A presente pesquisa analisou as feiras agroecológicas realizadas por camponeses no estado da Paraíba, experiência que se constituiu na comercialização direta de alimentos produzidos em assentamentos rurais e pequenas propriedades. Essa iniciativa foi resultado de soluções para problemas provocados pelo uso de agrotóxicos, a venda da produção para atravessadores e a busca pela constituição da vida na terra conquistada. Os camponeses que encabeçaram essa experiência traziam uma vivência de enfrentamento contra os latifúndios improdutivos e oligarquias rurais. Foi na longa trajetória percorrida na luta pela terra que se formaram as bases políticas e sociais no sentido que pretendiam dotar a vida na terra conquistada. Dessa forma, a não utilização de agrotóxicos e de fertilizantes químicos, bem como a recusa em plantar as sementes transgênicas fizeram parte de uma prática agrícola contra-hegemônica, que buscou diminuir a dependência das famílias camponesas dos oligopólios mundiais. Diante disso, objetivamos compreender o protagonismo camponês na luta por condições mais justas no campo, diante da concentrada estrutura fundiária brasileira e dos privilégios governamentais concedidos ao agronegócio. Nesse contexto, identificamos que até concretizarem a realização da primeira feira agroecológica, as famílias camponesas enfrentaram uma série de dificuldades, desde a falta de apoio governamental até a proibição de instalação de feiras em algumas cidades. Mesmo diante das adversidades, constatamos uma série de resultados positivos, como melhoria da saúde das famílias, oferta de alimentos saudáveis para a cidade, melhoria do solo agrícola e aumento da renda familiar. Todavia, apesar das conquistas, o número de integrantes que praticam uma agricultura contra-hegemônica ainda é pequeno diante da agricultura convencional. Dessa forma, a partir dos estudos da geografia agrária, buscamos analisar os processos de monopolização do território e territorialização do monopólio na agricultura, para compreender os processos de criação e recriação do campesinato. Portanto, com base nesses processos, levantamos a tese da possibilidade de superação da condição de subordinação camponesa a partir da realização de projetos como o das feiras agroecológicas, enquanto concepção mais ampla de vida e de transformações sociais, interligadas às discussões da construção da soberania alimentar. / This research analysed the agroecological fairs held by peasants in the state of Paraíba, as an experience that was constituted in the direct commercialization of food produced in rural settlements and small properties, an initiative that was the result of solutions to issues such as the problems caused using agrochemicals, the sale of production for middlemen and the constitution of life in the conquered land. The peasants who led this experience brought an experience of confrontation against the unproductive latifundios and rural oligarchies. It was throughout the long trajectory crossed in the struggle for land that the political and social foundations were formed in the sense that they intended to endow their life in the conquered land. Thus, the non-use of agrochemicals and chemical fertilizers, as well as the refusal to plant transgenic seeds, were part of an anti-hegemonic agricultural practice that sought to reduce the dependence of peasant families on global oligopolies. Based on this, we aim to understand the peasant protagonism in the fight for fairer conditions in rural, facing the concentrated Brazilian land structure and the governmental privileges granted to agribusiness. In this context, we identified that until the first agroecological fair was held, the peasant families faced a series of difficulties, from the lack of government support to the prohibition of the installation of fairs in some cities. Even in the face of adversity, we have seen many positive results, such as improving the health of families, providing healthy food for the city, improving agricultural land and increasing family income. However, despite the achievements, the number of members who practice an anti-hegemonic agriculture is still small compared to conventional agriculture. Thus, from the studies of agrarian geography, we seek to analyse the processes of monopolization of the territory and territorialization of the monopoly in agriculture, in order to understand the processes of creation and recreation of the peasantry. Therefore, based on these processes, we raised the thesis of the possibility of overcoming the condition of peasant subordination from the realization of projects such as agroecological fairs, as a broader conception of life and social transformations, linked to the discussions of the construction of food sovereignty.

