A tese propõe-se explicar as peculiaridades do conceito de ideologia na obra de Adorno, entendo-o como conceito central na filosofia adorniana. Para tanto, procura-se em primeiro lugar apresentar uma reinterpretação da articulação entre mito e Aufklärung tal como exposta no livro Dialektik der Aufklärung, a fim de se caracterizar o quadro histórico geral em que se coloca o problema para Adorno. A partir disto, são então analisados os fenômenos principais da reversão da Aufklärung em mito: o antisemitismo e a indústria cultural. Quanto ao primeiro, discutem-se os textos de Adorno produzidos no âmbito do Projeto de Pesquisa sobre o Anti-Semitismo e os Elementos do Anti-Semitismo buscando-se obter as bases psicológicas e sócio-econômicas do fenômeno e, através disto, o diagnóstico adorniano da contemporaneidade. Os resultados deste trabalho são então utilizados na análise da indústria cultural como forma por excelência da ideologia no capitalismo tardio. / The thesis proposal is to explain the peculiarities of the concept of ideology in Adorno s works, understanding it as a central concept in the Adornian philosophy. To do so, first it is presented a reinterpretation of the articulation between myth and Aufklärung as it is explained in the book Dialektik der Aufklärung, in order to define the general historical frame in which the issue presents itself to Adorno. After this, anti-semitism and culture industry, the main expressions of the reversion of Aufklärung to mythology, are then analyzed. Regarding the former, the texts written by Adorno within the Research Project on Anti-Semitism and the Elements of Anti-Semitism are discussed, in order to search for the psychological and socio-economic basis of both Fascism and anti-semitism and, through this, present the Adornian diagnosis of the contemporaneity. The results of this work are then used in the analysis of the culture industry as the main form of ideology in the late capitalism.

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Submitted by Leonardo Lima (leonardoperlim@gmail.com) on 2017-04-03T14:35:19Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) CAETANO, Rosendo da Rosa.pdf: 2541675 bytes, checksum: 41d69bfde2c508d52af903071df9c8f4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-05-09T14:50:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 CAETANO, Rosendo da Rosa.pdf: 2541675 bytes, checksum: 41d69bfde2c508d52af903071df9c8f4 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-05-09T14:53:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 CAETANO, Rosendo da Rosa.pdf: 2541675 bytes, checksum: 41d69bfde2c508d52af903071df9c8f4 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-09T14:53:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 CAETANO, Rosendo da Rosa.pdf: 2541675 bytes, checksum: 41d69bfde2c508d52af903071df9c8f4 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-30 / Sem bolsa / A presente dissertação se propõe analisar como o Diário Popular, de Pelotas, entre 1923 e 1939, comportou-se em relação às ideologias fascistas, especialmente em relação ao nazismo alemão. Apoiada em pesquisa documental e na historiografia sobre o tema, buscou-se traçar a trajetória do periódico durante o recorte cronológico estabelecido em relação a seus posicionamentos ideológicos. O Diário Popular foi fundado no último quartel do século XIX, ligado ao Partido Republicano Rio-Grandense (PRR), e constituiu-se representante das classes conservadoras da cidade, sendo órgão oficial da municipalidade até os anos 1930. Após a Revolução de 1930, passou por um longo período de reformulação, desvinculando-se do PRR e opondo-se ao governo varguista. Por fim, após a implantação do Estado Novo, buscou conciliar-se com o regime e aliou-se a concepção estado-novista. O jornal tomou contato com o ideário fascista nos anos 1920, noticiando-o através de sua seção internacional. Posteriormente, a medida que o noticiário deu ênfase a vitória eleitoral de Adolf Hitler e a Coordenação da Alemanha, o nazismo tornou-se tema de capa. Inicialmente o jornal manteve relações cordiais com os representantes fascistas na cidade, especialmente com o Partido Nacional Fascista italiano e, posteriormente, também com a Seção do Partido Nazista. Contudo, após a implantação do Estado Novo, firmou o distanciamento iniciado já em meados de 1936. / The present dissertation aims to analyze how the newspaper Diário Popular, from Pelotas, between 1923 and 1939, behaved in relation to fascist ideologies, especially towards German Nazism. Supported by documentary research and historiography about the subject, it attempted to trace the trajectory of the journal over the chronological clipping established in relation to its ideological positions. The Diário Popular was founded in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, connected to the Partido Republicano Rio-Grandense (PRR), and it became representative of the conservative classes of the city, being the official organism of the municipality until the 1930s. After the Revolution of 1930, it went through a long period of reformulation, becoming detached from the PRR and opposing to Vargas government. At last, after the implementation of the Estado Novo, it sought to conciliate with the regime and allied with the Estado Novo conception. The newspaper made contact with the fascist ideology in the 1920s, reporting it through its international section. Later, as the news emphasized the electoral victory of Adolf Hitler and the Germany Coordination, the Nazism became cover topic. At first, the newspaper maintained cordial relations to the fascist representatives in the city, especially with the Italian National Fascist Party and, later, also with the Section of the Nazi Party. However, after the implementation of the Estado Novo, it established the detachment already started in mid-1936.