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Down Among the Women (1972), Female Friends (1974), and Remember Me (1976), three of Fay Weldon’s early novels, share similar themes, narrative voices, and stylistic elements. Although the novels explore different aspects of women’s lives, the similarities call for a study of Weldon’s early techniques and contribution to twentieth-century literature. I study Weldon’s early works to reveal her belief that feminism evolved through small, individual changes rather than general societal upheaval. I center my study on motherhood and wifehood in Down Among the Women, friendship in Female Friends, and motherhood in Remember Me. In each novel, women make changes in these specific areas of their lives, and through these changes, Weldon rewrites traditional women as newly defined feminists. My readings of each novel support my contention that although the women are not reformed in every facet of their lives, Weldon defines them as feminists because they have actively redefined at least one firmly rooted feminine role to benefit themselves.

Contemporary feminist movements are mixed gendered but men’s participation in them remain low. Many sociological studies have neglected to study men’s role and participation in feminist movements and focused mainly on women’s position.  This thesis builds on social movement theories and previous research conducted within this field.  This study aims to reveal factors that motivate men’s participation and roles played by them in contemporary feminist movements. Qualitative interviews are used for data collection. The data indicate that men’s role in feminist movements is designated to support the movements. Factors that motivated them to participate in the movements include; rational, network and political motivations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:32:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LEILLYANNE MORAIS FERREIRA.pdf: 6246760 bytes, checksum: 2f85ec52e8177a3c3d0827df8632deae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-11 / This study's main objective is redefining the feminist movement reported in the popular newspaper on March 8 during the decades from 1980 to 2000. Thus, we analyzed 23 of the 40 issues selected. In this sense aim of this study is also the issue of media as a tool of analysis and its relationship with the women's movement The reading of all the selected news showed that in addition to a historical record provided by means of printed reports, an increase, a greater importance given to this issue in relation to space and approach. As the decades roll on the women's movement is thematized in the Journal of a more broadly. The research adopts a unique reflection of the perspective elaborated redescription as a method of analysis. This type of reflection might reveal a fusion of meaning and redescription of the female in the press. When you think about organizing a March 8 story in the newspaper's popular seeks to establish a historical review of women's struggles. It is a way of fishing the past with the focus on the celebration of this. Redescription of the analyzed material shows that women's struggle is summed up in the quest to build new social values, new morals and new culture. It is a struggle for democracy, which must be born of equality between men and women and to develop the equality of all men, eliminating class inequalities. Thus it appears that the media on reporting, reporting and publishing the acts of the feminist movement contributes significantly to the assertion of these struggles and the realization of the rights claimed by women of decades. / A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo principal redescrever o movimento feminista reportado no jornal O popular no dia 08 de março durante as décadas de 1980 a 2000. Para tanto, foram analisados 23 das 40 matérias selecionadas. Nesse sentido constitui também objetivo desse trabalho a questão da mídia como instrumento de análise e sua relação com o movimento das mulheres. A leitura do conjunto das notícias selecionadas evidenciou que, além de um registro histórico proporcionado por meio das reportagens impressas, houve um crescimento, uma importância maior dada ao tema, no que se refere a espaço e abordagem. À medida que as décadas vão passando o movimento das mulheres é tematizado no jornal de uma forma mais ampla. A pesquisa opta por uma reflexão singular elaborada na ótica da redescrição como método de análise. Essa modalidade de reflexão poderá revelar uma fusão de significados e redescrições do universo feminino na imprensa. Ao se pensar em organizar a história do dia 08 de março no jornal O popular busca-se elaborar um resgate histórico das lutas das mulheres. É uma forma de resgatar o passado com o foco na celebração do presente. A redescrição do material analisado revela que a luta feminina se resume na busca de construir novos valores sociais, nova moral e nova cultura. É uma luta pela democracia, que deve nascer da igualdade entre homens e mulheres e evoluir para a igualdade entre todos os homens, suprimindo as desigualdades de classe. Assim conclui-se que a mídia ao reportar, denunciar e publicar os atos do movimento feminista contribui significativamente para a afirmação dessas lutas e para a efetivação dos direitos reivindicados pelas mulheres ao longo das décadas.