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Depuis la fin de la guerre froide, la notion de Failed State est utilisée dans les relations internationales pour décrire des États rencontrant des difficultés à exercer un monopole de la violence légitime sur leur territoire. La thèse se pose la question de savoir dans quelle mesure cette notion a pu jouer un rôle dans les rapports de domination en cours dans les relations internationales. L’étude montre que la notion a été créée par un communauté épistémique et des entrepreneurs de sens avant tout américains et proposait en effet un système de représentation selon lequel le salut des Failed State reposerait avant tout sur la mise en place de politiques très intrusives de la part des États les plus puissants de la planète. L’étude poursuit en montrant que ce système de représentation, créé à grands frais par un ensemble d’acteurs académiques, médiatiques et philanthropiques, n’a toutefois pas toujours réussi à justifier la mise en place des politiques intrusives souhaitées. A travers de nombreuses études de cas (Afghanistan, Haïti, Irak, Somalie, Palestine, Liban, Libéria, Soudan, Zimbabwe, Bolivie, Pakistan, Colombie, Burundi, Sierra Leone, Guinée-Bissau et République centrafricaine), le travail démontre que la notion de Failed State n’a pas toujours eu l’efficacité souhaitée et a au contraire été détournée, parfois avec succès, pour résister aux politiques perçues comme intrusives par des acteurs prétendument dominés. L’étude conclut que si il est théoriquement possible de dominer par les idées, il est aussi possible de résister aux idées par les idées.<p>//<p>Since the end of the Cold War, the notion of Failed State is used in international relations in order to describe States that have difficulties to exercise a monopoly of legitimate violence on their territory. The thesis raises the question of how this concept influenced the relations of domination in the international relations. The study shows that the concept of Failed State was created by an epistemic community and a group of entrepreneurs primarily based in the United States. The notion promoted a system of representation based on the idea that the salvation of the Failed States rested on their acceptance of very intrusive policies leaded by the most powerful States of the world. The study also shows that this representation system, created at great expense, has not always been able to justify the intrusive policies it was designed to legitimize. Through numerous case studies (Afghanistan, Haiti, Iraq, Somalia, Palestine, Lebanon, Liberia, Sudan, Zimbabwe, Bolivia, Pakistan, Colombia, Burundi, Sierra Leone, Guinea-Bissau and Central African Republic), it is shown that notion of Failed State has not always reached the efficiency desired by its creators and has instead been used, sometimes successfully, to resist policies perceived as intrusive by the allegedly “dominated” actors. The study concludes that while it is theoretically possible to rule with ideas, it is also possible to resist ideas with ideas. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Politics in an organisation is an inevitable element in organisation management. The Southern African Development Community (SADC)’s national electricity providers have been subject to an increasingly intense organisational politics cancer for almost two decades, and it is commonly believed to be behind the current electricity generation crisis that has become synonymous within the SADC region. The electricity challenges have spread to most countries in Africa, making the challenge applicable to Africa as a continent. Even on a global scale, electricity crises are increasingly becoming a matter of concern. Economies the world over are known to be heavily reliant on electricity as an energy source. Most if not all economies would be dysfunctional and non-existent without adequate electricity. This study focuses on organisational politics and its impact on managerial practices at a national electricity provider in a SADC region, in particular, Zimbabwe’s national electricity provider and specifically aims to provide a conceptual framework for better cognition and minimisation of negative political behaviour, ultimately enhancing electricity generation capacity for the country. The study is presented in article format covering four areas of study as follows: * Article one identifies the main role-players and their functions in the generation of electrical power at the national electricity providers. The identification of the role-players is literature based and discusses the influences of the role-players in the equation of electricity generation for the economy. A biographical profile of the national electricity provider is compiled by means of an empirical study. * The second article