Master of Arts / In the southwest corner of China, the confluence of cultural diversity and national integration have produced a new kind of voice in the Chinese language: an ethnic voice. Speaking fluently in the Chinese nation’s language and culturally beyond its Han foundations, minority ethnic writers or shaoshu minzu in China are inciting a challenge to the traditional conceptions of Chineseness. In the PRC, the re-imagining of the boundaries between ethnicity, nation, and the globe is being produced in ethnic voices that resist the monopolizing narratives of the CCP and the Han cultural center. Furthermore, in the West where the antiquated conception of China as a monolithic Other is still often employed, the existence of these ethnic voices of difference demands a (re)cognition of its multifaceted and interwoven ethnic, political, and social composition. Three ethnic poets from the southwest are examined in this thesis: Woeser (Tibetan), He Xiaozhu (Miao), and Jimu Langge (Yi). They represent the trajectory of ethnic voice in China along the paradigms of local/ethnic vision, national culture, and global connections. By being both within and outside the Chinese nation and culture, they express a hybrid struggle that exists within the collision of ethnic minority cultures and the Han cultural center. Like the hybridity of postcolonial literature, this is a collision that cannot be reduced to it parts, yet also privileges the glocal impetus of ethnically centered vision. The poets’ voices speak the voice of difference within China, the Chinese language, and Chineseness throughout the world.

Master of Arts / In the southwest corner of China, the confluence of cultural diversity and national integration have produced a new kind of voice in the Chinese language: an ethnic voice. Speaking fluently in the Chinese nation’s language and culturally beyond its Han foundations, minority ethnic writers or shaoshu minzu in China are inciting a challenge to the traditional conceptions of Chineseness. In the PRC, the re-imagining of the boundaries between ethnicity, nation, and the globe is being produced in ethnic voices that resist the monopolizing narratives of the CCP and the Han cultural center. Furthermore, in the West where the antiquated conception of China as a monolithic Other is still often employed, the existence of these ethnic voices of difference demands a (re)cognition of its multifaceted and interwoven ethnic, political, and social composition. Three ethnic poets from the southwest are examined in this thesis: Woeser (Tibetan), He Xiaozhu (Miao), and Jimu Langge (Yi). They represent the trajectory of ethnic voice in China along the paradigms of local/ethnic vision, national culture, and global connections. By being both within and outside the Chinese nation and culture, they express a hybrid struggle that exists within the collision of ethnic minority cultures and the Han cultural center. Like the hybridity of postcolonial literature, this is a collision that cannot be reduced to it parts, yet also privileges the glocal impetus of ethnically centered vision. The poets’ voices speak the voice of difference within China, the Chinese language, and Chineseness throughout the world.

Mongols in Northern China fear the end of a distinct cultural identity. Until the late 19th century, cultural differences between Mongols and Han could be seen through differences in each group's traditional way of life. Mongols were nomadic pastoralists. Han were sedentary farmers. Recent economic development, rapid urbanization, and assimilation policies have threatened Mongolian cultural identity. In response to this cultural identity anxiety, Mongols in Inner Mongolia have looked for ways to express their distinct cultural identity. This dissertation analyzes three case studies derived from material cultural productions that represent Mongolian cultural identity. These include pastoralism, the use of Genghis Khan, and the Mongolian language. The analyses of different material cultural artifacts and the application of cultural and political theory come together in this dissertation to demonstrate how Mongolian cultural identity is reimagined through representation. In this dissertation, I also demonstrate how these reimagined identities construct and maintain ethnic boundaries which prevent the total absorption of a distinct Mongolian identity. / Ph. D.

1.MASTER THESIS: “Ethnic policy and its factors“ 2.AUTHOR: Kęstutis Trakšelys 3.OBJECTIVE: Analyse ethnic policy’s phenomenons and factors which influence its purposefulness and independence. 4. Nowadays in our modern life ethnic policy has became very urgent. Various worldwide processes and relationships are global. Integration into EU causes ethnic policy. As a result, each country tries to save its ethnic identity and traditions. Ethnic policy could not be separated from the nation. But we have to find the differences between the ethnic policy and ethnic politics, which is better known as state’s political policy to ethnic groups in its territory. Ethnic policy is an interaction of ethnic groups in political system. Lithuanian nation is our state’s foundation, therefore national authority must prosecute such internal and foreign politics that our nation’s interests should be represented. Politics of our nation depends on citizens’ political mentality and preference. In the future it will be obviously if Lithuania maintains national traditions and can resist to the influence of the other powerful countries. Now we can see the consequences, lots of people emigrate, youth is becoming cosmopolitan, less of them relate themselves with Lithuania. Nation, Its state is an entity, as well. Its a very complicated, social entity. The state, which prosecutes proper ethnic policy and resists the interests of the nation, fosters its... [to full text]

