The thesis presents a proposal for revitalization and revitalization of the brownfield area of the Zoological Garden in Dvůr Králové nad Labem by inserting a new polyfunctional pavilion. The new building will provide the garden with a wider platform for environmental enlightment, educational activities and representation. The Master´s thesis also outlines the solution of another unused area and its connection to the area of main interest.

Ce mémoire porte sur la relation de l'œuvre de Sade à la modernité. De Sade qui, en ce qu'il ne s'est pas laissé aveugler, qu’il a su voir l'obscurité immanente aux Lumières, doit être considéré comme un voyant. Ce que d'aucuns appellent sa folie, c'est-à-dire la raison naturelle, bourgeoise par lui chantée et exacerbée, c'est un miroir tourné dans notre direction, un miroir dans lequel nos sociétés refusent de voir leur propre raison instrumentalisée, leur propre raison mise au service de l'égoïsme, de l'autoconservation. Face à ce refus, l'œuvre de Sade apparaît comme le refoulé de notre modernité. Dans un premier temps, ce mémoire examine la filiation esthétique de Sade à Baudelaire et s'attache, par l'entremise d'une étude comparative des figures du libertin et du dandy, à démontrer comment l'esthétique négative de Baudelaire présuppose la conception sadienne du mal comme intimement lié à la nature et à la raison, comment elle la transfigure de sorte que c'est seulement à partir de cette conscience dans le mal que Baudelaire en arrive à penser le bien, qu'elle constitue pour lui la seule possibilité de se réformer, de devenir à la fois humain et lucide. Il faut toujours en revenir à de Sade pour expliquer le mal, écrit Baudelaire, qui fait ainsi de Sade ou du moins de son fantôme, puisque celui-ci n'est que rarement nommé, une figure clé de la conscience dans le Mal, condition sine qua non de la modernité baudelairienne. Dans un second temps, c'est à la notion de petite souveraineté que s'intéresse ce mémoire. Souveraineté par procuration qui interdit la réelle souveraineté, elle est le produit de l'assujettissement du libertin à la nature, à la Raison, cette Raison naturelle et bourgeoise. Et l'éducation naturelle par laquelle le libertin cherche à assujettir l'Autre, lui qui ne peut posséder qu'en soumettant autrui au système auquel lui-même s'est consciemment soumis, lui le possédé-possédant, le fantôme d'homme faiseur de fantômes lui-même, est reproduction à son compte de son propre assujettissement. Cette notion de petite souveraineté s'oppose à une tradition de critiques idéalistes, qui, se méprenant sur la parenté du dandy et du libertin, héroïsant ce dernier, voient en lui un sujet libre, souverain, sans se rendre compte que sa Raison est historiquement lourde de conséquences. / This essay examines the relation of de Sade's works with modernity. De Sade is a visionary: he wasn't blinded by the Enlightment, in which he saw an inherent darkness. What some perceived as his madness — the natural reason, the bourgeois reason which he celebrates and exacerbates — is a mirror of our own, a mirror in which our societies refuse to see themselves and their own utilitarian reason, guided by opportunism and self-conservation. This refusal shows de Sade's works as a part of our modernity which we seek to suppress — de Sade as le refoulé de notre modernité. First, this essay looks at the esthetic filiation from de Sade to Baudelaire and, by comparing de Sade's libertine and Baudelaire's dandy, shows how the negative esthetic of Baudelaire presupposes de Sade's conception of Evil as a product of nature and reason, and how it transfigures this conception in such a way that Good can only proceed of this awareness in Evil, through which lies the only possibility to become at once human and lucid. One must always go back to de Sade to understand Evil, writes Baudelaire, who thus highlights de Sade's — or rather a ghost of de Sade, as his name is seldom mentioned in Baudelaire's — key role in this concept of conscience dans le Mal, making him the sine qua non condition of his modernity. The second part of this essay analyzes the notion of petite souveraineté. This borrowed sovereignty, which forbids the real sovereignty, is the product of the libertine's subjection to nature and to Reason, i.e. to the bourgeois and natural Reason. The natural education by which the libertine — he who can only possess by submitting the other to the system to which he consciously submitted himself, the possessed yearning to possess, the man reduced to a ghost who create ghosts himself — wants to dominate the Other(s) is a reproduction for himself of his own subjection. This notion of petite souveraineté confronts a tradition of idealistic critics who see in the libertine the subject of a total liberty, a sovereign subject – and thus who don't notice that the historical meaning of his Reason is laden with consequences.