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:31:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-05-23Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:01:36Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 barbosa_jr_dr_mar.pdf: 4986606 bytes, checksum: 321d7ce25d646a8ed396654b794e133a (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Os meios jornalísticos e produções acadêmicas nas últimas décadas têm destacado em âmbito internacional manifestações de movimentos e partidos políticos defensores de ideologias chauvinistas. Os integralistas contemporâneos são aqui interpretados como expressões nacionais deste fenômeno e, organizados, estão atuando em núcleos espalhados em mais de duas dezenas de cidades em diversos estados do país. Novas e antigas gerações de militantes buscam na contemporaneidade mobilizar adeptos e simpatizantes através das novas formas de comunicação e propaganda política, que utilizadas como ferramentas diretivas e organizativas, além dos tradicionais jornais e informativos impressos, potencializam a interação entre os ativistas. As hipóteses defendidas nesta investigação partem do pressuposto que mesmo buscando atualizar seus temas os militantes contemporâneos seguem os princípios integralistas formulados na década de 1930, presentes na releitura dos atuais herdeiros do sigma. E, que o êxito na reorganização dos militantes é propiciado na atualidade pela instrumentalização das tecnologias da informação e comunicação para a divulgação de suas idéias e mobilização de seus membros. As permanências e mudanças na ideologia, as aproximações destas organizações com outros movimentos nacionalistas, assim como, a identificação de seus principais líderes e a localização de seus núcleos foram também os objetivos da investigação. Para o estudo em questão foram utilizados conteúdos de sites e blogs e textos impressos de jornais, informativos e boletins dos grupos mais expressivos entre a atual militância que na difusão de concepções anacrônicas e segregadoras se apresentam como manifestação de uma proposta de ordenamento social legitimada em sua particularidade por uma... / Astract: The News media and academic productions in the last decades have highlighted international demonstrations of movements and political parties who defend chauvinist ideologies. Contemporary integralists are interpreted as national expressions of this phenomenon. Also, they organised and act as nucleus spread over twenty cities in many states around the country. Besides the traditional news and press, old and new generations of militants are trying to gather new members through new media and political ads, which work as guidelines, improves interaction among activists. The hypothesis raised in this essay assume that even willing to update their themes, the contemporary militants still follow the integralist principles created in the 1930s and is part of the current sigma heirs interpretation. The success in reorganizing militants is possible due to technology tools of information and communication to spread ones ideas and the mobilization of their members. The remains and changings in ideologies, the approaches of these organizations to other nationalist movements in addition to the identification of their main leaders and the location of their nuclei were also targets of this investigation. In order to develop this study, blogs and sites, newspapers articles, leaflets and group bulletins, which are the most expressive, were used as part of the corpus. Their publications talk about corporatism, the criticism to social movements, the criticism to abortion support and apology to homophobia. Due to that, the the interpretation of the integralist ideology as an autocratic regressive chauvinist manifestation, as mentioned, is a syllogism: autocracy is the generalisation of the political phenomenon in its universalism; the chauvinism, the... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Cette recherche diffère des monographies habituelles en présentant un regard neuf sur les dirigeants nazis, celui d’André François-Poncet ambassadeur de France à Berlin de 1931 à 1938. Elle se prolonge par sa réflexion distanciée lorsqu’il devient ambassadeur de France à Rome de 1938 à 1940 puis captif en Allemagne de 1943 à 1945. Comprendre l’atmosphère de la période est sans doute une des clés de l’histoire allemande de 1933 à 1945. François-Poncet fut de ceux qui la perçurent le mieux et le plus précocement ainsi que la menace nazie. Le plan de l’étude comporte trois parties. D’abord le jugement qu’André François-Poncet portait sur les Allemands face au nazisme, dans un deuxième temps celui qu’il portait sur les cercles du pouvoir et enfin celui qu’il portait sur Hitler. Cette étude a un