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Force generation and the ability of the heart muscle to contract and correspondingly to beat depends upon multiple interactions between myosin and actin-tropomyosin-troponin, the key proteins of the contractile apparatus. The myosin molecule consists of two heavy chains and two types of light chains, two essential (ELC) and two regulatory (RLC) light chains. We hypothesize that mutations in myosin ELC may affect the ability of myosin to bind to actin, thus producing structurally and/or functionally abnormal sarcomeres effecting heart muscle contraction and relaxation. We believe that this pathological process underlies the basis of Familial Hypertrophic Cardiomyopathy (FHC), a genetic disorder caused by mutations in the genes encoding the major myofilament proteins, including the myosin ELC. I have investigated the effects of two FHC ELC mutations, A57G and E143K, on the actin-myosin interaction and generation of contractile force. Here, I show evidence that mutations in the ELC may cause disruptions in sarcomeric structure which then may cause abnormal muscle contraction and lead to compensatory hypertrophy.

LESSA, Francisco Américo Sales. Determinantes dos lucros das empresas brasileiras de capital aberto nos governos FHC x LULA, Os. 2008. 46f. Dissertação (mestrado profissional) - Programa de Pós Graduação em Economia, CAEN, Universidade federal do Ceará, Fortaleza, CE, 2008. / Submitted by Mônica Correia Aquino (monicacorreiaaquino@gmail.com) on 2013-08-19T19:18:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_dissert_faslessa.pdf: 174662 bytes, checksum: 07eb24a60187d14d2454161087782750 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Mônica Correia Aquino(monicacorreiaaquino@gmail.com) on 2013-08-19T19:18:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_dissert_faslessa.pdf: 174662 bytes, checksum: 07eb24a60187d14d2454161087782750 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-08-19T19:18:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_dissert_faslessa.pdf: 174662 bytes, checksum: 07eb24a60187d14d2454161087782750 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Global growth is striking, since more than a decade global growth gives signs of trength in all sectors. As such Brazil came to give another way oneself since the creation of “real plan” and were so effective that growth from outset Lula government. he companies never earn much, as in recent years, thus demonstrating the esearches published by IPEA and ECONOMÁTICA. This growth increased imports ll over the world a constant growth, ant it was influenced by economic barriers ithdrawal and formation of universal ideal community. Confidence relied upon Brazil by international investors, leveraging the value of several open capital companies. ust in the first mandate Lula government, corporate profits to 19 sectors of economy represented an increase for 246%, where those profits sorted out from $ 67.2 in FHC overnment to $ 232.9 billion in the first four years Lula government, which it was noticed by Economática. Several factors determined this balance in profits, whether olitical or monetary tax. The growth of credit lines for example, encouraging production and great discoveries in field renewable non-renewable fuels, that ncreased the level of confidence in Brazil with international agencies risk management. / O crescimento mundial é notório, há mais de uma década o crescimento mundial vem dando sinais de uma pujança em todos os setores. Com isso o Brasil veio a si amoldar desde a criação do plano real, mostrando-se de forma efetivada esse crescimento a partir do início do governo Lula. As empresas nunca lucraram tanto, quanto nos últimos anos, assim demonstram as pesquisas publicadas pelo IPEA e ECONOMÁTICA. Esse crescimento elevou as importações mundiais o um constante crescimento, influenciado pela quebra das barreiras econômica e a formação da aldeia global. A confiança depositada no Brasil pelos investidores internacionais, alavancando o valor de diversas empresas de capital aberto. Somente no primeiro mandato do Governo Lula, o lucro das empresas de 19 setores da economia representou um incremento de 246%, onde esses lucros saltaram de R$ 67,2 do governo de FHC para R$ 232,9 bilhões nos primeiros quatro anos do governo Lula, observou a consultoria Economática. Várias foram os fatores que determinaram esse saldo nos lucros, sejam de ordem política fiscal ou monetária. O crescimento das linhas de crédito, o fomento na produção e as grandes descobertas no campo dos combustíveis renováveis e não renováveis, elevaram o grau de confiança do Brasil junto às agências internacionais de gestão de risco.

