Lydie Wilson-de Ricard (1850-1880) (alias Lydie de Ricard, Na Dulciorella, Lidia Colonia) est une des premières femmes membre du Félibrige. Née et morte à Paris, elle était d'origines écossaise et flamande. Avec son mari, Louis-Xavier marquis, co- fondateur du Parnasse Contemporain et communard et Auguste Fourès, poète, ils fondent La Lauseta , almanach républicain. Entre Juin 1876 et Octobre 1877, Lydie correspond librement avec Fourès. Nous publions ses lettres conservées au Collège d'Occitanie à Toulouse ainsi que les extraits, adressés à d'autres correspondant(e)s publiés dans le journal Le Montpellier Républicain. Ses écrits sont l'écho de son apprentissage du dialecte de Montpellier, de ses créations poétiques et de sa participation au Félibrige rouge. Elle publiera dans la Revue des Langues Romanes, sera primée aux Fêtes Latines de Montpellier en 1878. L'Époque est elle de la troisième République balbutiante. Dans les lettres nous en retrouvons les enjeux : l'amnistie des Communards, d'égalité femme/homme, avec la question du mariage et du divorce, de la laïcité avec les enterrements civils ainsi que son intérêt pour la politique, le Fédéralisme, dont son mari est un des théoriciens. Leur arrivée dans le Midi n'est pas due aux seules conditions politiques, mais à l'amour de celui-ci pour la langue du Midi et Mistral, amour prouvé dès son premier ouvrage en 1862. Le Parnasse a été une des écoles de Lydie, son esprit favorise la découverte de la nature qu'elle parcourt avec sa soeur Jeanne, peintre. La mort de celle-ci, à vingt-cinq ans de tuberculose signera la fin de cette correspondance. Nous y voyons naître l'amour partagé de Jeanne et Fourès. / Lydie Wilson de Ricard (alias Lydie de Ricard, Na Dulciorella, Lidia Colonia) is one of the _rst female member of Felibrige. Born and dead in Paris, her origins were scottish and _emish. Together with her husband Louis-Xavier de Ricard, a Marquis, Commune- militant and co-initiator of Parnasse Contemporain, and Auguste Fourès, a poet, they founded the Lauseta, a republican almanach. Between june 1876 and october 1877, Lydie exchanges freely letters with Fourès. We here publish these letters -from College d'Occitanie's collections in Toulouse, as well as extracts directed to others correspondents, published in Montpellier Républicain, a local newspaper. Her writings re_ect her learning of Monpellier's occitan dialect, her poetical creations, and her part in Felibrige Rouge's action. She will publish in Revue des Langues Romanes, will receive a price at Montpellier's Latin Feasts in 1878. During the uneasy beginnings of Third Republic, various problems are at stake : amnisty for _ communards _, men/women egality, marriage and divorce problems, laicity, with civil buryings : such are the topics of her letters, with politics and federalism, object of her husband's theorical work. Their arrival in _ Midi _is due not only to political conditions, but to the latter's love for occitan language and Mistral. Parnasse was partof Lydie's poetical formation, her mind favours the discovery of nature, in which she uses to wander with her sister Jeanne, a painter, before her death at 25, which marks the end of this correspondence where appears the mutual love that links Jeanne and Fourès.

Cette recherche s’inscrit dans un champ particulier, à savoir, le fédéralisme financier aux États-Unis. On a pris pour objet un État précis, l’État de la Floride. C’est par conséquent, une démarche descriptive du système financier floridien centrée la délicate question de l’autonomie financière des échelons locaux, du plus large (l’État fédéré) au plus petit (les différents gouvernements locaux) qui constitue l’axe de ce travail.Une première partie s’attache à la description des relations entretenues entre la Floride, État fédéré à vocation territoriale et le gouvernement fédéral, à vocation nationale. D’une part, l’autonomie financière de la Floride est appréhendée à travers les fondements du fédéralisme américain, à savoir la Constitution fédérale et la Constitution étatique. D’autre part, les sources de financement nécessaires à cette autonomie, essentiellement la fiscalité.Une deuxième partie est centrée sur le principe de l’autonomie interne à l’État, on veut dire par là que l’on identifie le degré de la dépendance des gouvernements locaux face à leur État de rattachement, tant dans le processus budgétaire que fiscal.Au final d’un point de vue général, l’analyse du système floridien montre la souplesse et le pragmatisme dont fait preuve le fédéralisme américain. / This research is part of a particular field, namely, fiscal federalism in the United States. We had intended a particular State, the State of Florida. It is therefore a descriptive approach of the Florida financial system centered the delicate issue of the financial autonomy of local levels, the largest (the State) to the smallest (the various local governments) which constitutes the axis of this work.The first part focuses on the description of the relations between the Florida State federated territorial vocation and the federal government, with a national vocation. First, the Florida financial autonomy is apprehended through the foundations of American federalism, namely the Federal Constitution and the State Constitution. Moreover, the funding sources necessary for this autonomy, mainly taxation.A second part is centered on the principle of internal autonomy to the state, we want to say that we identify the degree of dependence of local governments face their state of attachment, both in the budget process as tax.In the end a general perspective, the analysis of the Florida system demonstrates the flexibility and pragmatism shown by the American federalism.

L’expression « État membre » sert à désigner tout État qui adhère à une entité collective inter-étatique. Jusqu'alors, aucune recherche n'avait exploré le potentiel théorique de ce syntagme en dehors d'une organisation internationale déterminée. L'objet de cette étude tend, à travers l'analyse de différentes expressions de la figure de l'État membre, notamment européenne, à en donner une lecture unifiée. De prime abord, il apparaît que le phénomène de l'appartenance frappe la majorité des États et provoque dès lors unepremière mutation du génome étatique. En effet, la naissance d'un État s'avère à notre époque largement conditionnée par sa reconnaissance. De même, le commerce entre États est de plus en plus dense du fait de la globalisation des échanges. Dans ce cadre concurrentiel, l'organisation conjointe et institutionnalisée des États est devenue un réflexe. Certains États membres ont atteint un degré d'intégration qui induit une perception totalement renouvelée de l'État. En effet, l'État membre est devenu une entité liée et se renforce en tant qu'État par sa participation à un projet qui le dépasse pour le plus grand profit des individus, de leurs droitssubjectifs et de la paix. Figure de l'équilibre, l'État membre est un objet politique qui se trouve à équidistance de l'État fédéré et de l'État classique. Il emprunte au premier sa discipline collective et au second la force de l'engagement volontaire ainsi que la possibilité de se retirer d'une aventure collective qui dévierait de la confiance accordée initialement au collectif. Sur le plan normatif, l'État membre se caractérise par une objectivation de l'ordre juridique qu'il forme. C’est que l'appartenance se traduit juridiquement par une série deprincipes porteurs de valeurs propres à la participation loyale à une expérience de communauté. Dès lors, si le passage de l'État à l'État membre a un impact en premier lieu sur la théorie de l'État, il invite principalement celle-ci à prendre quelque distance avec le positivisme juridique et à renouveler la manière de penser l'État de droit. Né à la sortie de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce phénomène grandissant se décline en 2015 en plusieurs degrés allant du simple membre de l'Organisation des Nations-Unies à l'État membre de collectifs régionaux particulièrement avancés tels que l'Union européenne. Mais la logique d'appartenance révélée dans ce travaillaisse entrevoir une irrésistible évolution dans l'approfondissement de l'intégration de l'État membre. Aussi, parmi les étapes cruciales vers un État renouvelé par son appartenance à un collectif, il convient de citer l'importance de la présence d'un juge supra-étatique. La figure du juge s’affirme en effet comme essentielle dans le saut qualitatif effectué par l’État entre sa qualité initiale d'État-nation souverain à celle plus affûtée d’État membre puisqu’elle permet de passer du registre de la puissance à celui du droit, à condition que le juge puisse être saisi par le citoyen. Car c'est précisément cet étau constitué par le collectif institutionnalisé d'une part et les citoyens d'autre part qui, en exerçant sur l’État membre une pression vertueuse le conduisant au respect de sonengagement, de ses partenaires et de ses ressortissants, fonde la possibilité d'un véritable État de droit. / The expression "member State" is used to designate a State that has become a member of an international collective entity. Until now, no research had explored the theoretical potential of this syntagma apart from considering a particular international organization. The purpose of this study is to give a unified Interpretation of the legal concept of member State, through the analysis of different expressions of this concept, particularly the European one. First, it appears that the phenomenon of membership appliesto a majority of States and causes therefore a first mutation of the State’s genome. Indeed, the birth of a State appears nowadays largely conditioned by its recognition. Also, exchanges between States are increasing in relation to the globalization. In this competitive context, the collective and institutionalized organization of States has become a reflex. Some member States have achieved such a degree of integration that it deeply renews the perception of the concept of State. Indeed, the member State becamean interrelated entity and is strengthened as a State by the participation to a project that goes beyond itself and which creates a higher benefit for people, for their subjective rights and peace. Being characterized by the idea of balance, the concept of member State is a political object which is equidistant from the federated State and the classical State. It borrows its collective discipline from the first, and the strength of the voluntary commitment from the second, as well as the capacity to withdraw from a collective adventure that would deviate the trust initially granted to the collective. From a normative point of view, the member State is characterized by the objectification of that legal form that it constitutes. Actually, the legal traduction of the membership consists in a set of principles that underpin the characteristic values of loyal participation and community based experience. Therefore, if the transformation of a State into a member State has a primary impact on the theory of the State, it most importantly suggests to distance this theory from the legal positivism and to renew the ways of thinking the rule of law. Initiated first at the end of the Second World War, this increasing phenomenon offers in 2015 a range of various expressions, including the membership of the United Nations and more complex expressions of the membership to regional groups of States such as the European Union. But the logic of membership revealed by this study points to an irresistible trend consisting in the deepening of the integration of the member State. Thus, among the crucial steps leading to a State renewed by its membership to a group, it is worth mentioning the importance of the presence of a supranational court. The judge turns out to be an essential component in the qualitative transformation of a nation State, initially sovereign, into a member State. Indeed, thistransformation, which enables to shift between the register of power to the register of right, is only possible if the citizen can refer to the judge. The vice, constituted by the institutionalized collective on the one hand and the citizens on the other hand, applies a virtuous pressure on the member State that drives it towards the respect of its commitment, of its partners and citizens. By doing so, this virtuous pressure founds the possibility of a genuine rule of law.