Avec la consécration du principe d’égalité dans la Charte des Nations unies, un imposant corpus de promotion et de protection des droits des femmes a été érigé au niveau international. Au niveau régional africain, sous la pression de mouvements féministes, une volonté politique de promotion et de défense des droits humains fondamentaux des femmes africaines a été impulsée. Dans le contexte ouest-africain, au regard du fort potentiel productif agricole des femmes, compte tenu de la place centrale de l’agriculture dans l’ensemble des dynamiques de développement, la question de l’égalité des sexes et l’autonomisation de la femme, se pose avec acuité. Il s’agit d’une question centrale, aux enjeux essentiels depuis que, les États de la sous-région ouest-africaine se sont engagés sur la voie de la souveraineté alimentaire. La présente étude décrit le statut juridique réel des femmes en Afrique occidentale, analyse en quoi ce statut influe les dynamiques de développement et les stratégies de lutte contre la pauvreté et la faim. Prenant comme angle d’analyse les dynamiques organisationnelles mises en place par les femmes agricultrices, elle s’interroge par ailleurs, sur la situation paradoxale de ces dernières, en ce qui concerne d’une part, leur contribution essentielle à la souveraineté alimentaire, et d’autre part, les violations et dénis de droits et, les violences et discriminations sexospécifiques auxquelles elles sont confrontées, et, propose des pistes susceptibles d’exploiter rationnellement et exponentiellement le potentiel des femmes, afin de permettre à la sous-région ouest-africaine de s’engager effectivement, avec sérénité et assurance sur la voie de la souveraineté alimentaire / Since the establishment of the equality principle in the UN Charter in 1945, an impressive women’s right promotion and protection body was subsequently erected worldwide. In Africa, pressure from feminist movements resulted in a political will of African women’s fundamental human rights promotion and defense. Regarding women’s productive potential in the West African context, due to the central role of agriculture in the overall dynamic development, the gender equality and women empowerment issue arise with more interest. This is an issue of cardinal importance since the West African governments committed themselves to insuring food sovereignty. This study describes the true legal status of women in West Africa, analyzes how this status affects the dynamics of development and anti-poverty and hunger strategies. The analysis angle here is the effective organizational structure set up by women farmers and it also examines the paradoxical situation of rural women farmers regarding, on the one hand their vital contribution to food sovereignty, and on the other hand rights violations and denials, and gender-based discrimination they face, and suggests possible ways of rationally and exponentially exploiting women’s potential, in order to enable the West-African sub-region to fully commit itself on the way of food sovereignty with serenity and assurance.

Although evidence continues to indicate an urgent need to transition food systems away from industrialized monocultures and toward agroecological production, there is little sign of significant policy commitment toward food system transformation in global North geographies. The authors, a consortium of researchers studying the land-food nexus in global North geographies, argue that a key lock-in explaining the lack of reform arises from how most food system interventions work through dominant logics of property to achieve their goals of agroecological production. Doing so fails to recognize how land tenure systems, codified by law and performed by society, construct agricultural land use outcomes. In this perspective, the authors argue that achieving food system “resilience” requires urgent attention to the underlying property norms that drive land access regimes, especially where norms of property appear hegemonic. This paper first reviews research from political ecology, critical property law, and human geography to show how entrenched property relations in the global North frustrate the advancement of alternative models like food sovereignty and agroecology, and work to mediate acceptable forms of “sustainable agriculture.” Drawing on emerging cases of land tenure reform from the authors’ collective experience working in Scotland, France, Australia, Canada, and Japan, we next observe how contesting dominant logics of property creates space to forge deep and equitable food system transformation. Equally, these cases demonstrate how powerful actors in the food system attempt to leverage legal and cultural norms of property to legitimize their control over the resources that drive agricultural production. Our formulation suggests that visions for food system “resilience” must embrace the reform of property relations as much as it does diversified farming practices. This work calls for a joint cultural and legal reimagination of our relation to land in places where property functions as an epistemic and apex entitlement.

