The diploma thesis deals with the influence of right-wing extremism on the legal order and compares the consequences that activities of right-wing extremists had and have on the law. The basic principles of right-wing extremism, as well as the basic theses on which right-wing extremist ideologies are based, are described in the diploma thesis. The diploma thesis "Right- wing extremism and its legal consequences under Nazism and today" is divided into ten chapters and a conclusion and discusses the manifestations of tribal nationalism in the legal order of Nazi Germany and describes the implementation of Nazi legislation in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The attention is also paid to the development of national particularism, its ideas and to the idea of national exceptionality. However, the idea of national exceptionality puts the unexceptional "others" on the opposite pole of the same axis and subsequently leads to their discrimination and persecution. The law then becomes the perfect tool to discriminate against and persecute these "others". Main attention is thus paid to racial legislation of the Nazi Germany, which were based on conclusions of eugenics "scientists" of the time. The diploma thesis therefore in detail discusses the Nuremberg Laws, as well as other subsequent by-laws,...

Criminological Aspects of Hate Crime Abstract The purpose of this thesis on the topic of the Criminological Aspects of Hate Crime is to present a concise summary of essential and available information on the issue of these crimes and to highlight specifics of these criminal activities from other types of crime. The thesis is divided into ten chapters according to the selected thematic areas. The first chapter is focused on concept of hate crime and its characteristic. This chapter offers various conceptions of hate crime, its definitions, brief history, development and description of spreading of this concept. A common feature of the definitions of hate crime mentioned in this thesis is that hate crime is a crime committed by the offender due to some strongly negative emotion, which this offender has towards variously defined groups of the population. The second chapter describes the forms of hate crimes in terms of the nature of the offender's conduct and in terms of the offender's motivational background. The third chapter provides an overview of the legal regulation of hate crime in the Czech Republic and in the selected countries (USA, Canada and FRG). The end of this chapter contains a comparison of the legislation of the Czech Republic with the legislation of the selected countries. The fourth chapter...

The terror attacks in Oslo, July 22, 2011, executed by Anders Behring Breivik, showed the deadliest outbreak of political violence in Norway since World War II. After the subsequent apprehension of Breivik, discussions about his ideological positioning soon emerged. While Breivik was initially described as an Islamophobic, right wing-extremist, a few expert witnesses and scholars labeled him and his manifesto 2083: A Declaration of European Independence as fascist. Some analysts disagreed with such a categorization and argued that Breivik's views had little to do with fascism. Other commentators and academics partly agreed with the fascist label but added that Breivik's ideology differed from classical fascism in several ways.    The aim of this research is to examine whether the manifesto 2083 can be classified as fascist according to various established definitions and ideal types of fascism. In particular, this research draws on the theories, definitions, and ideal types of fascism of established scholars Roger Griffin, Stanley G. Payne, and Emilio Gentile to inform a content analysis of 2083.The study's relevance concerns the ideology of and behind certain violent political activism, and if fascism is undergoing a transformation which urges updates of established definitions of the phenomenon. 2083 is treated as an outlier or deviant case of fascism. This research finds that 2083 does fulfill several fascist criteria, and even concepts central to the ideal types. However, the results are at times ambiguous and open to further interpretation. Fascist concepts such as national rebirth, a glorification of violence, and religiously tinged activism are expressed in the manifesto, but crucial details regarding them remain unexplored or unspecified. 2083's violent strategies for achieving desired societal change have striking similarities with certain contemporary race radicalism; while descriptions of societal condition and utopian goals share certain fascism characteristics, but also resemble late 19th Century German revolutionary conservatism or proto-fascism. Thus, one might rather see 2083 as hybrid form of different, already existing, fascist ideological traits rather than a “new” form of fascism. / De terrorattacker som utfördes av Anders Behring Breivik i Oslo den 22 juli 2011 var det dödligaste uttrycket för politiskt våld i Norge sedan det andra världskriget. Snart efter Breiviks gripande började diskussioner föras om hans ideologiska uppfattning och politiska hemvist. Tidiga utlåtanden gjorde gällande att han var en islamofobisk högerextremist, men några expertvittnen hävdade att Breivik och hans manifest 2083: A Decaration of European Independence snarare var fascistiska. Vissa analytiker motsatte sig detta och påstod att Breiviks åsikter uppvisade få likheter med fascism. Andra kommentatorer och akademiker gav delvis medhåll till den fascistiska klassificeringen men menade att Breiviks ideologi på flera sätt skiljde sig från klassisk fascism. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka huruvida manifestet 2083 kan klassificeras som fascistiskt enligt olika etablerade definitioner och idealtyper av fascism. För att genomföra en innehållsanalys av 2083 används de teorier, idealtyper och definitioner av fascism som de etablerade akademikerna Roger Griffin, Stanley G. Payne och Emilio Gentile utarbetat. Studiens relevans utgår från diskussioner om ideologiers betydelse för vissa former av politiskt våldsam aktivism och om fascismen som ideologi genomgår förändringar vilka kan föranleda uppdateringar av dess definitioner. 2083 behandlas i detta sammanhang som ett kritiskt eller avvikande fall av fascism. Studiens resultat visar att 2083 uppfyller ett flertal kriterier för fascism och även vissa av de använda idealtypernas centrala koncept. Samtidigt är andra resultat tvetydiga och föranleder vidare diskussion. Fascistiska teman såsom en önskan om en nationell återfödelse, våldspositivitet och religiöst betonad aktivism återfinns i manifestet, men viktiga detaljer kring dem utvecklas inte eller förblir ospecificerade. De våldsamma strategier för samhällelig förändring som existerar i 2083 har klara likheter med vissa samtida former av rasradikalism, medan manifestets beskrivningar av det nuvarande samhällstillståndet och även dess utopiska framtidsvisioner på flera sätt påminner om fascistiska motsvarigheter. Samtidigt finns där också likheter med protofascism och radikalkonservatism från det sena 1800-talet. Därför kan 2083 betraktas som en hybrid av olika redan existerande former av fascism, snarare än som en "ny" sorts fascism.