Submitted by Sáboia Nágila (nagila.saboia01@gmail.com) on 2016-07-25T19:51:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação- Anderson Rocha.pdf: 924661 bytes, checksum: 601f9cb1ed99093e2ca765f0f60a0cc8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2016-07-28T14:00:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação- Anderson Rocha.pdf: 924661 bytes, checksum: 601f9cb1ed99093e2ca765f0f60a0cc8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2016-07-28T14:02:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação- Anderson Rocha.pdf: 924661 bytes, checksum: 601f9cb1ed99093e2ca765f0f60a0cc8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-28T14:02:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação- Anderson Rocha.pdf: 924661 bytes, checksum: 601f9cb1ed99093e2ca765f0f60a0cc8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-05 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation is concerned with the Ticuna ethnopolitics configuration from the formation of internal political units in the indigenous social movement, understanding that the idea of political unity among the Ticuna people was never a reality in fact, even when they struggled for the lands demarcation. Actually, what really occurred during all the 1970-1980 decade, while the fight for the lands regularization was a virtual union expressed “by one voice” inside of an indigenous social movement that had consciousness that differences and internal conflicts should give rise to a common objective: the land demarcation. However, with the legal and physical demarcation of the six main Ticuna ethnic territory (Eware I and II, Lago Beruri, Porto Espiritual, Betânia and Vui-Uata-In and/or Nova Itália), the end of the 1990 decade and the early XXI century was followed by the creation of a multiplicy of Ticuna social organizations and political associations, guided to several fields of political action. In many cases, these same organizations and associations began to cash by competing for the same projects and government agreements. However, what is politically produced among Ticuna Indians is currently a set of micropolitics conduced by a multiplicity os Ticuna‟s organizations and associations. Given the disputes by projects and government agreements there was the necessity of institutionalization for the political mechanisms of action (organization and associations), this fact eventually launch the Ticuna leaders and chiefs straight to the field of legal activity, causing a serie of benefits, but on the other side- as in the case of CGTT organization during the health agreement with FUNASA- triggered an indebtedness process, which in many ways affected the prestige of several Ticuna leaders and chiefs that historically had been in the forefront of Ticuna indigenous movement. / A presente dissertação trata da configuração etnopolítica Ticuna a partir da formação das unidades políticas internas ao Movimento Indígena, entendendo que a idéia de unidade política entre os Ticuna nunca foi de fato uma realidade, até mesmo quando da luta pela demarcação dos seus principais territórios. O que efetivamente ocorreu durante anos entre as décadas de 1970-1980 foi uma virtual união que se expressava “por uma única voz” no interior de um Movimento Indígena que tinha consciência de que as diferenças e conflitos internos deviam dar lugar a luta em torno de um objetivo comum: a demarcação da terra. No entanto, com a demarcação física e jurídica dos seis principais territórios étnicos Ticuna (Eware I e II, Lago Beruri, Porto Espiritual, Betânia e Vui-Uata-In e/ou Nova Itália) no ano de 1993, o final da década de 1990 e princípio do século XXI foram seguidos da criação de uma multiplicidade de organizações e associações políticas Ticuna- orientadas para os mais variados campos de ação política. Em muitos casos essas mesmas organizações e associações passaram a se chocar, pois concorriam/concorrem entre si projetos e convênios. Contudo, o que é produzido politicamente entre os índios Ticuna atualmente é justamente um conjunto de micropolíticas operadas por uma multiplicidade de organizações e associações Ticuna. Diante dessas disputas por projetos e convênios, esteve presente a necessidade de institucionalização dos mecanismos de ação política (organizações e associações), fato que acabou por lançar as lideranças e dirigentes Ticuna no campo do exercício jurídico de maneira direta, algo que acarretou uma série de benefícios, mas que por outro lado, como no caso do CGTT no convênio com a FUNASA, desencadeou um processo de inadimplência que em muitas de suas faces acabou por abalar o prestígio de muitas lideranças e dirigentes Ticuna que historicamente estiveram na linha de frente do Movimento Indígena Ticuna.

The thesis studies the representation of prehistory as a part of the making and remaking of ethnic identities in Northern Sweden from the end of the 19th Century until today, thus dealing with archaeology and prehistory in relation to issues such as identity, memory and politics. The thesis takes as its point of departure the constitution of a Swedish national identity and memory in the late 19th Century and subsequent decades, followed by studies of, mainly later, representations of Sámi, Kvenish (“Kvänsk”) and North Bothnian (“Norrbottnisk”) collective identities. The study material consists of texts, primarily analyzed through discourse and narrative analysis. The thesis demonstrates how the constitution of a Swedish national identity in Northern Sweden constructed a dichotomy between an imagined civilized “Swedishness”, belonging to the future, and an imagined primitive Sámi Other, belonging to the past. It is argued that this discursive boundary work has not just situated some persons and their everyday life in a marginal position as a visible Sámi Other, but has also situated a substantial number of the inhabitants of Northern Sweden more or less in liminality and marginality in relation to the national identity structure. This has created a need for people to officially represent a more satisfactory collective identity, which includes a rewriting of the prehistory of the area. The last chapter relates the results to studies of similar cases in colonial and postcolonial contexts outside Europe. The essentialist view of identity and history present in several of the studied representations is also discussed. The thesis emphasizes the importance of a more nuanced view of relationships of ethnicity, domination and subordination, and the associated formation of collective memories, in Northern Sweden. Discourses of ethnicity and domination often function through simplifying dichotomies, but dichotomies alone cannot explain real conditions and consequences of these matters.

