<p>The prehistoric cemetery of Barshalder is located along the main road on the boundary between Grötlingbo and Fide parishes, near the southern end of the island of Gotland in the Baltic Sea. The cemetery was used from c. AD 1-1100.</p><p>The level of publication in Swedish archaeology of the first millennium AD is low compared to, for instance, the British and German examples. Gotland’s rich Iron Age cemeteries have long been intensively excavated, but few have received monographic treatment. This publication is intended to begin filling this gap and to raise the empirical level of the field. It also aims to make explicit and test the often somewhat intuitively conceived results of much previous research. The analyses deal mainly with the Migration (AD 375–540), Vendel (AD 520–790) and Late Viking (AD 1000–1150) Periods.</p><p>The following lines of inquiry have been prioritised.</p><p>1. Landscape history, i.e. placing the cemetery in a landscape-historical context. (Vol. 1, section 2.2.6)</p><p>2. Migration Period typochronology, i.e. the study of change in the grave goods. (Vol. 2, chapter 2)</p><p>3. Social roles: gender, age and status. (Vol. 2, chapter 3)</p><p>4. Religious identity in the 11th century, i.e. the study of religious indicators in mortuary customs and grave goods, with particular emphasis on the relationship between Scandinavian paganism and Christianity.. (Vol. 2, chapter 4)</p><p>Barshalder is found to have functioned as a central cemetery for the surrounding area, located on peripheral land far away from contemporary settlement, yet placed on a main road along the coast for maximum visibility and possibly near a harbour. Computer supported correspondence analysis and seriation are used to study the gender attributes among the grave goods and the chronology of the burials. New methodology is developed to distinguish gender-neutral attributes from transgressed gender attributes. Sub-gender grouping due to age and status is explored. An independent modern chronology system with rigorous type definitions is established for the Migration Period of Gotland. Recently published chronology systems for the Vendel and Viking Periods are critically reviewed, tested and modified to produce more solid models. Social stratification is studied through burial wealth with a quantitative method, and the results are tested through juxtaposition with several other data types.</p><p>The Late Viking Period graves of the late 10th and 11th centuries are studied in relation to the contemporary Christian graves at the churchyards. They are found to be symbolically soft-spoken and unobtrusive, with all pagan attributes kept apart from the body in a space between the feet of the deceased and the end of the over-long inhumation trench. A small number of pagan reactionary graves with more forceful symbolism are however also identified. The distribution of different 11th century cemetery types across the island is used to interpret the period’s confessional geography, the scale of social organisation and the degree of allegiance to western and eastern Christianity. 11th century society on Gotland is found to have been characterised by religious tolerance, by an absence of central organisation and by slow piecemeal Christianisation.</p>

<p>The prehistoric cemetery of Barshalder is located along the main road on the boundary between Grötlingbo and Fide parishes, near the southern end of the island of Gotland in the Baltic Sea. The ceme-tery was used from c. AD 1-1100.</p><p>The level of publication in Swedish archaeology of the first millennium AD is low compared to, for instance, the British and German examples. Gotland’s rich Iron Age cemeteries have long been intensively excavated, but few have received monographic treatment. This publication is intended to begin filling this gap and to raise the empirical level of the field. It also aims to make explicit and test the often somewhat intuitively conceived re-sults of much previous research. The analyses deal mainly with the Migration (AD 375–540), Vendel (AD 520–790) and Late Viking (AD 1000–1150) Periods.</p><p>The following lines of inquiry have been prioritised.</p><p>1. Landscape history, i.e. placing the cemetery in a landscape-historical context. (Vol. 1, section 2.2.6)</p><p>2. Migration Period typochronology, i.e. the study of change in the grave goods. (Vol. 2, chapter 2)</p><p>3. Social roles: gender, age and status. (Vol. 2, chapter 3)</p><p>4. Religious identity in the 11th century, i.e. the study of religious indicators in mortuary cus-toms and grave goods, with particular emphasis on the relationship between Scandinavian paganism and Christianity. (Vol. 2, chapter 4)</p><p>Barshalder is found to have functioned as a central cemetery for the surrounding area, located on pe-ripheral land far away from contemporary settle-ment, yet placed on a main road along the coast for maximum visibility and possibly near a harbour. Computer supported correspondence analysis and seriation are used to study the gender attributes among the grave goods and the chronology of the burials. New methodology is developed to distin-guish gender-neutral attributes from transgressed gender attributes. Sub-gender grouping due to age and status is explored. An independent modern chronology system with rigorous type definitions is established for the Migration Period of Gotland. Recently published chronology systems for the Vendel and Viking Periods are critically reviewed, tested and modified to produce more solid models. Social stratification is studied through burial wealth with a quantitative method, and the results are tested through juxtaposition with several other data types.</p><p>The Late Viking Period graves of the late 10th and 11th centuries are studied in relation to the contemporary Christian graves at the churchyards. They are found to be symbolically soft-spoken and unobtrusive, with all pagan attributes kept apart from the body in a space between the feet of the deceased and the end of the over-long inhumation trench. A small number of pagan reactionary graves with more forceful symbolism are however also identified. The distribution of different 11th cen-tury cemetery types across the island is used to in-terpret the period’s confessional geography, the scale of social organisation and the degree of alle-giance to western and eastern Christianity. 11th century society on Gotland is found to have been characterised by religious tolerance, by an absence of central organisation and by slow piecemeal Christianisation.</p>

