Abstract The thesis investigates how the European Union promotes stability and security in the Mediterranean region. The aim is to analyse the European Union’s security ambitions with Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Barcelona Process. An analytical framework with five sectors (military, political, economic, environmental and societal), based on the Copenhagen School’s theories about security sectors and securitization, is used for the analysis. Within the framework threats, objectives and methods are categorized into each security sector. Then it is possible to distinguish if any sector is more prioritised by the EU. Qualitative text analysis is used to examine relevant EU-documents. The result of the analysis shows that the European Union prioritizes the economical and societal sector in promoting peace and security within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Through economical integration and cultural dialogue, the EU tries to enhance security and stability. The EU emphasises the importance of global governance and international law for a stable peace. The study concludes that the widened concept of security, within the Copenhagen School, can help to explain the European Union’s work inside the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership.

Normative Power Europe theory presented by Ian Manners defines the European Union as a normative actor in international relations. According to him, EU's ability to change what passes for "normal" in international relations originates from its internal set-up which the EU uses to shape its environment and international norms in its own image. After first studying Manner's tripartite analysis and defining normative goals, means and impact of the normative policy, the thesis then proceeds to test normative theory in the European neighbourhood, particularly in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, by analysing EU's democracy and human rights promotion in Tunisia. It identifies discrepancy between EU's goals and means and discovers that on the one side, Euro-Mediterranean cooperation improves socio-economic development, however on the other it impedes the political one. This finding reflects incoherence and inconsistency of the EU's policies in the Mediterranean and arrives to the conclusion that EU is not a normative power in its neighbourhood policy.

Notre thèse a pour objectif de déterminer la nature des liens entre la multiplication des processus de macro-régionalisation, dans un contexte de mondialisation, et le renouvellement des politiques d’aménagement du territoire à travers la mise en place de nouvelles formes de coopération décentralisée entre villes et territoires. Notre projet de recherche cherche ainsi à établir comment la régionalisation permet la mise en place d’une gouvernance à niveaux multiples mettant en relation des acteurs territoriaux, à différents échelons de décision (supranational, national et infranational) dans le but de faire face à la complexité grandissante des problèmes actuels à l’échelle mondiale. Parmi ces projets régionaux qui émergent dans plusieurs parties du monde, nous avons choisi le Partenariat euro-méditerranéen comme cas d'étude en s'intéressant de manière particulière aux projets et programmes de coopération décentralisée et transfrontalière qui se mettent en place autour de la Méditerranée et qui mettent en relation plusieurs villes et régions riveraines. Afin de répondre à ces questions, nous avons décliné notre argumentation en plusieurs axes de réflexion. Un premier axe de réflexion tourne autour de la nature du projet régional euro-méditerranéen et de son implication au niveau des stratégies territoriales principales. Un deuxième axe concerne le contenu et les processus de mise en œuvre des programmes et projets de coopération décentralisée et transfrontalière et leur pertinence au niveau du développement local des territoires du Sud. Un troisième axe s’intéresse au rôle de l’État central en face du développement de ces initiatives qui le contourne. Enfin, un quatrième axe de réflexion concerne l’attitude de l’échelon local par rapport à ces initiatives qui l’interpellent et le sollicitent en tous sens. / The objective of our thesis is to determine the nature of the relation between two ongoing phenomena, i.e. the development of macro-regions in the context of globalization, on one hand, and the revival of spatial planning policies through the rise of new forms of crossborder cooperation between cities and local authorities and the preparation of regional policies related to transport and environment, on the other. Our main argument is that Regionalization encourages the development of a multi-level governance approach that provides a platform for interaction between various territorial actors, located at different decision-making level (supranational, national and local) in order to face the growing complexity of Globalization and its challenges. We selected the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership as a case study out of a number of world regional projects and paid special attention to crossborder and decentralized cooperation initiatives that are being implemented around the Mediterranean Sea and that join together Mediterranean cities and regions. Our arguments are presented along 4 main sets of questions. A first series of questions revolves around the nature of the Euro-Mediterranean regional project and its relevance for strategic spatial planning. A second set of questions is concerned with the content and the implementation processes of crossborder and decentralized cooperation programmes and their relevance to the local development of territories, mainly located in the South of the Mediterranean. A third set of questions is concerned with the way the Central State is facing such initiatives that are ultimately aiming to limit its authority. Finally, a fourth series of questions is interested in the position of the local level that is the main beneficiary of such initiatives.