explores and interrogates employees’ perceptions of organisational politics by employing both theoretical and empirical study focusing on the causes/sources of political behaviour at the national electricity provider. * The third article investigates the effects of organisational politics at the national electricity provider focusing on the positive and negative effects. The article also employs both a literature and an empirical study. * The final article provides solutions to the negative effects of organisational politics. It investigates the managerial practices for minimising negative political behaviour through a review of literature as well as undertaking an empirical study. A sample of 1400 participants was randomly selected from the population of 2210 employees, representing 63.35% of the population. A total of 358 completed questionnaires were returned by the cut-off date. Of the 358, 11 were discarded as they were incorrectly completed, giving an effective response rate of 24.78%. The study employed the statistical software programme SPSS 21.0 for Windows to analyse the data. Various quantitative statistical techniques that suit the doctoral level of research were used to analyse the data. The techniques include: * Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy; * Exploratory factor analysis * Bartlett’s test of sphericity; and * Cronbach Alpha’s reliability coefficient. The major findings of the study were: * The first article identified the main role-players within the national electricity provider’s political environment as: employees, managers; government; and board of directors. Central to the political environment, are diverse goals from each role-player which in most cases is incongruent, giving birth to the political tempo (organisational politics) within the organisation. * The second article identified four significant factors perceived as contributing to political behaviour at the national electricity provider. The factors are managerial behaviour, poor communication of objectives, unexpected employee behaviour and unhealthy managerial practices. These factors account for a favourable variance of 74.26. * The third article identified three factors of significance that explain the effects of political behaviour at the national electricity provider. These factors account for a favourable variance of 74.67%, and the factors include positive departmental actions, negative employee actions and personal consequences. * The final article sought to provide measures for minimising negative effects of political behaviour, thus the article identified two factors of importance in minimising negative political behaviour at the national electricity provider. These factors are managerial fairness and managerial participation accounting for 70.11% of the total variance. Organisational politics, by and large, impedes organisational performance and in the case of the national electricity provider, it retards the power utility’s capacity to generate the much needed electrical power. Thus an integrated organisational strategy is required to successfully harness negative political behaviour into some significant positive factors that can create a conducive work environment that enhances performance ultimately increasing productivity levels. While the findings of the study holds true of the fact that some political behaviour factors have a hand in the national electricity provider’s inability to generate adequate electrical power, further research is needed to substantiate these factors in other regions of the national electricity provider within Zimbabwe as well as in SADC countries. A SADC approach encompassing all the member countries can help reduce negative political behaviour in key organisations such as the national electricity providers and other parastatals. The study concludes by proposing a comprehensive conceptual organisational politics management model (OPMM) which can be used by managers at the national electricity providers to reduce negative political behaviour. / PhD (Business Administration), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Politics in an organisation is an inevitable element in organisation management. The Southern African Development Community (SADC)’s national electricity providers have been subject to an increasingly intense organisational politics cancer for almost two decades, and it is commonly believed to be behind the current electricity generation crisis that has become synonymous within the SADC region. The electricity challenges have spread to most countries in Africa, making the challenge applicable to Africa as a continent. Even on a global scale, electricity crises are increasingly becoming a matter of concern. Economies the world over are known to be heavily reliant on electricity as an