This dissertation ethnographically explores the social concerns related to the global, agro-industrial system's impact on many communities' potential for livelihood and health. At the core of this study is the desire to understand the complex and dynamic ways that communities strive to develop, and make sense of, networks that address these wicked problems and to understand how these strategies might aggregate to promote community resiliency. An investigation of alternative food networks (AFNs) was contextualized in one province in Western Turkey. The AFNs were articulated by an ethnographic design that utilized tools from different fields of study. Integrating actor-network theory, new social movements theory, and the nourishing networks framework allowed for robust triangulation of data. I conclude that AFNs in this province are nascent and remain fragmented. At present, AFNs have not been leveraged for community resiliency efforts. However, they hold the seeds of what may become a food sovereignty social movement. This ethnography reveals that the province has assets, including numerous affinity groups, and a durable connection to heritage with strong reverberations of a nature-culture. I illuminate the broad spectrum of submerged and visible actants and actors that prime the AFNs' development. The wide variance creates diffuse and contradictory cultural implications. Actors report they constantly negotiate cultural aspects related to AFNs. They conceptualize this work as a polymorphous phenomenon of fragmented communities and a culture of dependency; but they show fortitude by negotiating multi-phasic actions and multi-vocal resistance messaging. By way of this study I illustrate that their cultural politics take place where economy and identity interface. Actors seek legitimization. They speak of infusing heritage-based ideals into projects. They are firm that agricultural modernization must come from Turkish values. And, they are formulating and strengthening ideological-based discourses. I further clarify their development strategies by showing how AFNs are experimenting with new governance strategies and focusing on social embedding. Promotion of niche markets has begun. However, public and private resources are limited, which hinders the momentum of AFNs. Additional research is needed to better understand the processes for high functioning AFNs in Turkey. / Ph. D.

O Brasil tem se apresentado como importante parceiro de Moçambique na execução de projetos por meio da cooperação internacional, notadamente nas áreas afetas à segurança alimentar e nutricional. Há uma forte atuação das empresas brasileiras em setores estratégicos. Uma ampla articulação de atores sociais no país tem apontado caminhos alternativos para enfrentar os desafios do desenvolvimento e globalização. Propõe-se a compreensão sobre a atuação dos movimentos sociais moçambicanos neste contexto. O estudo reconstituiu as definições de segurança alimentar e nutricional e soberania alimentar, identificando seu processo de construção, atores envolvidos e diferentes apropriações. Procurou conhecer as ameaças e desafios à realização do direito humano à alimentação. E, ainda, analisou as práticas sociais em curso, suas características, impasses e conquistas no âmbito local e internacional. Com base na metodologia qualitativa procedeu-se o estudo e análise documental, a realização de visitas técnicas para compreensão do contexto local e a aplicação de entrevistas compreensivas com participantes de movimentos e organizações sociais de Moçambique nas Províncias (Estados) de Maputo e Nampula, ao Sul e Norte, respectivamente. Observou que os movimentos e organizações sociais destinam atenção em graus diferentes em relação às iniciativas desenvolvidas pelo Brasil, possuindo maior relevância as ações em torno da implantação do Programa para o Desenvolvimento Agrícola no Corredor de Nacala (ProSAVANA), em Nampula. Constatou a fragilidade dos mecanismos de participação e controle social em Moçambique na área de segurança alimentar e nutricional. Evidenciou, também, que há uma incorporação ainda incipiente de aspectos relacionados à nutrição na agenda política dos movimentos e organizações sociais. Concluiu que as experiências em cursos têm consolidado um campo de atuação dinâmico, capaz de intervir em processos internacionais de negociação a partir da realidade local. / Brazil has presented as an important partner of Mozambique in the implementation of projects through international cooperation, especially in the areas afetas to food and nutrition security. There is a robust activities of brazilian companies in strategic sectors. In the other hand, a large articulation of social actors in the country has appointed alternative ways to meet the challenges of development and globalization. It proposed understanding of the performance of the mozambique social movements in this context. The study reconstructed the food and nutritional security settings and food sovereignty, identifying its construction process, stakeholders and different appropriations. It sought to know the threats and challenges to the realization of the human right to food. And also analyzed the social practices underway, their characteristics, impasses and achievements in the local and international level. Based on qualitative methodology proceeded to the study and analysis of documents, conducting technical visits to understand the local context and the implementation of comprehensive interviews with participants of social movements and organizations of Mozambique in the provinces of Maputo and Nampula. It was observed that social movements and organizations have dedicated different attetion in relation to the initiatives taken by Brazil, with most relevant actions around the implementation of the Program for Agricultural Development in the Nacala Corridor (ProSAVANA). It showed the fragility of the mechanisms of participation and social control in Mozambique in the area of food safety and nutrition. It showed, too, that there is an incipient incorporation of aspects related to nutrition on the political agenda of the social movements and organizations. It concluded that the experiences in courses have consolidated a level playing field, dynamic and able, to intervene in international negotiation processes from the local reality.