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo a investigação sobre a criação da Secretaria Especial de Políticas para Mulheres em 2003. Este organismo institucional surgiu a partir da vitória do Partido dos Trabalhadores para a Presidência da República através da candidatura de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Os atores envolvidos na concretização desta iniciativa e os fatores que levaram este governo a colocar em sua agenda central o combate às desigualdades sociais entre homens e mulheres é o interesse central tratado. A existência desta experiência é precedida por outra modalidade institucional, o Conselho Nacional de Direitos da Mulher, criado em 1985. As duas iniciativas são diferentes e são elaboradas em contextos e épocas diversas. Estas variações de propostas de institucionalização via Estado de políticas públicas para mulheres retrata uma característica do movimento feminista brasileiro que é seu caráter amplo e diverso. Com a convivência de setores com pautas e demandas diferenciadas, este movimento também mostra sua diversidade através das propostas institucionais. Do ponto de vista metodológico, foi utilizada a técnica das entrevistas semi-estruturadas com feministas que participaram da elaboração da Secretaria Especial de Políticas para Mulheres. Também foram utilizados livros, artigos e documentos considerados relevantes a partir do material das entrevistas. O perfil destas mulheres era de militantes ligadas ao Partido dos Trabalhadores, visto que foi a vitória deste partido para a Presidência da República que permitiu a concretização desta instituição. Todas as entrevistadas participaram historicamente da luta feminista desde aproximadamente as décadas de 1970 e 1980, sempre inseridas e dialogando com as propostas de governo do PT. Este estudo contribui para o esclarecimento deste episódio da história da institucionalização estatal das demandas do movimento feminista e para o fornecimento de mais ferramentas para o debate da importância que as políticas públicas e o Estado possuem no combate às desigualdades sociais entre homens e mulheres. A ideia de que a igualdade de gênero deve ser promovida dentro do Estado, a partir de suas ações e seus profissionais e, assim, trabalhada na sociedade como um todo é fundamental para que situações de inequidade sejam combatidas. / This dissertation aims to research on the creation of the Special Secretariat of Policies for Women in 2003. This institution emerged from the victory of the Workers Party to the presidency through the candidacy of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The actors involved in the implementation of this initiative and the factors that led this government to place on its agenda central to combating social inequalities between men and women is the central concern addressed. The existence of this experience is preceded by another institutional modality, the National Council of Women's Rights, created in 1985. The two initiatives are different and are prepared in different times and contexts. These variations of proposed rule via institutionalization of public policies for women portrays a characteristic of Brazilian feminist movement that is broad and diverse character. With the coexistence of sectors with different agendas and demands, this movement also shows its diversity through institutional proposals. From the methodological point of view, we used the technique of semi-structured interviews with feminists who participated in the drafting of the Special Secretariat of Policies for Women. Also used were books, articles and documents deemed relevant material from the interviews. The profile of these women was linked to militants Workers Party, since this was the victory party for the presidency allowed the implementation of this institution. All interviewed participated in the feminist struggle historically since about the 1970s and 1980s, when inserted and dialogue with PTs government proposals. This study contributes to the understanding of this episode in the history of the institutionalization state of demands of the feminist movement and to provide more tools for discussion of the importance of public policy and the state have to fight social inequalities between men and women. The idea that gender equality should be promoted within the state, from their actions and professionals and thus worked in society as a whole is essential for situations of inequity are fought.

The German artist Kaethe Kollwitz challenged the cultural constraints placed on women during the Weimar Republic. My thesis analyzes the artwork of Kollwitz and the effects of maternal imagery within the political debates of abortion reform, sexual equality and pacifism in the 1920s and explores historians’ use of the ideas of maternal feminism to understand Kollwitz’s art. I challenge the social constructs of private versus public spheres to illustrate the diversity of experience and the agency of women like Kollwitz who manipulated these spheres. I argue that Kaethe Kollwitz gained a voice within the public domain by creating artwork and imagery that focused on the private sphere. Using these images of motherhood, Kollwitz manipulated gender roles and created new spaces for the female experience in public discourse, particularly regarding maternal feminism, abortion reform, and pacifism.