Selynn Yan Ting Lim Abstract The thesis endeavours to use the concept of relative deprivation to explain and account for the reasons behind the various manifestations of political and religious tension in Indonesia. From the most recent series of bombings in Surabaya in 2018, to the conflicts in the Maluku Islands back in 1999, it is undeniable that Indonesia is not immune to extremist activities or religious- political conflicts. The involvement of Political Entrepreneurs (PEs), such as giving a frame to people's perceived grievances, drive sentiments of being deprived in relative to other groups. Such feelings are especially made salient with the influence of social media. At the same time, the Indonesian government's advocacy of the wasatiyyah concept, which means middle-path Islam, appears to be its most effective tool in countering the trend of extremism in the society. However, such an interpretation of Islam is potentially at odds with the "right" form of Islam as practiced by the Muslims in Saudi Arabia. Faced with increasing pressure from Islamic hardliners in the society, the Indonesian state ideology - Pancasila - is under much threat as people are gradually becoming disillusioned with it.

The topic of religious radicalization in the Balkans is gaining attention among academia in recent years. However, motivational factors of radicalization in the region still remain rather under-researched. Furthermore, comprehensive research focusing particularly on the motivational factors of Islamist radicalization in the Muslim-majority countries of the Balkans - countries with a specific context and background unique in the wider Europe - hasn't been yet carried out. This paper thus elaborates on the motivational factors of radicalization in the Muslim-majority countries of the Balkans, which is Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania and Kosovo, by applying generally-known factors of radicalization to this specific theatre. Predominantly secondary sources as well as documents issued by the OSCE which maintains field presence in all of the abovementioned countries are utilized in order to provide a thorough overview of motivational factors of radicalization in each of the selected countries. These are discussed respectively in corresponding chapters. Individual chapters are in dialogue with each other following the same methodology and structure, focusing on similar issues. A comprehensive overview of the motivational factors of radicalization in Balkan Muslim-majority countries is thus presented. Applying the...

Criminal acts committed by racial, national and other hateful motives Abstract in english The dissertation thesis is focused on the issue of crimes committed by racial, national and other hate motives, which are nowadays commonly referred to as hate crimes. The dissertation thesis comprehensively elaborates the essence of the issue of hate crimes and the ideas on which this crime is based on. The thesis points to a relatively rich but very inconsistent and constantly evolving terminology and defines related terms such as extremism, racism, anti-Semitism, anti-Islamism or racial prejudice. It should be recalled that the notion of hate crime is not entirely appropriate to this issue. A closer interpretation of the individual terms is important for the correct interpretation of the relevant facts that are affected by this issue. The analysis of related criminal offenses and related case-law demonstrates what conduct these crimes may impact. We have to realize that the issue is very closely related to the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech and expression, and they are very closely intertwined. To define the boundary between an offense and the right of an individual freely expressing their opinions in word, writing, print, image or otherwise, as well as freely seeking, receiving and disseminating...