Este trabalho trata da narrativa de resistência que o Movimento de Pequenos Agricultores-MPA constituiu para resistir aos processos de expropriação das sementes dos camponeses, no estado de Santa Catarina, Brasil. O objetivo é analisar como o projeto de sementes do movimento influenciou a construção da soberania alimentar por meio de suas ações junto às instituições. Como instrumentos metodológicos fontes primárias e secundárias foram utilizadas, levando em consideração o referencial teórico da ecologia política, focado em conceitos de conflitos socioambientais, justiça ambiental e soberania alimentar. Assim, foi realizada pesquisa de campo, nos anos de 2015 e 2016, nos estados do Distrito Federal, Santa Catarina e Rio Grande do Sul, com diferentes atores que participaram do processo. Da análise constata-se que o movimento por meio da cooperativa Oestebio, desenvolveu a experiência de massificação de sementes crioulas e varietais a partir de uma ampla articulação de ações, alianças com instituições e outros movimentos, influenciando e sendo influenciado por políticas públicas e ações do Estado para constituir a soberania genética com base no projeto de soberania alimentar. Ao teceram uma longa teia de relações, articulando os campos político, econômico, científico e socioambiental, ancorado no diálogo constante nos diferentes níveis local, regional, nacional e internacional - constituíram uma experiência portadora da soberania alimentar dentro dos limites atuais da economia política contemporânea, expropriadora de recursos e geradora de conflitos e injustiças socioambientais. / This thesis is about the resistance narrative of Small Farmers Movement has established to resist to expropriation of peasants seeds, in the Santa Catarina state, Brazil. The goal is to analyze how the project of seed of the movement has impacted the food sovereignty throughout its actions with institutions. Primary and secondary sources were used as methodological tools taking account the political ecology approach, focusing on concepts such as socio-environmental conflicts, environmental justice and food sovereignty. A field work was conducted, in 2015 and 2016, in Distrito Federal, Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul states, interviewing several actors who took part of this process. It was verified that the movement by means of Oestebio cooperative developed the experience of multliplication of native and varietals seeds throughout a broad articulation of actions, alliances with institutions and others social movements. It has influenced and has received influence of public policies and State actions to constitute genetic sovereignty based on its food sovereignty project. By weaving a long web of relations, connecting the political, economical, scientific and socio-environmental fields, based on a frequent dialogue in different levels local, regional, national and international they built an experience of food sovereignty inside current limits of the political economy, expropriator of resources and producer of socio-environmental conflicts and injustices.

L’Afrique Subsaharienne avec une croissance démographique urbaine spectaculaire et une agriculture vivrière déficitaire n’a plus la capacité de nourrir la totalité de ses habitants : résultat des politiques de développement mis en place depuis les indépendances. Pour faire face à une demande alimentaire sans cesse croissante, surtout au niveau des zones urbaines, les pays subsahariens en général et le Gabon en particulier, grâce à son économie de rente, a recours aux importations massives de produits alimentaires souvent éloignés, voire incompatibles avec les habitudes alimentaires et/ou des us et coutumes des populations endogènes. Cependant, le Gabon contrairement à bon nombre de pays subsahariens, dispose d’importantes potentialités agricoles susceptibles de lui assurer aujourd’hui sa souveraineté alimentaire (climat, végétation, sols, réseau hydrographique, faible densité de population, etc.). Or, la récente crise économique mondiale à l’origine d’une crise alimentaire internationale sans précédent qui a d’ailleurs provoqué des émeutes de la faim dans plusieurs pays subsahariens, vient une nouvelle fois interpeller non seulement les autorités de l’Afrique Noire, mais aussi la communauté internationale toute entière quant à l’urgente nécessité d’un développement agricole vivrier local africain. En somme, la fragilité de la sécurité alimentaire mondiale, les stratégies géopolitiques des pays du Nord, la spéculation agricole internationale et la situation des économies africaines ont orienté notre réflexion sur la dépendance alimentaire excessive des pays subsahariens, à l’instar du Gabon, et nous ont conduits à revisiter dans cette thèse ce que pourrait être une politique de la souveraineté alimentaire. Cette démarche stratégique apparaît, au vu de ce qui précède, comme une nécessité politique, économique, culturelle et environnementale si l’on entend freiner, voire limiter au maximum, la dépendance alimentaire excessive et si l’on entend assurer un développement durable de cette région en général et du Gabon en particulier. / Having a spectacular urban population growth and an overdrawn food-producing agriculture (farming), Sub-Saharan Africa cannot feed the totality of its inhabitants any more. This is the result of development policies set up since independence. To face a continuous increasing food demand, especially in urban