Since its inception in April 2011, “SlutWalk” has grown from a Toronto-based rally and march against victim-blaming and sexual violence into a globalized movement spanning six continents. Given that its mainstream visibility is unprecedented for any contemporary feminist movement, SlutWalk represents a unique opportunity to examine representations of feminist politics in the Canadian mainstream news media. Drawing on the theoretical and methodological tools of feminism and cultural studies, I offer a contextualized reading and discourse analysis of the representations of SlutWalk across print, radio, and televisual media during its first nine months of press. On the surface, the media portrays SlutWalk in a fair and positive light, taking seriously its messages about police accountability, victim solidarity, and women’s liberation as key tenets for ending victim-blaming. Nonetheless, these “fair” messages are constituted by and constitutive of neoliberal, white supremacist, and postfeminist discourses of the “reality” of sexual violence, which undermine intersectional feminist efforts to eradicate sexual violence. I argue that mainstream media representations of SlutWalk reproduce a watered-down version of feminism and a decontextualized understanding of sexual violence that resonates most with white, heteronormative, educated women. Overall, I suggest that the mainstream visibility of SlutWalk is possible only insofar as its representations steer clear of any substantive critique of patriarchal violence as it articulates with racism, heterosexism, and institutional violence. Average media consumers of stories about SlutWalk are most likely afforded a sense that “managing” sexual violence and “liberating” women might be achieved within the existing status quo and through a sole focus on (white) women. In conclusion, I reiterate the need for intervention and engagement with the mainstream reproduction of discourses about feminism, and offer suggestions for how this might be achieved. / Thesis (Master, Kinesiology & Health Studies) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-18 16:05:33.045

Submitted by ANA KARLA PEREIRA RODRIGUES (anakarla_@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-19T16:08:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 3885406 bytes, checksum: 5ce9fbfb019e00f32fceb55cf0d25f2a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-19T16:08:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 3885406 bytes, checksum: 5ce9fbfb019e00f32fceb55cf0d25f2a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The state of Paraíba has a long trajectory when it comes to the struggle of women, who, for a long time, have been absent from history. This paper aims to clarify the trajectory of the NGO Cunhã Coletivo Feminista, highlighting their protagonism in the fight for rights and for gender equality in the state. Founded in 1990, the NGO was born as a development of previous feminist groups and has outstanding action with urban and rural women from Paraíba‟s coastal, Agreste and Cariri areas. Using oral history methodology, we connected the life histories of the NGO members, in a close relationship between a history that was made and that is being made, and memory. We also utilized texts, projects, reports, brochures, guidebooks and other materials essential to those histories. We will observe the creation of new subjectivation practices and the consolidation of an institutionalized feminism that originated other groups and movements and was essential to network building, the consolidation of connections and the dialogue with regional and national feminism. Thus, we hope to contribute to the history and memory of the NGO at the same time that we bring forth the members‟ life histories and trace a history of the feminine protagonism, the resistances and the feminist movement in Paraíba. / O Estado da Paraíba apresenta uma longa trajetória no que tange às lutas de mulheres, estas que durante muitos verões estiveram ausentes da escrita da história. A presente dissertação tem por objetivo elucidar a trajetória da ONG Cunhã Coletivo Feminista, destacando seu protagonismo na luta por direitos e pela igualdade de gênero no estado. Fundada em 1990, nasceu como desdobramento de grupos feministas anteriores e apresenta uma destacada atuação com mulheres urbanas e rurais do litoral, agreste e cariri paraibano. Através da metodologia da história oral, costuramos histórias de vida de suas integrantes, numa relação próxima entre uma história que se fez e que está sendo feita, e a memória. Também utilizamos textos, projetos, relatórios, folders, cartilhas e outros materiais essenciais a nosso fiar. Veremos a elaboração de novas práticas de subjetivação e a consolidação de um feminismo institucionalizado que foi formador para outros grupos e movimentos, essencial na formação de redes, na consolidação de articulações e no diálogo com o feminismo regional e nacional. Dessa forma, esperamos contribuir com a história e memória do coletivo ao mesmo tempo em que colocamos à luz as histórias de vida de suas integrantes e que traçamos uma história do protagonismo feminino, das resistências e do movimento feminista na Paraíba.