Abstract In Taiwan¡¦s production structure, after joining the WTO in 2002, it has to face the global competition. Both the government and the professionals realized the urgency in facing the change of the financial structure. Deployments were made to enhance the competitiveness of banks such as passing a law of amalgamation of banks (2000), six regulations were launched out related to financial matter¡]2001¡^, permission is given to establish financial holding companies and so on. Whether the establishment of financial holding mechanism can respond efficiently to the overall challenges? Can it exercise the effect of synergy and achieve the so called 3 C effects e.g. Cross selling¡B Cost saving and Capital deployment ? It is a question worth our wide to investigate. In the 3 C effects, crossing selling relates to the short term, middle- term and long term business of financial holding. It directly affects the customers¡¦ willingness of saving and contribution. This is a key factor for financial holding to consider. This thesis mainly aims to investigate the cross selling strategy, it policy making process and effectiveness. In analyzing companies Cathay Holdings¡B Taishin Holdings and Mega Holdings have been chosen as our case studies. It is because they have good records in profit making. Also they represent 3 different types of financial holdings when the main companies and their subsidiaries have their own characteristics. Based on three selected companies,we selected the senior managers which are in charge of the decision making for cross selling,to have the broad interview.By collected the primary data,then go to do the comparison & analysis with the second data. In our studies we try to employ ¡§customers which financial holding can be mobilize¡¨ and ¡§human resource in the service¡¦ as the two variables to analyze the phenomena of the cross selling in the model of ¡§Cross Selling Cross Section analysis¡¨. Also in the context of ¡§distant customers¡¨ and ¡§distant products¡¨ , we find out six crossing selling patterns. By doing this we further investigate the cross selling and offer our suggestions. In our analysis we discover the targeted companies has differences and similarities in cross selling strategies. Their senior managements all agree that cross selling is an important strategy in financial holding, and they actively involve into that enterprise. In term of policy making in cross selling, there is lack of long term policy but emphasize on individual cases. There is absence of structural mechanism and cultural in cross selling, and the customers have not established their confidence in financial holdings. The review in risk management is lacking. The consumers¡¦ habits on cross selling haven¡¦t established yet. The financial holding companies haven¡¦t developed a strategy to integrate the know-how which subsidiary companies execute cross selling. In this research findings there are some suggestions in seven areas offered to the concerned parties for their considerations. Key words: Cross Selling, Financial holding company, FHC Marketing Strategy.

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PINTO, Luana Elis Oliveira. Mosaico de resistências: os conflitos por terra no espaço cearense (1995 – 2010). 2016. 103f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Geografia)-Universidade Federal do Ceará, Fortaleza, 2017. / Submitted by Erandi Araujo (erandiaraujo@gmail.com) on 2017-08-18T13:11:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_dis_leopinto.pdf: 2511003 bytes, checksum: 0eb0db37cc868a95abf03b58eb5e7164 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jairo Viana (jairo@ufc.br) on 2017-08-21T20:55:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_dis_leopinto.pdf: 2511003 bytes, checksum: 0eb0db37cc868a95abf03b58eb5e7164 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-21T20:55:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_dis_leopinto.pdf: 2511003 bytes, checksum: 0eb0db37cc868a95abf03b58eb5e7164 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / The reflections of this research revolve around the land conflicts in Ceará between 1995 and 2010 and have as main objective to understand how this phenomenon is established through advances and retreats of their spatial distribution, promoting changes in the agricultural space from the regulatory action / mediator the state, in different circumstances. For this understanding, the analysis will be carried out from the time frame comprising the governments of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, from 1995 to 2002 and Luis Inacio Lula da Silva, between 2003-2010.The work follows in the light of critical theory, with the theoretical assumption guiding the