energy source. Most if not all economies would be dysfunctional and non-existent without adequate electricity. This study focuses on organisational politics and its impact on managerial practices at a national electricity provider in a SADC region, in particular, Zimbabwe’s national electricity provider and specifically aims to provide a conceptual framework for better cognition and minimisation of negative political behaviour, ultimately enhancing electricity generation capacity for the country. The study is presented in article format covering four areas of study as follows: * Article one identifies the main role-players and their functions in the generation of electrical power at the national electricity providers. The identification of the role-players is literature based and discusses the influences of the role-players in the equation of electricity generation for the economy. A biographical profile of the national electricity provider is compiled by means of an empirical study. * The second article explores and interrogates employees’ perceptions of organisational politics by employing both theoretical and empirical study focusing on the causes/sources of political behaviour at the national electricity provider. * The third article investigates the effects of organisational politics at the national electricity provider focusing on the positive and negative effects. The article also employs both a literature and an empirical study. * The final article provides solutions to the negative effects of organisational politics. It investigates the managerial practices for minimising negative political behaviour through a review of literature as well as undertaking an empirical study. A sample of 1400 participants was randomly selected from the population of 2210 employees, representing 63.35% of the population. A total of 358 completed questionnaires were returned by the cut-off date. Of the 358, 11 were discarded as they were incorrectly completed, giving an effective response rate of 24.78%. The study employed the statistical software programme SPSS 21.0 for Windows to analyse the data. Various quantitative statistical techniques that suit the doctoral level of research were used to analyse the data. The techniques include: * Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy; * Exploratory factor analysis * Bartlett’s test of sphericity; and * Cronbach Alpha’s reliability coefficient. The major findings of the study were: * The first article identified the main role-players within the national electricity provider’s political environment as: employees, managers; government; and board of directors. Central to the political environment, are diverse goals from each role-player which in most cases is incongruent, giving birth to the political tempo (organisational politics) within the organisation. * The second article identified four significant factors perceived as contributing to political behaviour at the national electricity provider. The factors are managerial behaviour, poor communication of objectives, unexpected employee behaviour and unhealthy managerial practices. These factors account for a favourable variance of 74.26. * The third article identified three factors of significance that explain the effects of political behaviour at the national electricity provider. These factors account for a favourable variance of 74.67%, and the factors include positive departmental actions, negative employee actions and personal consequences. * The final article sought to provide measures for minimising negative effects of political behaviour, thus the article identified two factors of importance in minimising negative political behaviour at the national electricity provider. These factors are managerial fairness and managerial participation accounting for 70.11% of the total variance. Organisational politics, by and large, impedes organisational performance and in the case of the national electricity provider, it retards the power utility’s capacity to generate the much needed electrical power. Thus an integrated organisational strategy is required to successfully harness negative political behaviour into some significant positive factors that can create a conducive work environment that enhances performance ultimately increasing productivity levels. While the findings of the study holds true of the fact that some political behaviour factors have a hand in the national electricity provider’s inability to generate adequate electrical power, further research is needed to substantiate these factors in other regions of the national electricity provider within Zimbabwe as well as in SADC countries. A SADC approach encompassing all the member countries can help reduce negative political behaviour in key organisations such as the national electricity providers