caractère pluridisciplinaire entre la recherche historique et l’analyse psychologique du phénomène qui a suscité une des historiographies les plus importantes et les plus évolutives qui soient : le nazisme. Elle repose sur l’étude qualitative de la production intellectuelle du diplomate au travers de ses dépêches, de ses écrits ainsi que du fonds André François-Poncet conservé aux Archives nationales. / Different from usual monographs this research deep dives into Nazi leaders’mind from André François-Poncet’ angle, the in Berlin French ambassador from 1931 to 1938. A few years later in Rome again as French ambassador from 1938 to 1940 then in Germany as prisoner from 1943 to 1945 the distance helped him prolong his reflection about Nazism. Atmosphere of the period is probably one of the keys of German 1933-1945 history understanding. François-Poncet was one of those who perceived it as well as the nazi menace the better and the more precociously. This is a three part plan. First François-Poncet’s assessment about Germans, then about the circles of power and ultimately about Hitler himself. This is a multidisciplinary approach involving both historical and psychological analysis about Nazism phenomenon, one of the greatest and evolutive historiography ever. Based on qualitative study of the diplomat’s intellectual output it is carried out from his reports, his written papers and Archives nationales André François-Poncet private fund

Under the Nazi regime in Germany (1933-1945) a calculated killing of chronic “mentally ill” patients took place that was part of a large biopolitical program using well-established, contemporary scientific standards on the understanding of eugenics. Nearly 300,000 patients were assassinated during this period. Nurses executed this program through their everyday practice. However, suspicions have been raised that psychiatric patients were already assassinated before and after the Nazi regime, suggesting that the motives for these killings must be investigated within psychiatric practice itself. My research aims to highlight the mechanisms and scientific discourses in place that allowed nurses to perceive patients as unworthy of life, and thus able to be killed. Using Foucauldian concepts of “biopower” and “State racism,” this discourse analysis is carried out on several levels. First, it analyzes nursing notes in one specific patient record and interprets them in relation to the kinds of scientific discourses that are identified, for example, in nursing journals between 1900 and 1945. Second, it argues that records are not static but rather produce certain effects; they are “performative” because they are active agents. Psychiatry, with its need to make patients completely visible and its desire to maintain its dominance in the psychiatric field, requires the utilization of writing in order to register everything that happens to individuals, everything they do and everything they talk about. Furthermore, writing enables nurses to pass along information from the “bottom-up,” and written documents allow all information to be accessible at any time. It is a method of centralizing information and of coordinating different levels within disciplinary systems. By following this approach it is possible to demonstrate that the production of meaning within nurses’ notes is not based on the intentionality of the writer but rather depends on discursive patterns constructed by contemporary scientific discourses. Using a form of “institutional ethnography,” the study analyzes documents as “inscriptions” that actively interven in interactions in institutions and that create a specific reality on their own accord. The question is not whether the reality represented within the documents is true, but rather how documents worked in institutions and what their effects were. Third, the study demonstrates how nurses were actively involved in the construction of patients’ identities and how these “documentary identities” led to the death of thousands of humans whose lives were considered to be “unworthy lives.” Documents are able to constitute the identities of psychiatric patients and, conversely, are able to deconstruct them. The result of de-subjectification was that “zones for the unliving” existed in psychiatric hospitals long before the Nazi regime and within these zones, patients were exposed to an increased risk of death. An analysis of the nursing notes highlights that nurses played a decisive role in constructing these “zones” and had an important strategic function in them. Psychiatric hospitals became spaces where patients were reduced to a “bare life;” these spaces were comparable with the concentration camps of the Holocaust. This analysis enables the integration of nursing practices under National Socialism into the history of modernity. Nursing under Nazism was not simply a relapse into barbarism; Nazi exclusionary practices were extreme variants of scientific, social, and political exclusionary practices that were already in place. Different types of power are identifiable in the Nazi regime, even those that Foucault called “technologies of the self” were demonstrated, for example, by the denunciation of “disabled persons” by nurses. Nurses themselves were able to employ techniques of power in the Nazi regime.