understanding of capitalist transformation in the Brazilian countryside through the combined and uneven development (OLIVEIRA, 2001).We support the propositions of qualitative and quantitative methodological nature of the type of documentary research, since this approach allowed us to get closer to the object of the research - the land conflicts in Ceará - through literature, review books, theses, dissertations, periodicals, analysis and interpretation of secondary sources such as "Conflitos no Campo Brasil" book, official data and survey of newspaper articles to build a database questioned throughout this work.These governments maintained specific political boundaries, but approached the absence of a land reform policy that would address the serious problem of concentration of land ownership, symptomatically attested by the strength of the land conflicts. / As reflexões da presente pesquisa giram em torno dos conflitos por terra no Ceará no interstício de 1995 a 2010 e têm por objetivo central compreender como este fenômeno, a partir da ação reguladora / mediadora do Estado, em distintas conjunturas, se estabeleceu através de avanços e recuos de sua espacialização, promovendo mudanças no espaço agrário. Para este entendimento, a análise será realizada a partir o recorte temporal que compreende os governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, entre 1995 até 2002 e de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, entre 2003 a 2010. O trabalho segue à luz da teoria crítica, tendo como pressuposto teórico norteador o entendimento das transformações do capitalismo no campo brasileiro através do desenvolvimento desigual e combinado (OLIVEIRA, 2001). Nos apoiamos nas proposições de natureza metodológica qualitativa e quantitativa do tipo de pesquisa documental, uma vez que essa abordagem nos permitiu uma maior aproximação com o objeto da pesquisa – os conflitos por terra no Ceará – por meio do levantamento bibliográfico, revisão em livros, teses, dissertações, periódicos, análise e interpretação de fontes secundárias, como o caderno “Conflitos no Campo Brasil” (CPT), dados oficiais e levantamento de artigos de jornais para a construção de um banco de dados problematizado ao longo deste trabalho. Estes governos resguardaram contornos políticos específicos, mas se aproximaram pela ausência de uma política de reforma agrária que solucionasse o grave problema da concentração da estrutura fundiária, sintomaticamente atestado pela pujança dos conflitos por terra.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T20:06:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 1 / Bolsa para curso e programa de Pós Graduação / A presente dissertação apresenta um estudo sobre a emergência da inclusão escolar no Brasil, tendo, como recorte temporal e político, o Governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995 a 1998 - 1999 a 2002). O estudo teve, como objetivo principal, mostrar como a inclusão escolar foi sendo constituída através de algumas práticas que visam à mobilização social, nas quais podemos ver a governamentalidade operando sob o conceito de normalização. Para realizar tal pesquisa, tomaram-se, como material de análise, dados produzidos no Governo FHC, encontrados nos seguintes documentos: Política Nacional de Educação Especial colocada em vigor em 1994; Plano Nacional de Educação sancionado em 2001; Diretrizes Nacionais para a Educação Especial na Educação Básica, instituídas em 2001, e ambos organizados pelo MEC e pela Secretaria de Educação Especial (SEESP). A dissertação utiliza, como ferramentas analíticas, os conceitos de normalização, integração/inclusão e governamentalidade, pensados a partir das teorizações dos Estudos / This paper presents a study on the emergence of school inclusion in Brazil, focusing on Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration (1995-1998, 1999-2002). The purpose of this paper is to show that school inclusion was set up by means of certain practices - governmental regulations – which aimed at social mobilization. Data produced in the Cardoso administration and found in the following documents: National Policy on Special Education - put into effect in 1994, National Education Plan - enacted in 2001, and National Guidelines for Special Education in Basic Education - from 2001, organized by the Ministry of Education and Culture (MEC) and the Department of Special Education (SEESP), have been used as material for analysis. The concepts of standardization, integration / inclusion and governmentality - designed from the theories of Foucault studies - are used as analytical tools in this work. The study shows that the school inclusion was formed from several previous movements, such as the school integration one.