Des Lumières au réalisme, le médecin prend une place toujours plus importante dans la littérature. Si sa discipline évolue et connaît ainsi de considérables progrès, sa représentation dans la fiction devient elle aussi conséquente. De ce fait, le roman s'empare de ce personnage pour lui conférer un rôle de témoin actif des changements historiques et esthétiques, à travers trois domaines : la politique, la spiritualité et les passions. En effet, s'il diagnostique les maladies du corps social, les pathologies que manifeste l'Histoire, il est aussi appelé à sonder les âmes pour déterminer les causes du désarroi intérieur de l'être humain. Derrière la physiologie et l'anatomie, il explore également les arrière-mondes de la foi et des sentiments. Le praticien se doit donc d'éclairer les mystères de la condition humaine. / From the Enlightenment to realism, the doctor acquires an increasingly important place in French literature. With the development and considerable progress of medical science, the fictional doctor also becomes consequential. Hence, the novel calls upon this character to play an active role as witness of the historical and aesthetic changes in three fields: politics, spirituality and passions. In fact, not only does he diagnose the diseases of the social body, the pathologies that History reveals, he is also called upon to sound souls in order to establish the causes of the inner disarray of the human being. Behind the physiology and anatomy, he also explores the afterworldly for faith and feelings. The practitioner must therefore throw light on the mysteries of the human condition.

A tese busca compreender em que medida o poeta e professor régio Manuel Inácio da Silva Alvarenga (1749-1814) pode ser considerado um representante do ideário ilustrado na América portuguesa. Silva Alvarenga, como estudante de Cânones na Universidade de Coimbra entre os anos de 1768 e 1776, viveu o período da reforma da Universidade empreendida pelo Marquês de Pombal. Retornou ao Brasil e, em 1782, tornou-se professor régio de Retórica no Rio de Janeiro. Foi o principal articulador da Sociedade Literária do Rio de Janeiro, fundada em 1786. Em 1794, foi preso, juntamente com outros membros da Sociedade, sob as acusações de promover a circulação de idéias francesas, de conspirar contra a Coroa Portuguesa e contra a religião católica. Levando em consideração a sua formação acadêmica, sua trajetória após seu retorno à América portuguesa, as características de sua obra poética e a constituição de sua livraria - uma das mais importantes do período colonial -, o trabalho busca avaliar em que medida Silva Alvarenga pode ser considerado um representante das Luzes na América portuguesa, tendo como prisma compreender quais as modalidades das Luzes que podem ser verificadas em sua trajetória. / This thesis tends to comprehend in which ways the poet and regal teacher Manuel Inácio da Silva Alvarenga (1749-1814) can be considered a representative of the Enlightment in Portuguese America. Silva Alvarenga, studying Canonic Law at Coimbra University between 1768 and 1776, experimented the period of the reformation of the university, projected by the Marquis of Pombal. After his return to Brazil, he became Rhetoric regal teacher at Rio de Janeiro, in 1782. He was the most active member of the Sociedade Literária do Rio de Janeiro, founded in 1786. In 1794, he went to prison, accompanied by other members of the Sociedade, accused of promoting the circulation of French ideas and conspiracy against the royal power and the catholic religion. Considering his academic background, his trajetory after his return to Brazil, the aspects of his poetic writings and the constitution of his private library one of the most important of the colonial period , the work tends to appraise in which ways Silva Alvarenga can be considered as a representative of the Enlightment in Portuguese America, aiming to understand which tendencies of the Enlightment can be seen in his trajetory.