Dans un contexte de plus en plus concurrentiel, fortement influencé par les événements géopolitiques internationaux, et par l’évolution des goûts et des aspirations, le Mashrek occupe toujours une position touristique majeure aux niveaux régional et international. Ce projet facilite-t-il le dialogue entre les cultures? Il est bon de se pencher à nouveau sur le patrimoine commun du Bassin méditerranéen. Le 1er aspect important, c’est de redécouvrir ce patrimoine partagé afin que chacun puisse se réapproprier son propre patrimoine (un des objectifs de l’UPM « Union Pour la Méditerranée »). Il y a un grand lien entre le Mashrek et les besoins des Partenaires euro-méditerranéens dans le domaine touristique. Même si le tourisme, surtout dans contexte de coopération, permet aux gens de dialoguer et de surmonter la question des frontières, il ne faut pas occulter des blocages d’une autre nature. Cette question est très pertinente. Lors de la conception du projet, de manière à impliquer tous les acteurs et leurs besoins, c’est sans doute un avantage du programme, sur le plan de la conception du projet. Un renouveau touristique au Mashrek qui s’adapte continuellement à la réalité et introduit des modifications, ce qui permet de prendre en compte des études préalables afin de réorienter le projet en fonction des besoins, c’est une des clés de la réussite, dont la dimension régionale est une valeur ajoutée. L’aide de l’UE se révélera très précieuse à cet égard afin de huiler les synergies! Et les premiers signes concrets se manifestent: L’échange et l’ouverture d’esprit, c’est le fruit du commerce du tourisme. / In an increasingly competitive context, strongly influenced by the international geopolitical events, and the evolution of the tastes and the aspirations, Mashrek always occupies a major tourist position on the regional and international levels. Does this project facilitate the dialogue between the cultures? It is wise to lean again on the common inheritance of the Mediterranean basin. The 1st important aspect, it is to rediscover this shared inheritance so that each one can re-adapt his own inheritance (one of the objectives of the UFM “Union For the Mediterranean”). There is a great link between Mashrek and the needs of the Euro-Mediterranean Partners in the tourist field. Even if the tourism, especially in the context of co-operation, allows people to have a dialogue and to overcome the question of the borders, one should not occult obstacles of another nature. This question is very relevant! When designing this project, so as to imply all the actors and their needs, it is undoubtedly an advantage of the program, in the field of the design of the project. A tourist revival in Mashrek which adapts continuously to reality and introduces modifications, which makes possible to take into account preliminary studies in order to re-orient the project according to the needs, is one of the keys to success, whose regional dimension is an added value. The support of the EU will appear very invaluable in this respect in order to oiling synergies! And the first concrete signs appear: The exchange and the broadmindedness which are the commercial fruit of tourism.

The main aim of this thesis is the analysis of European Neighbourhood Policy, which was established in 2004 in connection with the eastern enlargement of European Union. The main goal of European Neighbourhood Policy is to create an area of stability, prosperity and welfare with its neighbourhood countries. Partnership is based on the commitments to create an area of rule of law, good governance, respect for human rights, promotion of principles of market economy and promotion of sustainable development. Political cooperation is complemented by EU financial aid to neighbourhood countries. Thanks to financial support the neighbourhood countries should implement the necessary reforms, which later help to establish shared values. This thesis seeks to examine what is the impact of EU to internal political situation of neighbourhood countries. The hypothesis assumes that the higher EU financial aid to neighbourhood countries increases its influence on the internal political situation at neighbourhood countries.