and other parastatals. The study concludes by proposing a comprehensive conceptual organisational politics management model (OPMM) which can be used by managers at the national electricity providers to reduce negative political behaviour. / PhD (Business Administration), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In the context of the present conflict in Darfur, and in the years preceding it, the distinction between so-called African and Arab tribes has come to the forefront, and the tribal identity of individuals has increased in significance. These distinctions were never as clear cut and definite as they are today. The ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ distinction that was always more of a passive characteristic in the past has now become the reason for standing on different sides of the political divide. What then are the main factors which contributed to this new violent distinction between Arab and African? How is it possible for people and communities who have a positive history of cooperation and tolerance to suddenly plunge into a situation of such cruelty and hate towards one another. The thesis uses the New War framework to look at the current situation in Darfur. The most definitive version of this new framework is presented by scholars such as Mary Kaldor (2006), Martin van Creveld (1991) and Helfried Münkler (2005). The thesis then shows how the war in Darfur, exactly in line with the new war argument, has political goals with the political mobilization occurring on the basis of identity. Kaldor (2006) argues that the political goals in the new wars are about the claim to power based on seemingly traditional identities, such as Arab or African. Defining identity politics as “movements which mobilize around ethnic, racial or religious identity for the purpose of claiming state power” (Kaldor, 2006: 80), it becomes apparent that Darfur has become subject to this these kind of new war politics. The study therefore questions the popular argument that ethnic conflict arises out of an “ancient hatred” or “tribal warfare”. Chapters three and four illustrates how this new distinction between Arab and African should rather be seen as the cumulative effects of marginalization, competing economic interests and, more recently, from the political polarization which has engulfed the region. Most of the factors leading to the current Arab/African antagonism were traced to contemporary phenomena. The study also looks at factors such as loss of physical coercion on behalf of the state, loss of popular legitimacy and effective leadership, underdevelopment, poverty, inequality, and privatization of force. The study then concludes that politics of identity should more often be seen as a result of individuals, groups or politician reacting to the effects of these conditions then as the result of ethnic hatred. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die konteks van die huidige konflik in Darfur, en die jare wat dit voorafgaan, het die verskille tussen sogenaamde ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’ stamme na vore gekom. So ook het die stamverband van individue kenmerkend toegeneem. Hierdie onderskeid was nooit so noukeurig afgebaken en bepalend soos wat dit vandag is nie. Die ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’ onderskeid wat in die verlede meer van ’n passiewe kenmerk was, het ontaard in die rede waarom beide kante hulself vandag in ’n politieke skeiding bevind. Wat dan is die hoof faktore wat bydra tot hierdie nuwe gewelddadige onderskeid tussen ‘Afrikane’ en ‘Arabiere’? Hoe is dit moontlik vir mense en gemeenskappe met ’n positiewe geskiedenis van samewerking en verdraagsaamheid om skielik ’n toestand van soveel onmenslikheid en haat teenoor mekaar te ervaar? Die tesis maak gebruik van die Nuwe oorlog denkrigting in ’n poging om die huidige oorlog in Darfur te beskryf. Die mees bepalende weergawe van hierdie denkrigting word voorsien deur akademici soos Mary Kaldor (2006), Martin Creveld (1991) en Helfried Münkler (2005). Die tesis fokus op hoe die oorlog in Darfur (in lyn met die Nuwe Oorlog denkrigting) politieke doelwitte aan die dag lê, met die gepaardgaande politieke mobilisering wat geskied op grond van identiteit. Kaldor (2006) argumenteer dat die politieke doelwitte in die nuwe oorloë berus op die aanspraak tot mag op grond van skynbare tradisionele identiteite of stamwese, soos ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’. As ’n mens identiteitspolitiek definieër as ’n beweging wat mobiliseer rondom etnisiteit, ras of geloof, met die doel om aanspraak te maak op staatsmag, dan blyk dit of die konflik in Darfur wel onderhewig is aan hierdie nuwe vorm van Nuwe Oorlog politiek. Die studie bevraagteken dus ook die gewilde aanname dat etniese oorloë ontstaan uit ‘stamoorloë’ of ‘antieke vyandskap’. Hoofstuk drie en vier verduidelik hoekom hierdie nuwe onderskeiding tussen ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’ eerder beskou moet word as die kumulatiewe effek van marginalisasie, kompeterende ekonomiese belange en die politieke polarisasie wat die streek in twee skeur. Meeste van die faktore wat gelei het tot die etniese polarisasie van die streek word hier beskou as kontemporêre verskynsels. Die studie kyk ook na faktore soos: die verlies van populêre legitimiteit en effektiewe leierskap, onderontwikkeling, armoede, ongelykheid en die privatisering van mag. Die studie sluit af met die gedagte dat identiteitspolitiek in Darfur beskou moet word as die uitkoms van individue, groepe of politieke leiers wat reageer op die bogenoemde omstandighede, eerder as die resultaat van ‘antieke vyandskap’ of aggresiewe ‘stamoorloë’.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia continues to intrigue scholars and policy-makers around the world, due to the fact that it is enduring what few others have, total state collapse. Not only does the situation defy easy explanation, the degree of state failure is unprecedented. After more than two decades without a functioning central authority, Somalia is now the longest-running instance of state collapse in postcolonial history. While researching and understanding state weakness and state failure is critical, it is useless unless combined with devising ways to prevent state failure in the future. Somalia provides policy makers with a unique opportunity to study the consequences of state collapse. Understanding the complex dynamics of state weakness and state collapse could ultimately help save the lives of thousands of people on the African continent. This study focuses on the mechanisms of coping by analysing the actors who have stepped up to fill the political vacuum left behind by the collapsing state. The role played by both state and non-state actors will be explored throughout this study. As it is not possible to address every actor who has played a part in Somalia since the implosion of the state in 1991, only the three most important internal and external actors will be analysed. The role played by the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) will be discussed at length. The contributions made by neighbouring country Ethiopia, will also be investigated. Although the contributions and the impact of these external actors have in some instances led to undesired results, it does not change the fact that these actors attempted to fill the void in Somalia. Non-state actors positions within Somalia will also be examined in detailed. These actors include regional authorities, the role of Al-Shabaab, as well as the Islamic Courts Union. The study does not excuse the behaviour of these actors but rather discusses the rise of these organizations in light of the collapsing state and the position which they have taken up in Somalia to fill the political void. Lastly the role of the “Somali coast guards” also known as the Somali pirates, will be discussed.ipti / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië bly die brandpunt van belangstelling vir geleerdes en beleidmakers dwarsoor die wêreld. Die hoofrede hiervoor is dat hierdie land ervaar het wat min ander lande het, naamlik algehele ineenstorting van die staat en bestuur. ‘n Maklike verduideliking of vereenvoudiging van die situasie is daar nie, want die ongeëwenaarde ineenstorting van stuktuur en staat, van Somalië is uniek. Twee dekades later is hierdie land nogsteeds sonder ‘n funksioneerende gesetelde staatsgesag. Hierdie tydperk is die langste voorbeeld van staatsineenstorting sonder herstel in post-koloniale geskiedenis. Navorsing en insig in elke staat se inherente swakhede en probleme help om mislukte bestuur te voorspel en te voorkom. Hierdie inligting moet korrek geimplimenteer en geinterpreteer word om krissise en mislukkings binne staatsbestel te verhoed. Somalië bied beleidmakers ‘n unieke geleentheid om die gevolge van totale staatsineenstorting te bestudeer en daaruit te leer. Net deur middel van begrip vir die komplekse dinamika van ‘n staat wat ineenstort en deur wanbestuur verswak word, sal daar uikoms vir duisende mense op hierdie vasteland kom. Sodoende sal ontelbare lewens in Afrika gered kan word. Hierdie studie analiseer die tegnieke van aanpassing, gebruik deur die rolspelers wat die politieke vakuum vul, wat deur die staatineenstorting nagelaat is. Die ondersoek fokus ook op die impak en effekte van beide interne en eksterne rolspelers. Aangesien dit onmoontlik is om die aandeel wat elke rolspeler sedert die ineenstorting van Somalië in 1991 gehad het te bestudeer, word net die drie belangrikste interne en eksterne rolspelers bespreek. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), Afrika Unie (AU) en die buurland Ethiopië se bydraes sal ondersoek word. Alhoewel die bydraes en insette van hierdie eksterne rolspelers soms tot ongewenste resultate gelei het, bly die feit staan dat hulle probeer het om die leemtes in Somalië te vul. Ander belangrike rolspelers wat nie deel van die plaaslike regering is nie, sal ook in diepte bespreek word. Hierdie invloede binne Somalië sluit streeksowerhede in, asook die rol van Al Shabaab en die Islamitiese Howe Unie. Die studie verskoon nie die gedrag van die rolspelers nie, maar bespreek eerder die opkoms van hierdie organisasies. Dit word alles gesien in die lig van die ineenstorting van die staat en die posisie wat hulle in Somalië geneem het om mag te bekom en die politieke leemte te vul. Ten slotte word die omstrede rol van die "Somaliese kuswagte", anders bekend as Somaliese seerowers, bespreek.

O presente estudo avaliou a eficácia e a segurança da ozonioterapia (versus placebo) aplicados no espaço epidural através da epiduroscopia (endoscopia espinhal) em pacientes com síndrome dolorosa pós-laminectomia lombar (SDPL) acompanhados há mais de seis meses em tratamento no Centro Interdisciplinar de Dor do Hospital das Clínicas da Faculdade de Medicina da Universidade de São Paulo. Trata-se de um estudo piloto prospectivo, aleatorizado e duplamente encoberto. Os pacientes foram submetidos à epiduroscopia, utilizando-se um endoscópio espinhal introduzido através do hiato sacral, realizada a adesiólise mecânica e irrigação do espaço epidural com solução salina 0,9% e, no final, receberam o 20 mL (30?g/mL) da mistura O2-O3 (gás ozônio) ou o placebo (oxigênio a 100%) no espaço epidural lombar, mediante anestesia local e/ou sedação. Os pacientes foram avaliados antes do procedimento, com 24 horas, 30 dias, 3m, 6m e 12 meses após a intervenção por um pesquisador que não tinha conhecimento de qual produto fora injetado no espaço epidural lombar. Durante as avaliações, foram aplicadas as escalas de dor (EVA, McGill, DN4. NPSI, MQS e BPI), de qualidade de vida (WHOQO-Bref), inventário de depressão de Beck, IMG-P, e IMG-A e escalas de incapacidade física (Oswestry Disability Scale-ODI e Roland-Morris). Apenas um pesquisador manteve os dados em sigilo até o final do estudo. Foram estudados 43 pacientes, com idades entre 18 e 70 anos, divididos em subgrupos de acordo com a substância aplicada e a presença ou ausência de litígio trabalhista para análise dos dados. Vinte e três são do sexo masculino e 20 do sexo feminino, com idade média de 47,59 anos. Utilizou-se análise estatística com regressão multivariada e observou-se que a presença das variáveis litígio trabalhista, substância aplicada e dor neuropática influenciaram significativamente os escores do grupo submetido à epiduroscopia com ozônio e sem litígio trabalhista em cada teste aplicado. Observamos punções durais sem manifestações clínicas e um paciente com queixa de cefaleia após o procedimento. Este estudo mostra que a epiduroscopia com ozônio em pacientes com SDPL é aparentemente segura e revela tendência de efeitos positivos no período de 12 meses de seguimento, especialmente em pacientes com dor não neuropática e sem litígio trabalhista / This study evaluated the efficacy and safety of ozone therapy (versus placebo) applied into the epidural space through epiduroscopy (spinal endoscopy) in patients with failed back surgery syndrome (FBSS). This is a prospective, randomized, placebo-controlled and double blind study. We studied 43 patients of both sexes between 18 and 70 years with chronic low back pain persisting after surgery in the lumbar spine and for at least six months at the Interdisciplinary Pain Center, Hospital das Clínicas, Faculty of Medicine, University of São Paulo. Patients underwent epiduroscopy, using a spinal endoscope inserted through the sacral hiatus, performed mechanical adhesiolysis and irrigation of the epidural space with saline 0.9% and in the end received 20 mL (30?g/mL) of the mixture O2-O3 (ozone gas) or placebo (100% oxygen) in the lumbar epidural space, using local anesthesia and/or light sedation. Patients were evaluated before the procedure, with 24 hours, 30 days, 3, 6 and 12 months after intervention by a researcher who was unaware of which product was injected into the lumbar epidural space. During the evaluations, we applied the pain scales (EVA, McGill, DN4, NPSI, MQS e BPI), quality of life scales (WHOQOL) and physical disability scales (ODI and Roland-Morris). Only one researcher kept the data undisclosed until the end of the study. We studied 43 patients who were divided into groups according to the applied substance for data analysis. Twenty three were male and 20 female, with mean age of 47.59 years. Multivariate regression analysis pointed that the observed variables \"labor dispute\" (worker\'s compensation), \"substance applied\" and neuropathic pain influenced significantly the outcome of the group undergoing epiduroscopy with ozone and without litigation in each test. There were no side effects or complications observed. This study shows that epiduroscopy with ozone in patients with SDPL is apparently safe and trend reveals positive effects during the 12-month follow-up, especially in patients with non-neuropathic pain and without secondary compensations