Ce mémoire porte sur la relation de l'œuvre de Sade à la modernité. De Sade qui, en ce qu'il ne s'est pas laissé aveugler, qu’il a su voir l'obscurité immanente aux Lumières, doit être considéré comme un voyant. Ce que d'aucuns appellent sa folie, c'est-à-dire la raison naturelle, bourgeoise par lui chantée et exacerbée, c'est un miroir tourné dans notre direction, un miroir dans lequel nos sociétés refusent de voir leur propre raison instrumentalisée, leur propre raison mise au service de l'égoïsme, de l'autoconservation. Face à ce refus, l'œuvre de Sade apparaît comme le refoulé de notre modernité. Dans un premier temps, ce mémoire examine la filiation esthétique de Sade à Baudelaire et s'attache, par l'entremise d'une étude comparative des figures du libertin et du dandy, à démontrer comment l'esthétique négative de Baudelaire présuppose la conception sadienne du mal comme intimement lié à la nature et à la raison, comment elle la transfigure de sorte que c'est seulement à partir de cette conscience dans le mal que Baudelaire en arrive à penser le bien, qu'elle constitue pour lui la seule possibilité de se réformer, de devenir à la fois humain et lucide. Il faut toujours en revenir à de Sade pour expliquer le mal, écrit Baudelaire, qui fait ainsi de Sade ou du moins de son fantôme, puisque celui-ci n'est que rarement nommé, une figure clé de la conscience dans le Mal, condition sine qua non de la modernité baudelairienne. Dans un second temps, c'est à la notion de petite souveraineté que s'intéresse ce mémoire. Souveraineté par procuration qui interdit la réelle souveraineté, elle est le produit de l'assujettissement du libertin à la nature, à la Raison, cette Raison naturelle et bourgeoise. Et l'éducation naturelle par laquelle le libertin cherche à assujettir l'Autre, lui qui ne peut posséder qu'en soumettant autrui au système auquel lui-même s'est consciemment soumis, lui le possédé-possédant, le fantôme d'homme faiseur de fantômes lui-même, est reproduction à son compte de son propre assujettissement. Cette notion de petite souveraineté s'oppose à une tradition de critiques idéalistes, qui, se méprenant sur la parenté du dandy et du libertin, héroïsant ce dernier, voient en lui un sujet libre, souverain, sans se rendre compte que sa Raison est historiquement lourde de conséquences. / This essay examines the relation of de Sade's works with modernity. De Sade is a visionary: he wasn't blinded by the Enlightment, in which he saw an inherent darkness. What some perceived as his madness — the natural reason, the bourgeois reason which he celebrates and exacerbates — is a mirror of our own, a mirror in which our societies refuse to see themselves and their own utilitarian reason, guided by opportunism and self-conservation. This refusal shows de Sade's works as a part of our modernity which we seek to suppress — de Sade as le refoulé de notre modernité. First, this essay looks at the esthetic filiation from de Sade to Baudelaire and, by comparing de Sade's libertine and Baudelaire's dandy, shows how the negative esthetic of Baudelaire presupposes de Sade's conception of Evil as a product of nature and reason, and how it transfigures this conception in such a way that Good can only proceed of this awareness in Evil, through which lies the only possibility to become at once human and lucid. One must always go back to de Sade to understand Evil, writes Baudelaire, who thus highlights de Sade's — or rather a ghost of de Sade, as his name is seldom mentioned in Baudelaire's — key role in this concept of conscience dans le Mal, making him the sine qua non condition of his modernity. The second part of this essay analyzes the notion of petite souveraineté. This borrowed sovereignty, which forbids the real sovereignty, is the product of the libertine's subjection to nature and to Reason, i.e. to the bourgeois and natural Reason. The natural education by which the libertine — he who can only possess by submitting the other to the system to which he consciously submitted himself, the possessed yearning to possess, the man reduced to a ghost who create ghosts himself — wants to dominate the Other(s) is a reproduction for himself of his own subjection. This notion of petite souveraineté confronts a tradition of idealistic critics who see in the libertine the subject of a total liberty, a sovereign subject – and thus who don't notice that the historical meaning of his Reason is laden with consequences.