The prehistoric cemetery of Barshalder is located along the main road on the boundary between Grötlingbo and Fide parishes, near the southern end of the island of Gotland in the Baltic Sea. The cemetery was used from c. AD 1-1100. The level of publication in Swedish archaeology of the first millennium AD is low compared to, for instance, the British and German examples. Gotland’s rich Iron Age cemeteries have long been intensively excavated, but few have received monographic treatment. This publication is intended to begin filling this gap and to raise the empirical level of the field. It also aims to make explicit and test the often somewhat intuitively conceived results of much previous research. The analyses deal mainly with the Migration (AD 375–540), Vendel (AD 520–790) and Late Viking (AD 1000–1150) Periods. The following lines of inquiry have been prioritised. 1. Landscape history, i.e. placing the cemetery in a landscape-historical context. (Vol. 1, section 2.2.6) 2. Migration Period typochronology, i.e. the study of change in the grave goods. (Vol. 2, chapter 2) 3. Social roles: gender, age and status. (Vol. 2, chapter 3) 4. Religious identity in the 11th century, i.e. the study of religious indicators in mortuary customs and grave goods, with particular emphasis on the relationship between Scandinavian paganism and Christianity.. (Vol. 2, chapter 4) Barshalder is found to have functioned as a central cemetery for the surrounding area, located on peripheral land far away from contemporary settlement, yet placed on a main road along the coast for maximum visibility and possibly near a harbour. Computer supported correspondence analysis and seriation are used to study the gender attributes among the grave goods and the chronology of the burials. New methodology is developed to distinguish gender-neutral attributes from transgressed gender attributes. Sub-gender grouping due to age and status is explored. An independent modern chronology system with rigorous type definitions is established for the Migration Period of Gotland. Recently published chronology systems for the Vendel and Viking Periods are critically reviewed, tested and modified to produce more solid models. Social stratification is studied through burial wealth with a quantitative method, and the results are tested through juxtaposition with several other data types. The Late Viking Period graves of the late 10th and 11th centuries are studied in relation to the contemporary Christian graves at the churchyards. They are found to be symbolically soft-spoken and unobtrusive, with all pagan attributes kept apart from the body in a space between the feet of the deceased and the end of the over-long inhumation trench. A small number of pagan reactionary graves with more forceful symbolism are however also identified. The distribution of different 11th century cemetery types across the island is used to interpret the period’s confessional geography, the scale of social organisation and the degree of allegiance to western and eastern Christianity. 11th century society on Gotland is found to have been characterised by religious tolerance, by an absence of central organisation and by slow piecemeal Christianisation.