Syftet med denna kunskapsöversikt är att undersöka samhällskunskapslärarens roll i det proaktiva arbetet mot extremism, samt tillvägagångssätt i bemötande av intolerans från elever i förhållande till lärarens demokratiska uppdrag. Detta konkretiseras i två frågeställningar där den ena fokuserar på det förebyggande arbetet medan den andra redogör för bemötandet. Metoden innefattas av en systematisk informationssökning på databaserna ERIC, ERC, Swepub och Libsearch. Därefter har ett avvägt urval gjorts baserat på relevans och aktualitet. Resultatet visar att en grundförutsättning för det preventiva arbetet är att särskilja utbildningsperspektivet från andra myndigheters säkerhetsperspektiv. Läraren behöver skapa en inkluderande undervisning och ett öppet klassrumsklimat där en ömsesidig acceptans råder för oliktänkande. I bemötande av intolerans visar resultatet att läraren riskerar att befästa odemokratiska värderingar genom att marginalisera och tabubelägga dessa åsikter. Istället krävs ett långsiktigt arbete där trygga relationer och källkritisk kunskap är fundamentalt. I kunskapsöversiktens slutsats fastslås att samhällskunskapsläraren behöver framhäva kontroversiella frågor och inte undvika de på grund av konflikträdsla. Det konstateras att forskningen inom extremism oftast bygger på hypoteser vilket leder till svårigheter med att få fram signifikant data. Slutligen lyfts behovet av framtida forskning inom en svensk kontext som för tillfället är bristfällig.

Since 2014, the National Coordinator has been responsible for protecting our democracy against violent extremism in Sweden. Today, it is clear that the preventive aspect against violent extremism and radicalization cannot be adjusted only to law enforcement. On a national level, the Government has implemented a strategy against terrorism and an action plan to increase the strength of our democracy towards the threat of violent extremism. Every municipality is participating in the national work and network against violent extremism. As a part of the national action plan, the municipalities’ employees, local police, and civil society have the best opportunity to prevent violent extremism. Many municipalities have adopted a plan of actions on a local level, and the employment of local coordinators has increased. However, many of them still have much work left with the implementations, and some have not even started. This case study aims to examine how two different municipalities in Kalmar county are operating with the recommendations from the national level and how they work to prevent radicalization and violent extremism. One of the chosen municipalities has, at this moment, publicly presented a plan of action on how and which institutions should work to prevent violent extremists and the second have not. I will use the following research questions, to study how these municipalities are operating with the recommendations from a national level concerning radicalization and violent extremism. • How do the municipalities implement the strategies and policies on the prevention of radicalization and violent extremism put forward by the Swedish Government? • How do the institutions in the municipalities work with, and how do they assess their work on the prevention of radicalization and violent extremism? To reach a result and understanding of my research questions, a methodology containing an abductive case study with semi-structured interviews was made to collect current and primary information. The findings indicate that collaboration between actors in the municipalities is vital in order to strengthen the democracy and the democratic values that protect our society from violent extremism and radicalization.

Syftet för denna studie är att analysera riktlinjer för det förebyggande arbetet inom våldsbejakande extremism i Stockholms stad. Detta utifrån en idé- och ideologianalys som metodval. En sådan metod innebär att finna spår av bakomliggande ideologiska värderingar ej uttryckligen beskrivna vilka genomsyrar olika textmaterial. Metodlitteratur beskriver hur individer inom myndigheter och andra politiska organisationer i framtagandet av policy samt officiella dokument indirekt präglas av en bakomliggande ideologisk värdering likväl som samtida normer i samhället, detta antingen uttryckligen eller ej. Metoden berör kvalitativa medel för att analysera det som skrivs i textmaterialet genom att undersöka formulering, regelbundenheter, benämning likväl som icke-benämning av olika aspekter och kan därmed dra slutsatser. Denna studies resultat är att frågor gällande könsroller i samhället samt ungdomar är aspekter där ideologier kring dessa frågor är möjliga att urskilja vilka inte beskrivs fullt uttryckligen. Staden särskiljer på könens egenskaper vad gäller våldskapacitet, ett fenomen vilket även återfinns inom en politisk, historisk och geografisk kontext. Stadens inriktning kring ungdomar och deras roll i ett mer långsiktigt helhetsperspektiv går även det att placera inom liknande kontext. Inflytelse på dessa riktlinjers outtalade ideologiska värderingar är en komplex påverkningskedja ej bunden i en enstaka kontext.

Criminological Aspects of Hate Crime Abstract Hate crime refers to a set of crimes committed for a prejudicial motive against a group of people for their essential personality characteristics such as nationality, religion, or sexual orientation. Topicality of the issue stems from the fact that related social phenomena such as racism, xenophobia, radicalisation, or discrimination of minorities are far from being satisfactorily dealt with even in Western society. The fundamental goal of this thesis is to provide the reader with a comprehensive criminological view of hate crimes in the territory of the Czech Republic. Main findings include the following: the concept of hate crime is not unified in theory nor legislation in terms of protected characteristics, which negatively translates into research and policy of hate crime. The quantity of registered crime is in the order of less than 200 crimes per year, its trend is downward, and its structure is predominantly non-violent; unfortunately, it is also accompanied by high latency. The Czech perpetrator is usually male and a repeat offender, in early adulthood, with a basic education and without a factual relationship to extremist groups. Victims of violent forms of hate crime are, in principle, suffering more intense harm (especially psychological) than victims...