nÃo hà / O trabalho tem o objetivo de identificar as polÃticas de formaÃÃo de professores nos governos neoliberais no Brasil, com enfoque especial nos Governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso - FHC e Luiz InÃcio Lula da Silva â Lula; e analisÃ-las no contexto da educaÃÃo brasileira contemporÃnea. Estabelece como recorte temporal, no caso dos dois governos, o perÃodo compreendido entre 1995 e 2010, tendo em vista o objeto de estudo. Trata-se de pesquisa de carÃter bibliogrÃfico e documental que utiliza como referencial de anÃlise a dialÃtica materialista histÃrica, pois ela à uma teoria do conhecimento capaz de explicitar a realidade, expor as contradiÃÃes e apontar as possibilidades de superaÃÃo. Os dados indicam que as polÃticas de formaÃÃo de professores na conjuntura analisada apresentam-se fragmentadas, descontextualizadas, sob o jugo do capital. Neste prisma, questionam as prÃticas dos professores, suas maneiras de fazer ser e agir jà estabilizadas, os mÃtodos utilizados, os modelos de avaliaÃÃo, bem como a organizaÃÃo curricular, sob a emergÃncia de novos paradigmas em educaÃÃo. Assim, este estudo aponta para as contradiÃÃes evidenciadas na formaÃÃo de professores, pois entende que este processo nÃo pode ignorar a questÃo da luta de classes e da histÃrica negaÃÃo dos conhecimentos aos trabalhadores que, no caso em anÃlise, sÃo os professores da educaÃÃo bÃsica, o que torna o problema ainda mais agravante, dado que esses, em sua maioria, terÃo como local de trabalho a escola pÃblica, instituiÃÃo que tem como populaÃÃo escolar os filhos da classe trabalhadora. / The study aims to identify the teacher training policies in the neoliberal governments in Brazil, with special focus on the governments of Fernando Henrique Cardoso - Cardoso and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva - Lula; and analyze them in the context of contemporary Brazilian education. It sets a time frame in the case of the two governments, the period between 1995 and 2010, in view of the object of study. This is bibliographic and documentary research study which uses as analytical reference the historical materialist dialectics because it is a theory of knowledge able to explain the reality, expose the contradictions and point out the possibilities of overcoming. The data indicate that the training policy overcoming possibilities. The data indicate that teacher training policies in the analyzed scenario appear to be fragmented, decontextualized, under the yoke of capital. In this perspective, questioning the practices of teachers, their ways to be and act now stabilized, the methods used, the valuation models and curricular organization, under the emergence of new paradigms in education. This study points to the contradictions evident in teacher training, as it believes that this process can not ignore the question of class struggle and the historical denial of knowledge workers who, in this case, are the teachers of basic education, which makes the problem even more aggravating, since these, in most cases, will have as a workplace to public school, an institution that has the school population the children of the working class.