Le prolongement du processus de communautarisation va certes avoir des conséquences sur le plan extérieur de l'Union européenne. La reconnaissance des décisions tierces par le juge français sera désormais influencée par l’application des principes et valeurs européens. La présente étude mettra l'accent sur le sort des conditions exigées, en France, pour les décisions tierces. Le rôle du juge d'exéquatur sera déterminant pour illustrer la transition de la pratique juridictionnelle. En effet, c'est le pouvoir de celui-ci qui va déterminer le sort de cette pratique envers les décisions émanant des États tiers. Outre les conventions élaborées dans le cadre européen, la convention de Bruxelles du 27 septembre de 1968 et le règlement européen n° 44/2001, ainsi que le règlement Bruxelles II, Bruxelles II bis et les accords de partenariat, ne seront pas à l'abri de notre recherche. Autrement dit, nous voulons mesurer le développement du droit international privé européen, notamment en termes d'entraide judiciaire, sur le plan extérieur. Le but est de donner au droit européen une dimension universelle. / The extension process of communitarisation will certainly have implications outside the European Union. Recognition of third decisions by the French judge will now be influenced by the application of European principles and values. This study will focus on the fate of the conditions required in France for the third decisions. The role of the judge will determine exequatur to illustrate the transition from legal practice. Indeed, it is the power of it will determine the fate of this practice to decisions from other States. In addition to the conventions developed in the European context, the Brussels Convention of 27 September 1968 and this Regulation No. 44/2001 (also Brussels II and Brussels II bis) and the partnership agreements, will not be immune to our research. In other words, we want to measure the development of European private international law, particularly in terms of mutual legal assistance on the outside. The goal is to give the European international private law a universal dimension.

Avec le lancement du Partenariat Euro-Méditerranéen (PEM) en 1995, les relations entre l’Union européenne et les Pays tiers méditerranéens (PTM) connaissent une évolution notable. Du fait de la mise en place d’un cadre multilatéral complété par la conclusion des accords d’association, ce Partenariat représente une rupture avec les politiques méditerranéennes antérieures. Dans le contexte du cinquième élargissement de l'Union européenne du 1er mai 2004, la Politique Européenne de Voisinage (PEV) transforme le PEM en préconisant la création d’un cercle d'amis avec les voisins méditerranéens du Sud et les nouveaux voisins de l’Est. Ce métissage est le résultat de la rencontre entre deux cadres à objectifs différents et contextes géostratégiques différents : le PEM comme cadre de coopération régionale établi dans les années quatre-vingt-dix et une PEV en tant que politique de l’UE employant les méthodologies issues du processus de préadhésion. Les transformations des relations euro-méditerranéennes après la PEV ont permis l'émergence progressive d'une nouvelle forme relationnelle avec un impact contrasté sur les dimensions bilatérale et multilatérale du PEM. Cette étude définit le résultat de cette nouvelle dynamique interactive des politiques de l’UE sous le nom de cadres de voisinage euro-méditerranéens. La délimitation des cadres de voisinage euro-méditerranéens passe par l’analyse des transformations des relations après le cinquième élargissement en distinguant la dimension multilatérale de la dimension bilatérale. Si la dimension régionale euro-méditerranéenne post-élargissement n’est que partiellement affectée par la PEV, la dimension bilatérale est, quant à elle, profondément modifiée par l’instauration progressive d’un cadre relationnel à mi-chemin entre l’association et l’adhésion. / With the launch of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995, the relation between the relationship between the EU and Mediterranean countries witnessed a significant evolution. With the establishment of a multilateral framework supplemented by the conclusion of association agreements, this Partnership represents a break with past Mediterranean policies. In the context of the fifth enlargement of the European Union on May 1st, 2004, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) transforms the PEM; advocating for the creation of a circle of friends with Mediterranean neighbors in the South and the new neighbors in the East. This mix is the result of the encounter between two frameworks with different objectives in different geo-strategic contexts: the EMP as a regional cooperation framework established in the nineties on one hand and the ENP, i.e. an EU policy using the pre-accession process methodologies on the other hand. The transformation of Euro-Mediterranean relations after the ENP allowed for the gradual emergence of a novel relational framework with a mixed impact on the bilateral and multilateral dimensions of the EMP. This study defines the result of this new interactive dynamic of the EU policies falling under the Euro-Mediterranean neighbourhood framework. The delimitation of the Euro-Mediterranean neighbourhood frameworks involves the study of the transformations in the relations following the fifth enlargement, distinguishing between multilateral and bilateral dimensions. While the Euro-Mediterranean regional dimension post-enlargement is only partially affected by the ENP, the bilateral dimension is, in turn, profoundly changed by the progressive introduction of a relational framework halfway between the association and the membership.