zones, sub-saharan countries in general, and Gabon in particular -thanks to its economy of pension- rely on massive import of food products, often from far abroad and incompatible with the food habits and\or habits and customs of the endogenous populations. However, Gabon, unlike most of sub-saharan countries, disposes of important agricultural potentialities susceptible to insure today its food sovereignty (climate, vegetation, grounds, water system, low density of population, etc.). But the recent world economic crisis, which is at the origin of an unprecedented international food crisis, causing riots of hunger in several sub-saharan countries, is once again calling the vigorous attention of not only African authorities, but also of the whole international community regarding a fierce urgency to promote the development local food-producing agriculture in Africa. In fact, the fragility of the global food safety, the geopolitical strategies of Western countries, the international agricultural speculation and the situation of the African savings guided our reflection on the excessive food dependence of sub-saharan countries, as for Gabon, and led us revisit in this thesis what could be a policy of food sovereignty. Considering what precedes, this strategic approach appears as a political, economic, cultural and environmental necessity if we intend to break or limit the most as possible the excessive food dependence and insure a sustainable development in this region in general and Gabon in particular.

O Brasil tem se apresentado como importante parceiro de Moçambique na execução de projetos por meio da cooperação internacional, notadamente nas áreas afetas à segurança alimentar e nutricional. Há uma forte atuação das empresas brasileiras em setores estratégicos. Uma ampla articulação de atores sociais no país tem apontado caminhos alternativos para enfrentar os desafios do desenvolvimento e globalização. Propõe-se a compreensão sobre a atuação dos movimentos sociais moçambicanos neste contexto. O estudo reconstituiu as definições de segurança alimentar e nutricional e soberania alimentar, identificando seu processo de construção, atores envolvidos e diferentes apropriações. Procurou conhecer as ameaças e desafios à realização do direito humano à alimentação. E, ainda, analisou as práticas sociais em curso, suas características, impasses e conquistas no âmbito local e internacional. Com base na metodologia qualitativa procedeu-se o estudo e análise documental, a realização de visitas técnicas para compreensão do contexto local e a aplicação de entrevistas compreensivas com participantes de movimentos e organizações sociais de Moçambique nas Províncias (Estados) de Maputo e Nampula, ao Sul e Norte, respectivamente. Observou que os movimentos e organizações sociais destinam atenção em graus diferentes em relação às iniciativas desenvolvidas pelo Brasil, possuindo maior relevância as ações em torno da implantação do Programa para o Desenvolvimento Agrícola no Corredor de Nacala (ProSAVANA), em Nampula. Constatou a fragilidade dos mecanismos de participação e controle social em Moçambique na área de segurança alimentar e nutricional. Evidenciou, também, que há uma incorporação ainda incipiente de aspectos relacionados à nutrição na agenda política dos movimentos e organizações sociais. Concluiu que as experiências em cursos têm consolidado um campo de atuação dinâmico, capaz de intervir em processos internacionais de negociação a partir da realidade local. / Brazil has presented as an important partner of Mozambique in the implementation of projects through international cooperation, especially in the areas afetas to food and nutrition security. There is a robust activities of brazilian companies in strategic sectors. In the other hand, a large articulation of social actors in the country has appointed alternative ways to meet the challenges of development and globalization. It proposed understanding of the performance of the mozambique social movements in this context. The study reconstructed the food and nutritional security settings and food sovereignty, identifying its construction process, stakeholders and different appropriations. It sought to know the threats and challenges to the realization of the human right to food. And also analyzed the social practices underway, their characteristics, impasses and achievements in the local and international level. Based on qualitative methodology proceeded to the study and analysis of documents, conducting technical visits to understand the local context and the implementation of comprehensive interviews with participants of social movements and organizations of Mozambique in the provinces of Maputo and Nampula. It was observed that social movements and organizations have dedicated different attetion in relation to the initiatives taken by Brazil, with most relevant actions around the implementation of the Program for Agricultural Development in the Nacala Corridor (ProSAVANA). It showed the fragility of the mechanisms of participation and social control in Mozambique in the area of food safety and nutrition. It showed, too, that there is an incipient incorporation of aspects related to nutrition on the political agenda of the social movements and organizations. It concluded that the experiences in courses have consolidated a level playing field, dynamic and able, to intervene in international negotiation processes from the local reality.