Under the Nazi regime in Germany (1933-1945) a calculated killing of chronic “mentally ill” patients took place that was part of a large biopolitical program using well-established, contemporary scientific standards on the understanding of eugenics. Nearly 300,000 patients were assassinated during this period. Nurses executed this program through their everyday practice. However, suspicions have been raised that psychiatric patients were already assassinated before and after the Nazi regime, suggesting that the motives for these killings must be investigated within psychiatric practice itself. My research aims to highlight the mechanisms and scientific discourses in place that allowed nurses to perceive patients as unworthy of life, and thus able to be killed. Using Foucauldian concepts of “biopower” and “State racism,” this discourse analysis is carried out on several levels. First, it analyzes nursing notes in one specific patient record and interprets them in relation to the kinds of scientific discourses that are identified, for example, in nursing journals between 1900 and 1945. Second, it argues that records are not static but rather produce certain effects; they are “performative” because they are active agents. Psychiatry, with its need to make patients completely visible and its desire to maintain its dominance in the psychiatric field, requires the utilization of writing in order to register everything that happens to individuals, everything they do and everything they talk about. Furthermore, writing enables nurses to pass along information from the “bottom-up,” and written documents allow all information to be accessible at any time. It is a method of centralizing information and of coordinating different levels within disciplinary systems. By following this approach it is possible to demonstrate that the production of meaning within nurses’ notes is not based on the intentionality of the writer but rather depends on discursive patterns constructed by contemporary scientific discourses. Using a form of “institutional ethnography,” the study analyzes documents as “inscriptions” that actively interven in interactions in institutions and that create a specific reality on their own accord. The question is not whether the reality represented within the documents is true, but rather how documents worked in institutions and what their effects were. Third, the study demonstrates how nurses were actively involved in the construction of patients’ identities and how these “documentary identities” led to the death of thousands of humans whose lives were considered to be “unworthy lives.” Documents are able to constitute the identities of psychiatric patients and, conversely, are able to deconstruct them. The result of de-subjectification was that “zones for the unliving” existed in psychiatric hospitals long before the Nazi regime and within these zones, patients were exposed to an increased risk of death. An analysis of the nursing notes highlights that nurses played a decisive role in constructing these “zones” and had an important strategic function in them. Psychiatric hospitals became spaces where patients were reduced to a “bare life;” these spaces were comparable with the concentration camps of the Holocaust. This analysis enables the integration of nursing practices under National Socialism into the history of modernity. Nursing under Nazism was not simply a relapse into barbarism; Nazi exclusionary practices were extreme variants of scientific, social, and political exclusionary practices that were already in place. Different types of power are identifiable in the Nazi regime, even those that Foucault called “technologies of the self” were demonstrated, for example, by the denunciation of “disabled persons” by nurses. Nurses themselves were able to employ techniques of power in the Nazi regime.

The prime objective of this thesis is to grasp the terms of continuity and discontinuity between classical fascism and the contemporary extreme right in Western Europe. With respect to a hypothetical ideal type of fascism, the study will exclusively focus on French Front National case and try to unveil its historical and ideological linkages to the fascist rules in Italy and Germany during the inter-war years. While doing this, the transformation (if any) which certain elements of the extreme right rhetoric went through, will also be examined.

This thesis aims to analyze the ideology of the &ldquo / European New Right&rdquo / (Nouveille Droite) and its attempt to establish its cultural hegemony on European integration. The revival of the radical right-wing parties after 1980s and the rise of xenophobia have emerged as a fundamental threat to European democracy. The study of such developments and the measures taken to combat right-wing extremism, however, should not be limited to political parties and activists. The intellectual framework of the contemporary radical right as a successor of historical fascism and its Europeanization necessitates a broader and deeper analysis of the ideology of the radical right. The case of &ldquo / European New Right&rdquo / as one of the most influential right-wing intellectual networks provides the appropriate ground to discuss on such framework and to elaborate its impact on European integration.

The subject of this dissertation is the life and career of \(Nakano Seig\bar{o}\), a Japanese journalist and politician born in Fukuoka-city on the southwestern island of \(Ky\bar{u}sh\bar{u}\) in 1886. Initially a liberal and a democrat, Nakano became enamored with European-style fascist movements in the 1930s and tried to start a similar political mass movement in Japan. Advocating a hard-line \(vis-\grave{a}-vis\) America and England, Nakano supported Japan’s entry into WW2. As early as mid-1942, however, he understood that Japan could not win the war and demanded that the government sue for peace – a position that put him into direct opposition with Japan’s military. After being imprisoned briefly for his attempt to bring down the \(T\bar{o}j\bar{o}\) cabinet in the summer of 1943, Nakano committed ritual suicide in October of the same year. The dissertation focuses on Nakano’s enchantment with European fascist movements – Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in particular - and his attempts to launch a similar movement in Japan. Nakano’s attraction to fascism was, in part, a reaction to the international economic and political trends following the Great Depression but also reflected his life-long admiration for charismatic political leaders. His fascist leanings were also the result of a complex political calculation that aimed to exploit the appearance of the masses on Japan’s political stage. The thesis argues that Nakano’s attempt to launch a popular mass movement modeled on the European fascist movements failed both because Nakano’s parties (first the \(Kokumin D\bar{o}mei\), 1931-6 and then the \(T\bar{o}h\bar{o}kai\), 1937 – 1943) lacked ideological cohesion as well as truly totalitarian scope and because Nakano refused to resort to political violence as a means to achieve his political ends. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations