Evo Morales became Latin Americas first indigenous president in 2005. Morales praised the indigenous peoples, the indigenous movements and aimed at ending their political marginalization in Bolivia. However, this politicization and framing of indigenous identity and rights was later turned into his disadvantage. In 2011, Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Eastern Bolivia (CIDOB) decided to mobilize against the government's decision to build a highway through Isiboro Secure National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS), where three of the indigenous groups represented by CIDOB lives. The decision was taken without consolidation with the population living in the area. In this study Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow's theoretical framework concerning framing processes and social movements are used to analyze CIDOBs collective action framing of their indigenous identity and rights in their mobilization in the TIPNIS conflict. In the result, it became evident that CIDOB used their indigenous identity and rights in different framing strategies including master frames, frame alignment processes, diagnostic, and prognostic framing.

CUNHA FILHO, Clayton Mendonça. Evo Morales e os horizontes da hegemonia nacional-popular e indigenismo na Bolívia em perspectiva comparada. 2009. 86f. Dissertação (Mestrado) - Instituto Universitário de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro, Curso de Ciências Humanas, Rio de Janeiro, 2009. / Submitted by Hanna Sandy (nannybells@gmail.com) on 2016-12-20T13:27:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_dis_cmcunhafilho.pdf: 558537 bytes, checksum: 2fc39f0230d065ab5edce77a3559c148 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-12-22T11:08:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_dis_cmcunhafilho.pdf: 558537 bytes, checksum: 2fc39f0230d065ab5edce77a3559c148 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-22T11:08:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_dis_cmcunhafilho.pdf: 558537 bytes, checksum: 2fc39f0230d065ab5edce77a3559c148 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / The present dissertation seeks to understand the way through which the indianist and national-popular elements articulate themselves in the current historical block led by the government of Evo Morales and to compare it under this point of view with five previous Bolivian critical conjunctures. The underlying hypothesis of this work is that the turmoil of the years 2000-2005 marked a collapse in the hegemony of the previous historical block and the ascension of a counter-hegemonic movement that was able to rearticulate itself through the redemption of the memory from the national-popular and indigenist horizons present throughout Bolivian history and especially in the 20th Century. The comparison with the previous critical conjunctures seeks precisely to comprehend the deeper roots that allowed the agglutination of the present historical block and its claim of legitimacy. Due to the consensually recognized historical importance in the Bolivian and bolivianist literature and to the influences in the present political conjuncture, the hegemony crisis of the transition to democracy period, the military regime of Ovando and Torres, the 1952 Revolution, the government of Gualberto Villarroel and the Chaco War and Military Socialism of the 1930s were chosen for comparison. And at last, I conclude by resuming the ideas underlying the comparison between the current historical block and its preceding constitutive moments and how these influence and in some ways determine the nature of the present political process and its hegemonic horizons. / A presente dissertação busca compreender o modo como se articulam no atual bloco histórico boliviano liderado pelo governo de Evo Morales os elementos de nacionalpopular e indigenismo e compará-lo sob esse ponto de vista com cinco conjunturas críticas bolivianas anteriores. A hipótese subjacente ao trabalho é que o turbulento quinquênio de 2000-2005 marca um colapso da hegemonia do bloco histórico anterior e a ascensão de um movimento contra-hegemônico que logrou se rearticular baseado no resgate da memória dos horizontes de nacional-popular e indigenismo presentes ao longo da história do país e em especial no século XX. A comparação com as conjunturas críticas anteriores busca justamente compreender as raízes mais profundas que permitiram a aglutinação do atual bloco histórico e sua reivindicação de legitimidade. Pela importância histórica consensualmente reconhecida na bibliografia boliviana e bolivianista e pelas influências na atual conjuntura política, foram escolhidos para comparação a crise hegemônica durante a redemocratização, o regime militar de Ovando e Torres, a Revolução de 1952, o governo de Gualberto Villarroel e a Guerra do Chaco e o Socialismo Militar dos anos 1930. E por último, concluo retomando algumas das ideias subjacentes na comparação do atual bloco histórico com seus momentos constitutivos precedentes e como estes influenciam e em alguma medida determinam a natureza do processo político atual em seus horizontes hegemônicos.

Policy regime shift through popular societal resistance in developing countries, advocating a state-regulated economic model, has been a frequent occurrence in the 21st century, during a period where neoliberalism has dominated the world market. Scholars have brought up the framework of double movement to explain these social, economic, and political changes from free-market regimes to state-controlled regimes, claiming that it is a societal reaction to the commodification of land, labor, and money. This research poses the question of how political change can be interpreted through the lens of the concept of double movement even though a government can show positive social and economic development records, where a left-wing state-regulated market has ruled the economy. Bolivia underwent political turmoil in 2019, where the former president Evo Morales, who had brought high socioeconomic development through a state-regulated economy, was ousted by a nationwide protest. An interim conservative government took office, imposing a harsh neoliberal agenda with authoritarian features, handing over the presidency to Morales’ former party only a year later, as the party won the election. Looking at the case of Bolivia through the lens of the double movement, this research found that commodification of land, labor, and money can explain popular societal resistance in Bolivia during Morales's presidency. However, the case also proved that commodification was not the only, and potentially not even the main, reason for the overthrow of Morales. Political motives and actions, clientelism, social cleavages, respect for democratic principles, and more theoretical perspectives need to be considered to comprehend regime change by popular resistance further.

No ano de 2011, a Bolívia enfrentou um de seus conflitos sociais mais graves desde que Evo Morales assumiu a presidência do país em 2006. Os indígenas residentes no Parque Nacional e Território Indígena Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organizaram uma marcha para protestar contra a construção do trecho de uma rodovia que atravessaria seu território. Tal mobilização se transformou em um conflito de amplitude nacional e internacional, pois evidenciou contradições na política interna de Evo Morales que se refletiram na política externa boliviana. As contradições entre a retórica ecologista e indigenista do presidente e sua política nacional neoextrativista ficam evidentes. Assim, o estudo de caso do conflito no TIPNIS ilustra o embate entre duas concepções opostas de organização socioeconômica do país: uma baseada na manutenção do capitalismo extrativista-exportador e outra que propõe a ruptura com essa prática secular e a valorização da convivência harmoniosa entre o ser humano e a natureza, denominada buen vivir. / In 2011, Bolivia faced one of its most serious social conflicts since Evo Morales became president of the country in 2006. The indigenous people resident in the National Park and Indigenous Territory Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organized a march to protest against the construction of the stretch of a highway that would cross their territory. Such mobilization became a conflict of national and international scale, revealing contradictions in the internal politics of Evo Morales and reflecting in the Bolivian foreign policy. The contradictions among indigenous and environmentalist president’s rhetoric and his neoextractive national political became evident. Thus, the case study of the conflict in TIPNIS illustrates the clash between two opposite conceptions of socioeconomic organization of the country: one based on the maintenance of extractive capitalism and other proposing to break with this secular practice and to valorize harmonious coexistence between human being and nature, called buen vivir. / En 2011, Bolivia se enfrentó a uno de sus conflictos sociales más graves desde que Evo Morales asumió la presidencia del país en 2006. Los habitantes indígenas en el Parque Nacional y Territorio Indígena Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organizaran una marcha para protestar contra la construcción del tramo de una carretera que atravesaría su territorio. Esta movilización se convirtió en un conflicto de escala nacional e internacional, revelando contradicciones en la política interna de Evo Morales y en la política exterior boliviana. Las contradicciones entre la retórica indígena y ambientalista del presidente y su política nacional neoextrativista se quedaron evidentes. Por lo tanto, el estudio de caso del conflicto en el TIPNIS ilustra el enfrentamiento entre dos concepciones opuestas de organización socioeconómica del país: uno basado en el mantenimiento del capitalismo extractivista-exportador y otro que propone romper con la referida práctica secular y valorar de la convivencia entre el ser humano y la naturaleza, llamado buen vivir.

No ano de 2011, a Bolívia enfrentou um de seus conflitos sociais mais graves desde que Evo Morales assumiu a presidência do país em 2006. Os indígenas residentes no Parque Nacional e Território Indígena Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organizaram uma marcha para protestar contra a construção do trecho de uma rodovia que atravessaria seu território. Tal mobilização se transformou em um conflito de amplitude nacional e internacional, pois evidenciou contradições na política interna de Evo Morales que se refletiram na política externa boliviana. As contradições entre a retórica ecologista e indigenista do presidente e sua política nacional neoextrativista ficam evidentes. Assim, o estudo de caso do conflito no TIPNIS ilustra o embate entre duas concepções opostas de organização socioeconômica do país: uma baseada na manutenção do capitalismo extrativista-exportador e outra que propõe a ruptura com essa prática secular e a valorização da convivência harmoniosa entre o ser humano e a natureza, denominada buen vivir. / In 2011, Bolivia faced one of its most serious social conflicts since Evo Morales became president of the country in 2006. The indigenous people resident in the National Park and Indigenous Territory Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organized a march to protest against the construction of the stretch of a highway that would cross their territory. Such mobilization became a conflict of national and international scale, revealing contradictions in the internal politics of Evo Morales and reflecting in the Bolivian foreign policy. The contradictions among indigenous and environmentalist president’s rhetoric and his neoextractive national political became evident. Thus, the case study of the conflict in TIPNIS illustrates the clash between two opposite conceptions of socioeconomic organization of the country: one based on the maintenance of extractive capitalism and other proposing to break with this secular practice and to valorize harmonious coexistence between human being and nature, called buen vivir. / En 2011, Bolivia se enfrentó a uno de sus conflictos sociales más graves desde que Evo Morales asumió la presidencia del país en 2006. Los habitantes indígenas en el Parque Nacional y Territorio Indígena Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organizaran una marcha para protestar contra la construcción del tramo de una carretera que atravesaría su territorio. Esta movilización se convirtió en un conflicto de escala nacional e internacional, revelando contradicciones en la política interna de Evo Morales y en la política exterior boliviana. Las contradicciones entre la retórica indígena y ambientalista del presidente y su política nacional neoextrativista se quedaron evidentes. Por lo tanto, el estudio de caso del conflicto en el TIPNIS ilustra el enfrentamiento entre dos concepciones opuestas de organización socioeconómica del país: uno basado en el mantenimiento del capitalismo extractivista-exportador y otro que propone romper con la referida práctica secular y valorar de la convivencia entre el ser humano y la naturaleza, llamado buen vivir.