The prehistoric cemetery of Barshalder is located along the main road on the boundary between Grötlingbo and Fide parishes, near the southern end of the island of Gotland in the Baltic Sea. The ceme-tery was used from c. AD 1-1100. The level of publication in Swedish archaeology of the first millennium AD is low compared to, for instance, the British and German examples. Gotland’s rich Iron Age cemeteries have long been intensively excavated, but few have received monographic treatment. This publication is intended to begin filling this gap and to raise the empirical level of the field. It also aims to make explicit and test the often somewhat intuitively conceived re-sults of much previous research. The analyses deal mainly with the Migration (AD 375–540), Vendel (AD 520–790) and Late Viking (AD 1000–1150) Periods. The following lines of inquiry have been prioritised. 1. Landscape history, i.e. placing the cemetery in a landscape-historical context. (Vol. 1, section 2.2.6) 2. Migration Period typochronology, i.e. the study of change in the grave goods. (Vol. 2, chapter 2) 3. Social roles: gender, age and status. (Vol. 2, chapter 3) 4. Religious identity in the 11th century, i.e. the study of religious indicators in mortuary cus-toms and grave goods, with particular emphasis on the relationship between Scandinavian paganism and Christianity. (Vol. 2, chapter 4) Barshalder is found to have functioned as a central cemetery for the surrounding area, located on pe-ripheral land far away from contemporary settle-ment, yet placed on a main road along the coast for maximum visibility and possibly near a harbour. Computer supported correspondence analysis and seriation are used to study the gender attributes among the grave goods and the chronology of the burials. New methodology is developed to distin-guish gender-neutral attributes from transgressed gender attributes. Sub-gender grouping due to age and status is explored. An independent modern chronology system with rigorous type definitions is established for the Migration Period of Gotland. Recently published chronology systems for the Vendel and Viking Periods are critically reviewed, tested and modified to produce more solid models. Social stratification is studied through burial wealth with a quantitative method, and the results are tested through juxtaposition with several other data types. The Late Viking Period graves of the late 10th and 11th centuries are studied in relation to the contemporary Christian graves at the churchyards. They are found to be symbolically soft-spoken and unobtrusive, with all pagan attributes kept apart from the body in a space between the feet of the deceased and the end of the over-long inhumation trench. A small number of pagan reactionary graves with more forceful symbolism are however also identified. The distribution of different 11th cen-tury cemetery types across the island is used to in-terpret the period’s confessional geography, the scale of social organisation and the degree of alle-giance to western and eastern Christianity. 11th century society on Gotland is found to have been characterised by religious tolerance, by an absence of central organisation and by slow piecemeal Christianisation.

The Prefecture of Pella bought Heirachabis in 1895 and occupied it in 1898. This marked the beginning of the Mission in the South. The Oblates of Mary Immaculate officially started on 8 December 1896. They were allowed to minister among the Europeans and among Africans, not ministered to by a Protestant Mission. The first expansion was at Klein Windhoek, and at Swakopmund being the gateway to the Protectorate. The Tswana invited the Mission to help them after they had arrived from the Cape. Aminuis and Epukiro were founded. After 1905 the Mission was allowed to open stations among the Herera and Damara. Doebra, Gobabis, Usakos, Omaruru, and Okombahe were the result. Seven expeditions were undertaken to reach Kavango. After many failures the first mission became a reality at Nyangana in 1910. Just before the war the expansion reached Grootfontein, Tsumeb and Kokasib. In the South missions were opened at Warmbad, Gabis, Keetmanshoop, Luederitz and Gibeon. World War I scattered the African population of the towns which disturbed the missionary work. The S. A. Administration allowed most missionaries to stay. After the Peace Conference S. W. A. became a Mandate of S. A. In 1924 permission was granted to enter Owambo. The first station was opened in Ukuambi, later followed by Ombalantu and Okatana. In 1926 the Prefecture of Lower Cimbebasia was elevated to the Vicariate of Windhoek, while the Prefecture of Great Namaqualand became the Vicariate of Keetmanshoop in 1930. World War II left the missionary activities undisturbed. In 1943 Magistrate Trollop in Caprivi invited the Catholic Mission in 1943 to come and open educational and health facilities. The South expanded into Stampriet, Witkrans, Aroab, Mariental. The election victory in 1948 in South Africa of the Afrikaner Parties with the resulting apartheid legislation negatively affected the missions in S. W. A. After 1965 the influence of Vatican II became noticeable, while the pressure of the United Nations Organisation moved the territory towards independence. While initially the Catholic Church had been very cautious, in the ?O's and 80's she took a very definite stand in favour of human rights. She also became a full member of the CCN. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