La franc-maçonnerie qui se développe en France au cours du XVIIIe siècle est définie dans l’Encyclopédie comme étant une « réunion de personnes choisies qui se lient entre elles par une obligation de s’aimer comme frères, de s’aider dans le besoin et de garder un silence inviolable sur tout ce qui caractérise leur ordre ». Bordeaux est alors, après Paris, un centre maçonnique français majeur traversé par des dynamiques particulières qui s’inscrivent dans l’espace de la ville. Ville négociante et parlementaire, premier port français au siècle des Lumières, la capitale de Guyenne se caractérise par une identité plurielle au sein de laquelle s’intègre un espace maçonnique qui bénéficie d’un brassage humain et social, d’une croissance économique exceptionnelle. Ce grand port négociant du XVIIIe siècle, est étroitement lié à un espace national, européen mais également atlantique, au travers le monde des Antilles et en particulier Saint-Domingue, faisant figure de nœud majeur au cœur des communications, où s’expriment des interconnexions auxquelles sont associées les sociabilités maçonniques. Au cours du siècle des Lumières, plusieurs loges maçonniques voient le jour au sein de la cité et ont un rôle prégnant dans la vie bordelaise dès la première création en 1732. Ces ateliers sont de fait un reflet de ce dynamisme bordelais et un aspect de la réalité de ses élites. Dès lors, celles-ci participent à cette sociabilité maçonnique qui concoure à la construction de l’identité de la ville. Une identité qui ne peut être complètement saisie sans la perception de l’interface maçonnique et des réseaux qui y sont associés, réseaux économiques, politiques, culturels ou sociaux. Les dynamiques bordelaises et maçonniques s’intègrent dans des logiques humaines et territoriales qui s‘inscrivent dans la chronologie d’un long XVIIIe siècle jusqu’à la période révolutionnaire, qui montre l’adaptation de la maçonnerie dans un contexte politique sur lequel il paraît indispensable de s’interroger quant à la profondeur des ruptures et des continuités. / The freemasonry movement that developed in France throughout the 18th century is defined by the Encyclopédie as a « gathering of chosen people bound together by an obligation to love each other like brothers, to help each other in need, and to maintain an inviolable silence about anything related to the order ». Then, Bordeaux was - behind Paris - a major French Masonic center experiencing particular dynamics resulting from the city's geographic position. As a trade, diplomatic city as well as the first French port of the Age of Enlightenment, Guyenne's capital city was characterized by a plural identity within which was incorporated a Masonic movement benefitting from a human and social diversity and a remarkable economic growth. This major 18th- century trade port was intertwined with a national, European as well as Atlantic space, throughout the West Indies – especially Saint-Domingo. It thus played a central part in communications, where were expressed interconnections associated with Masonic sociabilities. During the last century of the Ancien Régime, several Masonic lodges were born within the city and they had a important role to play in the local life, following the foundation of the first lodge in 1732. These Masonic lodges both reflected the dynamism of Bordeaux and part of the reality of its elites. Consequently, these elites, took part in the Masonic sociability which helped shape the city's identity. The latter cannot be grasped without taking into account the Masonic interface and the economic, political, cultural and social networks associated with it. The dynamics of Bordeaux and of freemasonry were part of human and territorial logics, incorporated within the timeframe starting with a long 18th century till the revolutionary era. The latter witnesses the adaptation of masonry in a political framework that needs to be questioned as far as breaks and continuities are concerned.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Carolina Monte Procopio de Araujo.pdf: 696630 bytes, checksum: 8982d452cf42e54427bb613bb75b436a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-07 / State and human rights keep close connection between them. The many contemporary state forms agree with the speech of protection of these rights, but the State itself is today its main violator. The contemporary age is heiress of the legal and policitical thought of enlightened modernity, in special of its positivist source. Capitalistic social inequality, disguised by only formal equality, reproduces a process of reification of the human being, equalized to mere merchandise. In this context, human rights represent a form of resistance to the system but the mere defense of rights already established, or the search of new rights, shall not lead to lose of sight the amplest and estructural horizon of search of efective equality. Today the fight is to hinder the human rights retrocession, but always inside the limits of State power that, removed the mystifying veil of the supposedly neutral institucionality, it is the power of the ruling classes. In a future social context, not divided in classes and characterized for an equalitarian social experience, the expression human rights will sound as an old and exceeded eccentricity, meaningless, therefore its enjoyment will be daily and truly universal. / O estado e os direitos humanos guardam entre si íntima conexão. As várias formas estatais contemporâneas concordam com o discurso de proteção desses direitos, mas o próprio Estado é hoje seu principal violador. A era contemporânea é herdeira do pensamento jurídico e político da modernidade iluminista, em especial de sua vertente positivista. A desigualdade social do capitalismo, disfarçada pela igualdade meramente formal, reproduz um processo de reificação do ser humano, equiparado a mera mercadoria. Nesse contexto, os direitos humanos representam uma forma de resistência ao sistema mas a mera defesa de direitos já estabelecidos, ou a busca de novos direitos, não deve levar a perder de vista o horizonte mais amplo e estrutural de busca da igualdade efetiva. Hoje a luta é para impedir o retrocesso dos direitos humanos, mas sempre dentro dos limites do poder do estado que, retirado o véu mistificador da institucionalidade supostamente neutra, é o poder das classes dominantes. Em um futuro contexto social não dividido em classes e caracterizado por uma vivência social igualitária, a expressão direitos humanos soará como uma excentricidade antiga e ultrapassada, sem sentido, pois seu desfrute será um dado do cotidiano e verdadeiramente universal.