Die vorliegende Arbeit analysiert Wandel in Märkten, am Arbeitsplatz und in Gemeinschaften. Es wird gezeigt, dass Firmen, die bisher erfolgreich und technisch überlegen waren, scheitern können, wenn neue Märkte entstehen. Dabei wird das Paradox aufgelöst, dass Firmen auch scheitern können, wenn die technische Überlegenheit ebenfalls auf die neuen Märkte zutrifft. Auf Basis eines erweiterten Modells aus dem Bereich der Industrieökonomik werden ein cannibalization effect und organizational diseconomies of scope als mögliche Gründe für ein Scheitern identifiziert. Fallstudien zu den Unternehmen Kodak, Metro-Goldwyn- Mayer und Digital Equipment Corporation legen den Schluss nahe, dass für alle drei Unternehmen organizational diseconomies of scope ausschlaggebend für ihr Scheitern waren. In einem Experiment wird gezeigt, wie Teilnehmer auf eine Änderung des Lohns oder der Arbeitsanforderung reagieren. Gleichzeitig wird analysiert, wie die im Gesicht ausgedrückten Emotionen im Zusammenhang stehen mit der Änderung von Lohn oder Arbeitsanforderung sowie einer möglichen Anpassung der Arbeitsleistung. In einem weiteren Experiment wird gezeigt, dass Solidarität nicht unter allen Umständen gewährt wird. Während eine Gruppe der Teilnehmer weniger solidarisch ist mit denjenigen, die vermeidbares Risiko eingegangen sind, verhält es sich bei anderen Teilnehmern genau andersherum. Insbesondere zeigen Teilnehmer mit größerer Risikobereitschaft auch mehr Solidarität gegenüber anderen Teilnehmern, die vermeidbares Risiko eingehen, als gegenüber solchen, die Risiken vermeiden. / This text studies change in markets, the workplace and communities. I show how firms that have been successful and technologically superior can fail when new markets arise. In doing so, I resolve the paradox of firms failing in new markets in which they had a technological advantage as well. Based on a model of industry evolution, I show how firms can fail in new markets despite a technological advantage due to a cannibalization effect or organizational diseconomies of scope. Three case studies of firms Kodak, Metro-Goldwyn- Mayer and Digital Equipment Corporation suggest that for all three of them organizational diseconomies of scope were decisive in their failure. In an experiment, we show how subjects react to a change in wage or workload. At the same time, we analyze their facial expression of emotion and link these to the subjects being informed of changes in wage or workload and a potential future change in effort. In an additional experiment, we show how people differentiate when showing solidarity. In particular, people hold others responsible for factors that are within their control. Because of that, subjects can receive less solidarity if they decide to take avoidable risk. However, the opposite can be observed as well. People who took risks themselves show more solidarity towards others that took avoidable risks than towards people that actual avoided this risk.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Grasiela de Oliveira Licorio.pdf: 639157 bytes, checksum: e6860cbcdb07b97b6e4afbb3757688f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-21 / The Chinese presence in Africa over the past five years has ceased to be based on solidarity and took strategic international positioning characteristics. China has achieved an average 70 billion dollars per year (Huang, 2008) in trade negotiations with the African continent, including countries facing situations of civil unrest, such as Sudan and Nigeria. This interaction does not impose conditionalities, which allows China to always maintain advantageous relationships financially and politically, regardless of what is the current regime. The aim of this study is to analyze this new Chinese position on the African continent, seeking to understand the consequences of this approach for both sides and their connection with the deepening of the conflict / A presença chinesa na África nos últimos cinco anos deixou de ser pautada na solidariedade e tomou características de posicionamento estratégico internacional. A China alcança em média 70 bilhões de dólares ao ano (Huang, 2008) em negociações comerciais com o continente Africano, incluindo países que enfrentam situação de instabilidade civil, como Sudão e Nigéria. Essa interação não impõe condicionalidades políticas, o que permite à China manter sempre relações vantajosas financeira e politicamente, independente de qual seja o regime vigente. O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar esse novo posicionamento chinês no continente Africano, buscando entender as conseqüências dessa aproximação para ambos os lados e sua relação com o aprofundamento das situações de conflito