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-01-31T15:59:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Brandao, Rafael-Tese-2013.pdf: 2551804 bytes, checksum: a1b1e37e34f134844d7cfd72f363b39d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-01-31T15:59:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Brandao, Rafael-Tese-2013.pdf: 2551804 bytes, checksum: a1b1e37e34f134844d7cfd72f363b39d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / A desnacionalização e as privatizações do sistema bancário brasileiro no governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995/2002) constituem o principal objeto de estudo desta tese. Nela, são discutidas a crise do Estado de Bem-Estar Social nas décadas de 1960 e 1970 e a emergência de um novo regime de acumulação baseado na dominância do capital financeiro e no modelo neoliberal. O neoliberalismo, colocado em prática pela primeira vez enquanto programa de governo no Chile sob a ditadura Pinochet na década de 1970, tornou-se hegemônico nos países do capitalismo avançado na década de 1980, especialmente no Reino Unido no governo Thatcher e nos EUA no período Reagan. Nos anos 90, diversos governos da América Latina também passaram a implantar o modelo neoliberal em seus países. No Brasil, o ajuste neoliberal teve o seu início no governo Fernando Collor (1990/1992) e foi aprofundado pelo governo FHC (1995/2002), responsável pela estabilização macroeconômica, consubstanciada no Plano Real, e pela reforma do Estado brasileiro, cujas duas principais características foram a abertura da economia ao capital estrangeiro e as privatizações de empresas estatais. No setor bancário, o resultado desta política levou a um intenso processo de desnacionalização do setor, com o crescimento de instituições bancárias controladas pelo capital estrangeiro, e a uma forte redução no número de bancos públicos estaduais, que foram privatizados e tiveram o seu controle repassado para o capital privado. / The desnationalization and the privatizations of the brazilian banking system during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso’s government (1995/2002) are the object of this thesis. On this, are discussed the Welfare State crisis on 1960 and 1970 decades and the emergency of a new form accumulation based on the financial capital dominance and the neoliberalism model. Put into practice while government’s policy firstly in Chile during the Pinochet’s dictatorship in 1970 decades, than in the capitalism advanced countries, as United Kingdom with Margareth Tatcher and USA with Ronald Reagan, after, in Latin America in 90’s, the neoliberalism know his world triumph. In Brazil, the neoliberalism adjustment, iniciated during Collor’s government (1990/1992) and deepned in FHC’s period (1995/2002) which was responsible for the Real Plan and the brazilian State’s reform. The two most important charactheristics of FHC’s government were the economy opening for the foreign capital and the privatizations. On the banking sector, the results of this policy lead to the desnationalization process of the sector, with the increase of the foreigner banks in brazilian financial system, and the reduction on the public sector banks.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2988.pdf: 1119828 bytes, checksum: 130b71a38bd8c27e922a909d676eb926 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-02-22 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / This research has as object the Brazilian managerial reform of 1995. Situating it in the context of transformations through which Brazil was passing since end of seventies, context that was marked by the democratic transition, aims to contribute to a greater understanding of that experience of administrative reform. It is propose here that the ways and proportions that the managerial reform has assumed were strongly influenced (i) by the form as the redemocratization process and the eighties crises ended, that means, by the hegemonic affirmation of a reforms platform by the election of Fernando Henrique Cardoso FHC to the Presidency of Republic and (ii) by the role of Bresser- Pereira, Administration Minister of period, and its team with the aims of to elevate the legitimation degree of its proposals, and, consequently, of to get more supports and resources. The main conclusion is that MARE (Administrative and State Reform Ministry) became one the greater gravitation centers of the debates involving the historical signification and purposes of FHC government, despite it do not be among the mains responsible actors by the concretization of the big reforms conceived for the restructuration of Brazilian public sector. / Este trabalho tem por objeto a reforma gerencial brasileira de 1995. Situando-a no quadro mais amplo de transformações pelas quais o Brasil vinha passando desde fins da década de setenta, quadro este marcado pela transição democrática, pretende-se contribuir para um maior entendimento das origens daquela experiência de reforma administrativa. Defende-se aqui que os rumos e proporções que a reforma gerencial assumiu foram fortemente influenciadas (i) pela forma como se encerrou o processo de redemocratização e a crise dos anos oitenta, isto é, pela afirmação hegemônica de uma plataforma de reformas através da eleição de Fernando Henrique Cardoso - FHC para a Presidência da República e (ii) pela atuação de Bresser-Pereira, Ministro da Administração do período, e sua equipe no sentido de elevar o grau de legitimação de suas propostas e, consequentemente, de angariar maiores apoios e recursos. A conclusão principal é a de que o MARE (Ministério de Administração e Reforma do Estado) se tornou um dos principais centros de gravitação dos debates em torno do significado histórico e propósitos do governo FHC, mesmo não estando entre os responsáveis principais pela realização das grandes reformas destinadas a reestruturar o setor público brasileiro.