Au cours du XIXe siècle, le droit de la faillite institué comme un mécanisme de sanction des débiteurs professionnels faillis prend progressivement en compte la situation du débiteur ainsi que sa bonne ou sa mauvaise foi afin d’évaluer son degré de culpabilité. À Lyon, l’évolution de la norme de la faillite et de sa pratique le tribunal de commerce fait apparaître une prise en considération grandissante de l’humanité du débiteur, accompagnée parfois par une réforme légale impulsée par l’initiative des juges consulaires lyonnais. Ceux-ci prennent l’initiative d’instituer des mesures contra legem afin de protéger les commerçants de bonne foi victimes d’une conjoncture provoquant une crise économique majeure qui génère des faillites en cascade.Au lieu de mettre en place une réforme en profondeur du droit de la faillite réclamée par les praticiens, les docteurs, la jurisprudence ainsi que par les justiciables, le législateur n’institue que des mesures provisoires et palliatives. Son inertie renforce la conviction des juges consulaires lyonnais que leur pratique s’impose comme une solution appropriée pour réduire les conséquences néfastes de l’inaction du législateur non seulement sur la situation des commerçants faillis mais aussi sur la société et l’économie de la ville de Lyon. / During the nineteenth century, the bankruptcy law instituted as a sanction mechanism of bankrupt debtors professionals has been gradually taking into account the debtor's situation and his good or bad faith in order to assess the degree of guilt.In Lyon, the evolution of the standard of bankruptcy and practice of the Commercial Court reveals a growing consideration of debtor’s humanity, sometimes accompanied by a legal reform promoted by the initiative of consular judges of Lyon. They take the initiative to institute measures contrary to the law to protect bona fide traders victims of a situation causing a major economic crisis that generates cascading bankruptcies.Instead of putting in place a comprehensive reform of bankruptcy law claimed by practitioners, doctors, case law and by litigants, the legislator establishes only temporary and palliative measures. Its inertia reinforces the conviction of consular judges of Lyon that their practice has established itself as an appropriate solution to reduce the adverse consequences of the inaction of the legislature not only on the situation of failed traders, but also on society and the economy of the city from Lyon.

En s’interrogeant sur une sentence de Quintus Mucius rapportée par Cicéron(Off. 3.70), cette étude entend montrer qu’au-delà de leur diversité et des évolutions qu’elles ont subies, les actions de bonne foi (iudicia bonae fidei)ont été depuis l’époque républicaine invariablement considérées par la jurisprudence romaine comme des actions fondées sur le ius civile, et non sur le pouvoir de juridiction du préteur, malgré le défaut de prévision législative qui les caractérise ; qu’elles furent initialement, pour l’essentiel d’entre elles,secrétées par le droit propre des citoyens romains, dans le cadre de rapports marqués par une certaine intimité de vie (societas vitae), et non du fait d’exigences liées au commerce avec les pérégrins. Corrélativement, la mention de la bonne foi dans leur formule (clause ex fide bona), loin de représenter le fondement d’un devoir moral ou de l’obligation juridique qu’elles protègent,représente un standard de jugement destiné à amplifier les pouvoirs du juge pour la résolution de ces contentieux rendus délicats par les liens d’affinité sociale fréquents entre les parties au litige. De la vient l’étonnante modernité procédurale de ces formules rédigées de manière diplomatique et euphémique. Ainsi l’opposition romaine entre « droit strict » et bonne foi concerne non pas le fondement de l’action, mais les particularités de l’instance et les pouvoirs du juge. / Actions of good faith (iudicia bonae fidei) have for long been suspected of being initially praetorian actions, which were probably for most of them created by the peregrine praetorship to enforce contracts passed by the strangers (peregrine), so that their material source is good faith (fides bona),expressed in their formula by the clause “ex fide bona”. Our research is an attempt to prove that :a) these actions were already considered as civilian actions in the later Republic, despite the lack of a statutory ground b)their initial scope was to protect typically Roman relationships; c)Thus, the clausulaex fide bona was a simple standard that enlarged the power of the judge and overlapped some of the strict rules of Roman civil procedure, as well as it took place in an euphemistic and diplomatic way of writing formulas, in order to respect the social affinity (societas vitae) between the parties.

The purpose of the research is the analysis of the concept of bad faith in the sphere of trade marks from the perspective of a fair balance of different interests of the trade mark proprietor and other undertakings in the European market. On the one hand, the starting point of European trade mark law is the protection of exclusive rights conferred on the owner of a registered mark. On the other hand, Article 16 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union guarantees the right to free access to the market. The research work analyses the scope of these conflicting rights and comes to the conclusion that the interests of trade mark law and market competition may have common ground despite different starting points between them. Bad faith behaviour in the market should also be assessed as an acute common issue. In that connection, the objective of the thesis is to examine how the balance of the interests is achieved in European trade mark legislation and in practice, whether this balance is fair when dealing with bad faith. Additionally, the thesis considers the issues of the definition of bad faith in European legislation and possible changes in the European trade mark system related to the concept of bad faith.