O presente estudo avaliou a eficácia e a segurança da ozonioterapia (versus placebo) aplicados no espaço epidural através da epiduroscopia (endoscopia espinhal) em pacientes com síndrome dolorosa pós-laminectomia lombar (SDPL) acompanhados há mais de seis meses em tratamento no Centro Interdisciplinar de Dor do Hospital das Clínicas da Faculdade de Medicina da Universidade de São Paulo. Trata-se de um estudo piloto prospectivo, aleatorizado e duplamente encoberto. Os pacientes foram submetidos à epiduroscopia, utilizando-se um endoscópio espinhal introduzido através do hiato sacral, realizada a adesiólise mecânica e irrigação do espaço epidural com solução salina 0,9% e, no final, receberam o 20 mL (30?g/mL) da mistura O2-O3 (gás ozônio) ou o placebo (oxigênio a 100%) no espaço epidural lombar, mediante anestesia local e/ou sedação. Os pacientes foram avaliados antes do procedimento, com 24 horas, 30 dias, 3m, 6m e 12 meses após a intervenção por um pesquisador que não tinha conhecimento de qual produto fora injetado no espaço epidural lombar. Durante as avaliações, foram aplicadas as escalas de dor (EVA, McGill, DN4. NPSI, MQS e BPI), de qualidade de vida (WHOQO-Bref), inventário de depressão de Beck, IMG-P, e IMG-A e escalas de incapacidade física (Oswestry Disability Scale-ODI e Roland-Morris). Apenas um pesquisador manteve os dados em sigilo até o final do estudo. Foram estudados 43 pacientes, com idades entre 18 e 70 anos, divididos em subgrupos de acordo com a substância aplicada e a presença ou ausência de litígio trabalhista para análise dos dados. Vinte e três são do sexo masculino e 20 do sexo feminino, com idade média de 47,59 anos. Utilizou-se análise estatística com regressão multivariada e observou-se que a presença das variáveis litígio trabalhista, substância aplicada e dor neuropática influenciaram significativamente os escores do grupo submetido à epiduroscopia com ozônio e sem litígio trabalhista em cada teste aplicado. Observamos punções durais sem manifestações clínicas e um paciente com queixa de cefaleia após o procedimento. Este estudo mostra que a epiduroscopia com ozônio em pacientes com SDPL é aparentemente segura e revela tendência de efeitos positivos no período de 12 meses de seguimento, especialmente em pacientes com dor não neuropática e sem litígio trabalhista / This study evaluated the efficacy and safety of ozone therapy (versus placebo) applied into the epidural space through epiduroscopy (spinal endoscopy) in patients with failed back surgery syndrome (FBSS). This is a prospective, randomized, placebo-controlled and double blind study. We studied 43 patients of both sexes between 18 and 70 years with chronic low back pain persisting after surgery in the lumbar spine and for at least six months at the Interdisciplinary Pain Center, Hospital das Clínicas, Faculty of Medicine, University of São Paulo. Patients underwent epiduroscopy, using a spinal endoscope inserted through the sacral hiatus, performed mechanical adhesiolysis and irrigation of the epidural space with saline 0.9% and in the end received 20 mL (30?g/mL) of the mixture O2-O3 (ozone gas) or placebo (100% oxygen) in the lumbar epidural space, using local anesthesia and/or light sedation. Patients were evaluated before the procedure, with 24 hours, 30 days, 3, 6 and 12 months after intervention by a researcher who was unaware of which product was injected into the lumbar epidural space. During the evaluations, we applied the pain scales (EVA, McGill, DN4, NPSI, MQS e BPI), quality of life scales (WHOQOL) and physical disability scales (ODI and Roland-Morris). Only one researcher kept the data undisclosed until the end of the study. We studied 43 patients who were divided into groups according to the applied substance for data analysis. Twenty three were male and 20 female, with mean age of 47.59 years. Multivariate regression analysis pointed that the observed variables \"labor dispute\" (worker\'s compensation), \"substance applied\" and neuropathic pain influenced significantly the outcome of the group undergoing epiduroscopy with ozone and without litigation in each test. There were no side effects or complications observed. This study shows that epiduroscopy with ozone in patients with SDPL is apparently safe and trend reveals positive effects during the 12-month follow-up, especially in patients with non-neuropathic pain and without secondary compensations