The transition from an industrial to a global knowledge-based economy has put universities in the spotlight of public policies as the new drivers of innovation and sustained economic growth. Consequently, societal expectations towards the academic community have changed and so has, under the influence of neo-liberal ideas, the public governance of higher education. This is particularly true in federalist systems, such as Germany, Australia and the European Union, where the roles of each government level in governing the higher education sector had to be renegotiated and clarified. In Canada, however, despite repeated recommendations by policymakers, scholars and international organisations, the respective responsibilities have not yet been clarified and, to date, there are still no mechanisms to coordinate the post-secondary education policies of the federal and provincial governments. This paper inquires into the reasons for this exception. In the academic literature, this has generally been explained in terms of Canada’s uniqueness with respect to its federalist system and the decentralized higher education sector. We attempt to go beyond this traditional federalism, state-centered approach, which is predominant in the Canadian higher education literature. Instead, based on interviews and official documents and inspired by the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), we shall be looking at the belief systems of the major actors in the policy process and the degree of coordination among them. Our analysis comes to the conclusion that, on the one hand, proponents of a pan-Canadian approach are divided over their fundamental beliefs regarding the compatibility of inclusiveness and excellence. Some argue that the federal government must legislate common standards to ensure equal opportunities for all Canadians. Others propose a New Governance-inspired approach to create a differentiated and competitive university sector that meets the demands of the global knowledge-based economy more efficiently. On the other hand, even though the provinces differ in their beliefs regarding the equal opportunity versus economic efficiency debate, they share the same strong belief with respect to the role of the federal government. According to this view, post-secondary education is exclusively a provincial responsibility and the role of the federal government is solely to help them ‘fix the problems’. Moreover, contrary to the proponents of more intergovernmental collaboration, the provinces have successfully strengthened the coordination among themselves to block further perceived federal intrusions into provincial jurisdiction. We come to the conclusion that the absence of intergovernmental mechanisms to govern post-secondary education is a consequence of the diverging belief systems and the establishment of formal coordination structures among the provinces to block – as they perceive - further federal intrusions. Also, there is less of a sense of urgency to act compared to, say, health care. Finally, remembering the near-separation of Quebec in 1995, there is very little appetite to reopen the constitutional debates. Therefore, based on our analysis, we argue that contrary to suggestions by some higher education scholars, the establishment of intergovernmental coordinating mechanisms appears unlikely in the near future.