Throughout the history of archaeology, the Sámi (the indigenous people in northern Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Kola Peninsula in the Russian Federation) have been conceptualized as the “Others” in relation to the national identity and (pre)history of the modern states. It is only in the last decades that a field of Sámi archaeology that studies Sámi (pre)history in its own right has emerged, parallel with an ethnic and cultural revival among Sámi groups. This dissertation investigates the notions of Sámi prehistory and archaeology, partly from a research historical perspective and partly from a more contemporary political perspective. It explores how the Sámi and ideas about the Sámi past have been represented in archaeological narratives from the early 19th century until today, as well as the development of an academic field of Sámi archaeology. The study consists of four main parts: 1) A critical examination of the conceptualization of ethnicity, nationalism and indigeneity in archaeological research. 2) A historical analysis of the representations and debates on Sámi prehistory, primarily in Sweden but also to some extent in Norway and Finland, focusing on four main themes: the origin of the Sámi people, South Sámi prehistory as a contested field of study, the development of reindeer herding, and Sámi pre-Christian religion. 3) An analysis of the study of the Sámi past in Russia, and a discussion on archaeological research and constructions of ethnicity and indigeneity in the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union. 4) An examination of the claims for greater Sámi self-determination concerning cultural heritage management and the debates on repatriation and reburial in the Nordic countries. In the dissertation, it is argued that there is a great need for discussions on the ethics and politics of archaeological research. A relational network approach is suggested as a way of opening up some of the black boxes and bounded, static entities in the representations of people in the past in the North.

L’objet de cette thèse en science politique est de dégager, à partir de l’histoire politique du Rwanda et de ses influences ou relations extérieures africaines et internationales (notamment avec le Burundi, la RD du Congo, l’Ouganda, l’Allemagne, la Belgique, la France, le Royaume-Uni, les États-Unis, l’ONU, l’UE, l’UA), les causes de l’effondrement de l’État rwandais (lors du génocide de 1994) et les pistes de solutions qui pourraient aider à sa reconstruction et/ou reconstitution. Cela pourrait aussi servir d’exemple à d’autres pays (notamment d’Afrique, d’Asie et d’Amérique latine) qui utilisent l’appartenance ethno-raciale et/ou régionale de la population, la mobilisation des gens sur base de leurs identités réelles ou supposées, la politisation des races ou des différences, la racialisation de la politique, le copinage politique ou tout simplement les ‘’voies négatives’’ de l’ethnopolitique comme fondement intellectuel ou label idéologique du pouvoir. Une réponse durable aux sanglants affrontements et aux crises politiques incessantes qui agitent le Rwanda et le Burundi pourrait être un projet politique autre qu’ethno-racial (basé plutôt sur la paix, la démocratie et le développement humain), la séparation géographique de type "Hutuland" et "Tutsiland" « par des moyens pacifiques et par voie d'accord », (selon les accords d'Helsinki de 1975 de l’OSCE dans le prolongement de la Charte de l’ONU sur le droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes de 1945, art.1 et de 1966, art.1) dans le scénario de l’ancien Ruanda-Urundi, mais avec chacun une seule communauté, et l’intégration régionale à l’instar de l’Union européenne, tout en respectant le droit international. / The purpose of this PhD thesis in political science is to pinpoint, based on the political history of Rwanda and its external influences or relations at african and international level (particularly with Burundi, the DR of Congo, Uganda, Germany, Belgium, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, the UN, the EU and the AU), the causes of the collapse of the Rwandan state (during the 1994 genocide) and the potential solutions that could help to rebuild and/or reform it. This could also serve as an example to other countries (particularly those in Africa, Asia and Latin America), which use the ethno-racial and/or regional affiliation of the population, the mobilization of people based on their real or supposed identities, the politicization of races or differences, racialization of politics, political cronyism or quite simply the “negative ways” of ethnopolitics as an intellectual basis or ideological label of power. A sustainable response to the bloody conflicts and endless political crises afflicting Rwanda and Burundi could be a political project rather than an ethno-racial one (based more on peace, democracy and human development), geographical separation in the style of "Hutuland" and "Tutsiland" “by peaceful means and through agreement” (according to the 1975 Helsinki Accords of the OSCE in the extension of the UN Charter on the right of peoples to self-determination in 1945, Art.1 and 1966, Art.1) in the setting of the former Ruanda-Urundi, but each with a separate community and regional integration in a manner similar to that of the European Union, while respecting international law.