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo a investigação sobre a criação da Secretaria Especial de Políticas para Mulheres em 2003. Este organismo institucional surgiu a partir da vitória do Partido dos Trabalhadores para a Presidência da República através da candidatura de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Os atores envolvidos na concretização desta iniciativa e os fatores que levaram este governo a colocar em sua agenda central o combate às desigualdades sociais entre homens e mulheres é o interesse central tratado. A existência desta experiência é precedida por outra modalidade institucional, o Conselho Nacional de Direitos da Mulher, criado em 1985. As duas iniciativas são diferentes e são elaboradas em contextos e épocas diversas. Estas variações de propostas de institucionalização via Estado de políticas públicas para mulheres retrata uma característica do movimento feminista brasileiro que é seu caráter amplo e diverso. Com a convivência de setores com pautas e demandas diferenciadas, este movimento também mostra sua diversidade através das propostas institucionais. Do ponto de vista metodológico, foi utilizada a técnica das entrevistas semi-estruturadas com feministas que participaram da elaboração da Secretaria Especial de Políticas para Mulheres. Também foram utilizados livros, artigos e documentos considerados relevantes a partir do material das entrevistas. O perfil destas mulheres era de militantes ligadas ao Partido dos Trabalhadores, visto que foi a vitória deste partido para a Presidência da República que permitiu a concretização desta instituição. Todas as entrevistadas participaram historicamente da luta feminista desde aproximadamente as décadas de 1970 e 1980, sempre inseridas e dialogando com as propostas de governo do PT. Este estudo contribui para o esclarecimento deste episódio da história da institucionalização estatal das demandas do movimento feminista e para o fornecimento de mais ferramentas para o debate da importância que as políticas públicas e o Estado possuem no combate às desigualdades sociais entre homens e mulheres. A ideia de que a igualdade de gênero deve ser promovida dentro do Estado, a partir de suas ações e seus profissionais e, assim, trabalhada na sociedade como um todo é fundamental para que situações de inequidade sejam combatidas. / This dissertation aims to research on the creation of the Special Secretariat of Policies for Women in 2003. This institution emerged from the victory of the Workers Party to the presidency through the candidacy of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The actors involved in the implementation of this initiative and the factors that led this government to place on its agenda central to combating social inequalities between men and women is the central concern addressed. The existence of this experience is preceded by another institutional modality, the National Council of Women's Rights, created in 1985. The two initiatives are different and are prepared in different times and contexts. These variations of proposed rule via institutionalization of public policies for women portrays a characteristic of Brazilian feminist movement that is broad and diverse character. With the coexistence of sectors with different agendas and demands, this movement also shows its diversity through institutional proposals. From the methodological point of view, we used the technique of semi-structured interviews with feminists who participated in the drafting of the Special Secretariat of Policies for Women. Also used were books, articles and documents deemed relevant material from the interviews. The profile of these women was linked to militants Workers Party, since this was the victory party for the presidency allowed the implementation of this institution. All interviewed participated in the feminist struggle historically since about the 1970s and 1980s, when inserted and dialogue with PTs government proposals. This study contributes to the understanding of this episode in the history of the institutionalization state of demands of the feminist movement and to provide more tools for discussion of the importance of public policy and the state have to fight social inequalities between men and women. The idea that gender equality should be promoted within the state, from their actions and professionals and thus worked in society as a whole is essential for situations of inequity are fought.

Public policies are often driven by a combination of factors, such as the elected government's political profile and the public opinion and pressure.  Media plays a vital role in documenting and educating public opinion on relevant issues, and that is not different for the feminist and LGBTQIA+ demands. This study analyses the Brazilian media representation of feminist movements through qualitative textual and visual analyses of selected news material from the two most prominent national newspapers ranging between 2010 and 2022. The study critically examines how the media has portrayed feminist movements in Brazil and therefore sheds light on the challenges faced by feminist activists in bringing these movements to the forefront of public discourse and driving public opinion in their favour. Overall, this thesis provides important insights into the role of the media in shaping public opinion and influencing policy outcomes. It also highlights the importance of media literacy in shaping public opinion and advancing social justice movements.