This thesis contributes to the fields of Public Economics and Development Economics by studying human capital formation under three scenarios. Each scenario is represented in an individual paper between Chapters 2 to 4 of this thesis. Chapter 2 examines the effect of child care financing, through human capital formation, on growth and welfare. There is an extensive literature on the benefits of child care affordability on labour market participation. The overall inference that can be drawn is that the availability and affordability of appropriate child care may enhance parental time spent outside the home in furthering their economic opportunities. In another front, the endogenous growth literature exemplifies the merits of subsidizing human capital in generating growth. Again, other contributions demonstrate the negative implications of taxes on the returns from human capital on long run growth and welfare. This paper assesses the long run welfare implications of child care subsidies financed by proportional income taxes when human capital serves as the engine of growth. More specifically, using an overlapping-generations framework (OLG) with endogenous labour choice, we study the implications of a distortionary wage income tax on growth and welfare. When the revenues from proportional income taxes are channelled towards improving economic opportunities for both work and schooling investments in the form of child care subsidies, long run physical and human capital stock may increase. A higher level of growth may ensue leading to higher welfare. Chapter 3 answers the question of how child care subsidization works in the interest of skill formation, and specifically, whether child care subsidization policies can work to the effect of human capital subsidies. Ample studies have highlighted the significance of early childhood learning through child care in determining the child’s longer-term outcomes. The general conclusion has been that the quality of life for a child, higher earnings during later life, as well as the contributions the child makes to society as an adult can be traced back to exposures during the first few years of life. Early childhood education obtained through child care has been found to play a pivotal role in the human capital base amongst children that can benefit them in the long run. Based on this premise, the paper develops a simple Overlapping Generations Model (OLG) to find out the implications of early learning on future investments in human capital. It is shown that higher costs of child care will reduce skill investments of parents. Also, for some positive child care cost, higher human capital obtained through early childhood education can induce further skill investments amongst individuals with a higher willingness to substitute consumption intertemporally. Finally, intervention that can internalize the intra-generational human capital externalities arising from parental time spent outside the home - for which care/early learning is required to be purchased for the child - can unambiguously lead to higher skill investments by all individuals. Chapter 3 therefore proposes policy intervention, such as child care subsidization, as the effect of such will be akin to a human capital subsidy. The objective of Chapter 4 is to understand the implications of inter-regional mobility on higher educational investments of individuals and to study in detail the impact of mobility on government spending for education under two particular scenarios – one in which human capital externalities are non-localized and spill over to other regions (e.g. in the form of R&D), and another in which the externalities are localized and remain within the region. It is shown that mobility enhances private investments in education, and all else equal, welfare should be higher with increased migration. The impacts on government educational expenditures are studied and some policy implications are drawn. In general, with non-localized externalities, all public expenditures decline under full-migration. Finally under localized externalities, the paper finds that governments will increase their financing of education to increasingly mobile individuals only when agglomeration benefits outweigh congestion costs from increases in regional population.

Canadian federalism has experienced pressure for change in recent years. By the end of the twentieth century, collaboration became the catch word and federations throughout the world, including Canada, witnessed an emergent movement toward collaborative governance, collaborative public service delivery, collaborative management and collaborative approaches to addressing social and economic issues. But even if the number of collaborative arrangements has grown since the 1990s, the understanding of the design, management and performance of collaborative arrangements in the Canadian federation remains weak. Accordingly, this dissertation argues that, in order to understand and open the black box of intergovernmental collaboration, it is necessary to put collaboration in a historical context and explore the roles of elites and political institutions in shaping intergovernmental collaborative practices. The role of the former provides the necessary complement of agency, while that of the latter represents a perspective that gives theoretical importance to political institutions. The integration of the two theoretical schools, elite theory and historical institutionalism, into one approach constitutes an attractive solution and offers the tools necessary to explore the complex processes of intergovernmental collaboration. The theoretical framework constructed in this dissertation is then applied to analyze whether the Agreement on Internal Trade, the Social Union Framework Agreement and the Council of the Federation can be considered in reality as examples of collaborative federalism.

This diploma thesis analyzes the impact of the fiscal federalism policy on a municipality economy in the Czech Republic. The theoretical basics consist of a historical analysis of municipalities' legal status and mode of financing. That is followed by defining of a fiscal federalism model and a fiscal decentralization model, and by taxation and income analyses. Final part focuses on the income and expenditure analysis of municipalities in the period 2002-2010 and an overall evaluation.

The thesis outlines a comparative case study that focuses on the separation of the Communist Federation - Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. The main aim of the work is to analyze the relationship between the functionality of the Communist Federation and the limited solution of the ethnic issues inside the investigated states as one of the causes of their splits in the early 1990s. Further objectives of the work include an investigation into the similarities and differences in the development of the ethnic relations of the states and also an analysis in the way they separated. The author focuses on the question regarding whether or not the splits were inevitable or whether there were possibilities for the maintenance of the common states.

This diploma thesis deals with investment subsidies, which municipalities obtain as a contribution to the budget, and the fact whether the amount of the subsidies is affected by the political affiliation of the mayor. The introduction of the thesis brings the description of public administration of the Czech Republic, and the characteristics of the region and the village. The following part focuses on fiscal federalism, district budget as well as particular revenues of municipalities. Additionally, this part provides the explanation of the term 'subsidy', and lists different kinds of sources which municipalities can draw financial means from. The last part introduces analysis of selected towns. The conclusion presents the overall evaluation and summary of the results.

The goal of this work is an assessment of the hypothesis whether the fiscal union in euro area can cope with the consequences and causes of the debt crisis. Categorized proposals leading to fiscal union are presented. These proposals are facing problems of moral hazard, perverse incentives, new taxes, inefficient allocation of scarce resources, and general issues of fiscal policy. New steps towards fiscal union will be accepted at the supranational level, some of these steps are more likely than others. The tighter rules, fiscal oversight and regulation the fiscal union will provide, the longer and more successful will be preventing of the crisis in the euro area. Because the euro area cannot be considered an optimal currency area and because the tragedy of the commons problem is observed here, then fiscal union in the long run, along with all the problems of the new proposals will only lead to a deepening of the crisis, or creating a new and much stronger one.