISSERT.pdf: 916426 bytes, checksum: 94bcd9cfaecef824c17cba4b909b3679 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-21 / Este estudo faz uma abordagem sobre as alian?as eleitorais, destacando duas vertentes importantes nos processos de suas forma??es nas arenas pol?ticas. Na primeira parte do trabalho ? feita uma an?lise mais geral a respeito da problem?tica em quest?o. Onde dois ciclos pol?ticos s?o analisados, apresentando o comportamento pol?tico-partid?rio dos partidos no Brasil. No primeiro ciclo, uma breve compreens?o da pol?tica caf?-com-leite na Rep?blica Velha, na qual, PRP e PRM dominam politicamente a arena nacional. O segundo ciclo, compreendido de 1945 a 1964, foram analisados os processos eleitorais estaduais e nacionais. Nestes, os resultados anal?ticos mostram o que refletem no comportamento pol?tico-partid?rio dos partidos do passado e do presente no pa?s. Outro aspecto importante tamb?m abordado na primeira parte foi a verticaliza??o das alian?as eleitorais, a qual teve como objetivo impor harmonia partid?ria entre os partidos nas forma??es das alian?as eleitorais. Revendo esse processo pol?tico, vimos que, a imposi??o da verticaliza??o n?o resolveu o problema da inexist?ncia harm?nica dos partidos no ato da forma??o das alian?as eleitorais tocante ao espectro ideol?gico. A segunda parte da pesquisa est? dividida em duas partes. A primeira faz uma an?lise sobre a trajet?ria pol?tica do PT e suas pol?ticas de alian?as, que se inicia no V Encontro Nacional do Partido em 1987. Como consequ?ncia da expans?o partid?ria, outras pol?ticas de alian?as s?o aprovadas pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores. Na segunda parte, ? trabalhada as elei??es municipais de 2008 em Natal, que observa analiticamente a campanha do PT e as alian?as eleitorais realizadas pelo Partido para participar do pleito. Os velhos advers?rios pol?ticos e olig?rquicos formaram alian?as com PT. Partido que nasceu combatendo as velhas pr?ticas da pol?tica conservadora no nosso pa?s, nos estados e nos munic?pios brasileiros

Ireland is generally seen as one of the biggest supporters of the European Union. Irish public opinion researches have been showing long-term and extremely positive attitudes to the European integration. The pro-European consensus is also known among the local political parties. Moreover, at the end of the 20th century, a strong economic growth had started and the Ireland quickly became a model example of how positive impact the European integration may have on its Member states. European issues therefore did not attract too much attention in the local political discourse. This changed in the early 21st century, when the increasing public euroscepticism began observable. The thesis examines whether selected Irish political parties adapted their rhetoric and actions to ever more critical mood of voters. These are Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Green Party. The thesis covers three critical moments of the Irish European integration, namely the Nice Treaty, the Lisbon Treaty and the Irish debt crisis. It searches for negative comments about the EU and European integration of examined political parties in the campaigns before the referendum on European issues, as well as in their election statements to the Irish parliamentary elections, also taking place in the selected period. The aim of the thesis is...

yužití politického marketingu na regionální a senátní o využití vybraných nástrojů politického jejich podobě a způsobu fungování během regionálních a senátních voleb v roce 2016. důrazem na odlišnosti. Podoba politického marketingu a způsob jeho fungování se do značné tohoto důvodu obsahuje práce srovnání volebních systémů do krajských zastupitelstev a Senátu Parlamentu České republiky. Stěžejní část práce představuje praktická část, která srovnává podobu, průběh a způsob fungování vybraných aspektů politického marketingu v rámci volebních kampaní během krajských a senátních voleb. Práce se zaměřuje zejména na specifika odlišných volebních kampaní, které jsou realizovány ostoru a čase, avšak při příležitosti odlišných druhů

The thesis focuses on election campaigns for the 2014 European Parliament elections by French political parties. The thesis deals with a rising popularity of the National Front party in France - nowadays an often discussed topic. The party is becoming increasingly popular and is attracting more and more voters. The biggest proof of the increasing popularity of FN is the party's victory in the 2014 European Parliament elections. There exist many explanations for this victory such as an unfavourable economic situation in France, the unpopularity of the socialist government lead by French president François Hollande, or anti-immigrant sentiments spreading throughout the whole of Europe. The thesis seeks to find another possible view on the phenomenon by comparing the FN election campaign with those of its main opponents, UMP and PS, and searching for certain differences. This comparison is based on usage of political marketing tools in the campaigns: election posters, advertising spots and profiles on the social network Facebook. The aim of the thesis is therefore to analyse how the French political parties used these tools in their campaigns, and also trying to find certain particularities in how they conducted the election campaigns. It is posited that if FN uses the tools in a different way and...