Prigioniero a Tripoli e falso sacerdote. Apostata e penitente. Supposto martire e, pertanto, candidato alla santità. È questo il ritratto di Alipio di S. Giuseppe che emerge dalle fonti agiografiche e dal cospicuo, e in gran parte inedito, corpus documentario, di cui il primo capitolo della tesi offre un’articolata ricognizione. La vicenda di questo frate agostiniano scalzo di origine palermitana – che ben si inserisce nel contesto mediterraneo dei secoli XVI-XVII, caratterizzato da un continuo e ampio rimescolamento di uomini, merci, appartenenze religiose e culturali, e di cui la guerra di corsa, con tutte le sue conseguenze, costituisce una delle dimensioni più rappresentative – fu anzitutto una vicenda di prigionia, conversione all’islam e successiva abiura, nonché di martirio, cui il religioso andò volontariamente incontro nel febbraio del 1645; di questi aspetti, delle modalità con cui il tragico fatto fu trasmesso dai missionari apostolici residenti a Tripoli e recepito all’interno dell’Ordine degli Agostiniani Scalzi, oltre che delle interessanti analogie con altri episodi di apostasia si parla nel secondo capitolo. Nel terzo capitolo, invece, si dà conto del ruolo di primo piano avuto dalla famiglia siciliana dei Tomasi nella promozione della causa di beatificazione di fra Alipio, avviata in seguito all’arrivo, nel 1653, delle sue reliquie sul litorale agrigentino e approdata, dopo le ordinariae inquisitiones del biennio 1654-1656, alla Congregazione dei Riti, che però espresse parere negativo sia nel 1658 sia sessant’anni più tardi. / Captive in Tripoli and false priest, apostate and penitent, alleged martyr and then candidate to sainthood. That is the portrait the first part of this work brought to light from the considerable documentary corpus about Alipio di San Giuseppe, mostly still unpublished. The human existence of this Augustinian Discalceate friar from Palermo – set in the XVI and XVII centuries, when in the Mediterranean mix of people, goods, religions, also privateering was a significant aspect – is a sequence of captivity, conversion to Islam and following abjuration, culminating in the martyrdom he deliberately chose in February 1645. This story, its narration made by the apostolic missionaries in Tripoli as wells as its understanding by the Augustinian Discalceate order are investigated in the second chapter and compared with similar episodes of abjuration. In the third part the relevant role played by the Sicilian family Tomasi in promoting the beatification proceedings of Alipio is explained; started after his relics were brought to the shore near Agrigento in 1653, the proceedings moved to the Congregatio Sacrorum Rituum after the ordinariae inquisitiones in 1654-1656, and there were denied first in 1658 and definitively 60 years later.

Une question demeure récurrente : les divisions qui subsistent depuis le XVIè siècle entre Catholiques, Luthériens et Réformés sont-elles autant d’ordre anthropologique que théologique ? Cette problématique paraissant pouvoir être soutenue, il convenait alors de déterminer les différends anthropologiques, de les analyser et de se demander s’ils sont une entrave à la Κοινωνία. L’étude de la situation au XVIè siècle a permis de conclure que les concepts anthropologiques portés par une philosophie existentielle ont joué un rôle important dans la rupture au sein de l’Église d’Occident. Le retour sur la pensée de Pannenberg, Moltmann, Rahner, théologiens de trois confessions différentes, autorise à dire qu’au XXè siècle la vision de l’homme a toujours une incidence sur les concepts théologiques, mais les différences sont de moins en moins séparatrices et deviennent souvent des dons à partager. L’analyse de dialogues œcuméniques a mis en évidence que les différends anthropothéologiques ont été partiellement réconciliés et font l’objet d’accords, voire d’une déclaration commune sur la Doctrine de la Justification. Aujourd’hui, un défi reste à relever celui d’une déclaration sur le Ministère en vue du partage à la même table eucharistique. Une démarche de consensus différencié serait une aide à la recherche d’une pleine communion. / An issue has been ever recurring : are the discords which have been going on since sixteenth century between Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists as much anthropological as theological ? As this question can be supported it seems suitable to determine these anthropological disagreements, analyse them and wonder whether or not they are obstacle to the Κοινωνία. A study concerning the situation during the XVIth century has allowed to conclude that the anthropological concepts conveyed by an existential philosophy have played a mojor role in the severing within the Western Church. The return on the thoughts developed by Pannenberg, Moltmann and Rahner, theologians of three different confessions, allows us to tell that in the XXth. century man’s vision has always an incidence on the theological concepts but are less and less separative and are often gifts to be shared. The analysis of ecumenical dialogues have clearly shown that theanthropological disagreements have been partly reconciled and are now subject to consensus, even a joint declaration on the doctrine of justification. Today we have to take up a challenge about a declaration on the ministry in order to share the body of Christ at the same table. A differing consensus method could be a help to find a complete communion.