A tese busca compreender em que medida o poeta e professor régio Manuel Inácio da Silva Alvarenga (1749-1814) pode ser considerado um representante do ideário ilustrado na América portuguesa. Silva Alvarenga, como estudante de Cânones na Universidade de Coimbra entre os anos de 1768 e 1776, viveu o período da reforma da Universidade empreendida pelo Marquês de Pombal. Retornou ao Brasil e, em 1782, tornou-se professor régio de Retórica no Rio de Janeiro. Foi o principal articulador da Sociedade Literária do Rio de Janeiro, fundada em 1786. Em 1794, foi preso, juntamente com outros membros da Sociedade, sob as acusações de promover a circulação de idéias francesas, de conspirar contra a Coroa Portuguesa e contra a religião católica. Levando em consideração a sua formação acadêmica, sua trajetória após seu retorno à América portuguesa, as características de sua obra poética e a constituição de sua livraria - uma das mais importantes do período colonial -, o trabalho busca avaliar em que medida Silva Alvarenga pode ser considerado um representante das Luzes na América portuguesa, tendo como prisma compreender quais as modalidades das Luzes que podem ser verificadas em sua trajetória. / This thesis tends to comprehend in which ways the poet and regal teacher Manuel Inácio da Silva Alvarenga (1749-1814) can be considered a representative of the Enlightment in Portuguese America. Silva Alvarenga, studying Canonic Law at Coimbra University between 1768 and 1776, experimented the period of the reformation of the university, projected by the Marquis of Pombal. After his return to Brazil, he became Rhetoric regal teacher at Rio de Janeiro, in 1782. He was the most active member of the Sociedade Literária do Rio de Janeiro, founded in 1786. In 1794, he went to prison, accompanied by other members of the Sociedade, accused of promoting the circulation of French ideas and conspiracy against the royal power and the catholic religion. Considering his academic background, his trajetory after his return to Brazil, the aspects of his poetic writings and the constitution of his private library one of the most important of the colonial period , the work tends to appraise in which ways Silva Alvarenga can be considered as a representative of the Enlightment in Portuguese America, aiming to understand which tendencies of the Enlightment can be seen in his trajetory.

Die Schwierigkeit eines geistesgeschichtlichen Verständnisses der aufklärerischen Geschichtsauffassung besteht in der grundsätzlichen Schwierigkeit, die Kritik des aufklärerischen Denkens als Argumentationszusammenhang zu verstehen und nicht als Meinung zu banalisieren. Es fällt schwer, nicht einzelne Aussagen zu einzelnen Gebieten abzutrennen, nicht retrospektiv den ursprünglichen Zusammenhang zu disziplinieren. Auch wenn sie insgesamt als Äußerungen eines Werkes, eines Autors genommen werden, sind die ins bloße Gesagtsein zersplitterten Gedanken mißverstanden. Das zeigt sich hier gerade auch an den traditionellen Verteidigern des historischen Denkens im 18. Jahrhundert: Zuletzt wird als individuelle Einsicht gelobt (Cassirer) oder als geistige Tiefe bewundert (Dilthey), was tatsächlich Protest gegen illegitime Herrschaft, Klage auf gleiches Recht und Wille zur Vorurteilslosigkeit war. Ein Denken, das sein Bewußtsein behauptend und zugleich frei überlegend artikuliert (wie Lessing gymnastikos und dogmatikos zu sprechen beanspruchte), kann weder vordergründig als geniale Meinung noch hinterrücks als Äußerung des Zeitgeistes gewertet werden.

Haller was, by any standard, a very prolific writer, not only of letters. He published 24 books in 50 volumes, many of which he reworked for second editions; he wrote 450 essays, 9000 book reviews, and edited another 52 volumes. Of his letters exchanged with 1139 male and 50 female correspondents, close to 17,000 have survived.