Cette thèse étudie la contribution assez complexe du partenariat euro-méditerranéen au soft powerde l’UE. Nous avons procédé à l’examen de l’articulation entre les objectifs, les instruments, lesprogrammes, les accords et l’efficacité de l’action de l’Euromed. Il ne s’agit pas d’évaluer lepartenariat en tant que tel mais plutôt son utilisation par l’Union européenne comme instrument desoft power pour instaurer une démocratie libérale dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les quatreaspects fondamentaux de la démocratie libérale ont été donc examinés. Dans le domaineéconomique, il y eu des améliorations économiques dans les pays sud-méditerranéens del’Euromed, surtout par la mise en oeuvre de réformes économiques et institutionnelles, mais la zonede libre-échange prévue pour 2010 n’a pas été établie. L’intégration régionale et internationale, deces pays partenaires a connu des avancées qui demeurent encore modestes. La promotion de labonne gouvernance occupe une place centrale au sein des objectifs politiques du Partenariat.Ciblant principalement le renforcement des capacités des institutions et l’indépendance du systèmejudiciaire, les efforts menés dans le cadre de l’Euromed ont apporté une amélioration globale, maisinsuffisante, de la bonne gouvernance dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les actions menées dansle cadre du partenariat sur le terrain des droits de l’Homme ont mis surtout l’accent sur les questionsde sécurité, de la lutte antiterroriste et du contrôle des migrations, tandis que les questions relativesaux droits de l’Homme et à la démocratisation étaient plus ou moins passées sous silence. Mêmel’action civile est insuffisamment renforcée. / This thesis studies the rather complex contribution of the Euro-Mediterraneanpartnership to the EU’s soft power. We have examined the link between the objectives,instruments, programs, agreements and effectiveness of the euro-Mediterraneanpartnership’s action. It is not a matter of evaluating the partnership as such but rather itsuse by the European Union as a soft power instrument to establish liberal democracy inthe South Mediterranean countries. The four fundamental aspects of liberal democracywere therefore examined. In the economic field, there have been economicimprovements in the southern Mediterranean countries, mainly through theimplementation of economic and institutional reforms, but the free trade areaanticipated for 2010 was not established. The regional and international integration ofthese partner countries has made some progress that remains however modest. Thepromotion of good governance is central to the political objectives of the Partnership.Focusing mainly on institutional capacity building and the independence of the judicialsystem, Euromed efforts have brought about a global but insufficient improvement ingood governance in the southern Mediterranean countries. Actions in the framework ofthe Human Rights Partnership have focused on security issues, counter-terrorism andmigration control, while human rights issues and democratization were more or lessignored. Even civil action is not sufficiently strengthened.

Diploma thesis "the European Union's influence on the Middle East" is focused on problems of the European Union and its role and influence in that region. From this thesis is evidence that Europe or the EU took and still take interest in the Middle East and that its influence on that region from 90's of 20th century is getting bigger because of emergent common policy of EU in face of that region. EU increasing influence on the Middle East will be looked about EU foreign policy on the Middle East aimed at its economic and politic or security aims. This thesis is stressed at power-political and human-cultural structure among regions like the basis for understanding of complete influence the EU on that region. In next step the research characterizes foreign policy of the EU on the Middle East from the view of rise and development, actors, instruments and economic and politic or security aims. From the view of economic aims the thesis point out the energetic links focusing on oil and natural gas. From the view of politic or security aims the thesis approves that EU has increased its presence on the Middle East particularly by civil missions in Palestine and Iraq. The rise of Union for the Mediterranean in 2008 with the aim to institutionalize the running cooperation between the EU and...