No ano de 2011, a Bolívia enfrentou um de seus conflitos sociais mais graves desde que Evo Morales assumiu a presidência do país em 2006. Os indígenas residentes no Parque Nacional e Território Indígena Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organizaram uma marcha para protestar contra a construção do trecho de uma rodovia que atravessaria seu território. Tal mobilização se transformou em um conflito de amplitude nacional e internacional, pois evidenciou contradições na política interna de Evo Morales que se refletiram na política externa boliviana. As contradições entre a retórica ecologista e indigenista do presidente e sua política nacional neoextrativista ficam evidentes. Assim, o estudo de caso do conflito no TIPNIS ilustra o embate entre duas concepções opostas de organização socioeconômica do país: uma baseada na manutenção do capitalismo extrativista-exportador e outra que propõe a ruptura com essa prática secular e a valorização da convivência harmoniosa entre o ser humano e a natureza, denominada buen vivir. / In 2011, Bolivia faced one of its most serious social conflicts since Evo Morales became president of the country in 2006. The indigenous people resident in the National Park and Indigenous Territory Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organized a march to protest against the construction of the stretch of a highway that would cross their territory. Such mobilization became a conflict of national and international scale, revealing contradictions in the internal politics of Evo Morales and reflecting in the Bolivian foreign policy. The contradictions among indigenous and environmentalist president’s rhetoric and his neoextractive national political became evident. Thus, the case study of the conflict in TIPNIS illustrates the clash between two opposite conceptions of socioeconomic organization of the country: one based on the maintenance of extractive capitalism and other proposing to break with this secular practice and to valorize harmonious coexistence between human being and nature, called buen vivir. / En 2011, Bolivia se enfrentó a uno de sus conflictos sociales más graves desde que Evo Morales asumió la presidencia del país en 2006. Los habitantes indígenas en el Parque Nacional y Territorio Indígena Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organizaran una marcha para protestar contra la construcción del tramo de una carretera que atravesaría su territorio. Esta movilización se convirtió en un conflicto de escala nacional e internacional, revelando contradicciones en la política interna de Evo Morales y en la política exterior boliviana. Las contradicciones entre la retórica indígena y ambientalista del presidente y su política nacional neoextrativista se quedaron evidentes. Por lo tanto, el estudio de caso del conflicto en el TIPNIS ilustra el enfrentamiento entre dos concepciones opuestas de organización socioeconómica del país: uno basado en el mantenimiento del capitalismo extractivista-exportador y otro que propone romper con la referida práctica secular y valorar de la convivencia entre el ser humano y la naturaleza, llamado buen vivir.

Esta tesis de máster trata del discurso de la política comercial del presidente de Bolivia Evo Morales, con respecto a la negociaciones del pilar comercial del Acuerdo de Asociación entre la Comunidad Andina y la Unión Europea. Mediante un análisis del discurso de Morales, se responde a las preguntas de cómo puede caracterizarse el discurso de Morales, en qué se fundamenta y qué fines estratégicos tiene. El hilo conductor del trabajo es que Bolivia tiene un presidente que representaría la imagen social de los pueblos originarios y cuando Europa propone un nuevo proyecto como el Acuerdo de Asociación, este proyecto sería percibido como neocolonialista, donde es Europa quien decide en los asuntos internos de su socio latinoamericano. Se analizan 23 declaraciones de Morales, concluyendo que las alusiones a la Colonización es la característica más central de su discurso y que este tema ha afectado la posición de Bolivia en las negociaciones.

The diploma thesis deals with the political strategy of the former Bolivian President Evo Morales (2006-2019). After successfully running in the 2005 presidential election, he became the first Bolivian president of Indian descent. Many authors believe that during the three election periods that Morales served in the country, there was a reversal in his political strategy, after he deviated from his original agenda of indigenous nature and began to pursue a tough extractivist policy focused on the development model of the state. The paper explores key concepts such as Indigenism, Indianism, and Katarismo and their development and influence in Bolivia. The work also tries to define the term developmentalism (development theory), which is of fundamental importance in the study of this issue. Closer attention is also paid to the personality of Evo Morales and his political activity. Based on both primary and secondary sources, we tried to define and explain the political turnaround that was to take place. The work deals with four key areas of Morales policy, the role of gas extraction, the president's relationship with exports, building infrastructure, and the autonomy of Native American movements. Based on the analysis of these areas, we examine whether there has been a political turnaround, which...

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In 2005 the largely indigenous country of Bolivia elected its first indigenous president, Evo Morales of the Movement toward Socialism (MAS) Party. Morales ran on a promise of re-distributing wealth, to aid in the development of one of Latin America's poorest countries. Morales' first term in office marked a historical achievement for the indigenous movement in Bolivia, and sparked social change in the country. The government also experienced a momentous achievement through the re-writing of the Bolivian constitution, acknowledging the country's multi-ethnic and pluri-national character. Although his social, domestic and foreign policies have been controversial, particularly in the United States, Morales was re-elected to serve a second term in 2009. This research analyzes the outcomes of Morales' policy changes during his first term in office, from 2006-2009 to examine how the election of the MAS has impacted the marginalized status of indigenous people in Bolivia.