Seeds have become one of the most contested resources in our society. Control over seeds has intensified under neoliberalism, and today four large multinational corporations control approximately 70 percent of the global seed market. In response to this concentration of corporate power, an international social movement has emerged around the concept of seed sovereignty, which reclaims seeds and biodiversity as commons and public goods. This study examines the relationship between the global dynamics of commodification and enclosure of seeds, and the seed sovereignty countermovement for decommodification. I approach this analysis through an ethnographic case study of one local seed sovereignty movement, in the indigenous central region of Chiapas, in southern Mexico. I spent eight months between 2015 and 2016 conducting field research and documenting the development of the Guardians of Mother Earth and Seeds project, a local initiative focused on seed and food sovereignty that was initiated in 2015 by DESMI, the most established NGO working in this region. It encompasses 25 peasant communities--22 indigenous and 3 mestizo--from the Los Altos, Norte-Tulijá, and Los Llanos regions of Chiapas. I also collected data from 31 other communities in the region involved to varying degrees with this agenda of seed and food sovereignty. This study incorporates both communities affiliated with the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) and non-Zapatista communities. Three research questions guide this dissertation: (1) How do the increasing industrialization and commodification of seed systems and agriculture affect peasant communities in Chiapas?; (2) How is the local seed and food sovereignty countermovement responding to those processes of commodification?; and (3) How does this case study contribute to understanding the relationship between capital's tendency to enclose the commons and the protective countermovements that attempt to resist such market encroachments? This study found that the development of industrial agriculture and the commodification of seeds at the global and national scales have implied neither the displacement of these communities' native seeds by commercial seeds, nor their privatization--two of the most frequent potential risks denounced by representatives of the national and international seed sovereignty movement. Instead, the main impact of industrial agriculture and Green Revolution policies in the study region has been the chemicalization of peasant agriculture, with attendant negative impacts on the environment and human health. I also found that subsistence agriculture--the main mechanism through which native seeds are reproduced within communities--is undergoing a process of severe deterioration, which partially responds to the neoliberal dismantling of governmental institutions and programs supporting peasant agriculture. A key finding of this research is that the deterioration of subsistence agriculture is the main risk that the neoliberal restructuring of agriculture poses to native seeds. In response to these developments, communities in this study have embraced a project of decommodification focused on enhancing and expanding their subsistence agriculture. This project encompasses agroecology, food production collectives, and initiatives for agro-biodiversity conservation and ecological restoration. I argue that this project contributes to the decommodification of subsistence agriculture in the region, primarily by strengthening the non-commodified structures that are essential for these communities social reproduction.

A shortage of academic literature exists on North American backyard chicken (BYC) keeping. This is particularly apparent when we ask why people keep backyard chickens in North American cities. This thesis examines individuals’ motivations and lived experiences with raising non-permitted BYC within the City of Winnipeg, using a phenomenological approach and Hanisch’s (2006) the Personal is Political theoretical perspective. Participants were motivated to keep BYC for food production, learning opportunities, leisure and companionship. Motivations were personal and often partly political. Sources of satisfaction derived from keeping BYC included food products, by-products and production, increased sense of connection, enjoyment, leisure, entertainment and companionship, learning opportunities, and doing what felt right. Fear of being found out, isolation and negative stereotypes were challenges experienced. Should the existing bylaw change, permitting BYC on residential Winnipeg properties, participants recommended imposing BYC-specific regulations and public education as a way of addressing concerns and mitigating potential issues. / October 2015