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Last century witnessed an unprecedented growth of cities which has led to the consolidation of an eminently urbanised world population. Meanwhile, agriculture has adopted industrial methods of production in the shape of large-scale, chemical-laden crops in the countryside, which, together with the liberalisation of global trade, have undermined the livelihood of small-scale peasants throughout the world, forcing many of them out of business. The food industry has responded to the high rates of hunger and malnutrition with an extraordinary increase in production that has not solved food security problems, as these have turned out to be more a question of unequal access to food rather than insufficient supply. Furthermore, the activity of large agri-food corporations has resulted in the degradation of natural ecosystems and an increasing pressure over already overburdened critical resources for food production. Consequently, facing the imminent threat of climate change, more and more voices are questioning the sustainability of the current food system and rising against the burgeoning hunger and escalating inequalities resulting from it. Hence, several alternatives to the neoliberal food system are emerging these days with the aim of reducing social inequalities and curbing environmental degradation, being urban agriculture one of them. Precisely, this thesis explores, from a social-ecological justice perspective, whether urban agriculture can address issues of environmental stewardship and disparities in food distribution. Although the many virtues of urban farming might not be enough to subvert the structures of power that are deeply rooted in the foundations of the present food regime, it could still play a significant role in alleviating the gaps in food needs. However, food security comes only after the core reasons of poverty have been addressed and social justice is achieved in the larger society. The pathway towards a greater social and ecological justice seems to require not only to re-examine how to feed the urban population, but also a significant transformation that goes beyond aspects from the whole food supply chain and embraces societal systemic change.

Suite à l‘éclatement de la bulle des « subprimes » en 2008, le tournant décisif de cette période de crise, toutes les attentions se sont focalisées sur la crise de la « finance mondialisée », masquant d‘autres conséquences de la crise aussi lourdes et perverses que l‘essor du chômage et le resserrement du crédit (Carfantan 2009). Ce travail se consacre ainsi aux autres aspects de la crise tels que vécus à la campagne, en particulier la crise alimentaire et la crise des sociétés paysannes. Le point central de cette recherche porte plus particulièrement sur la montée de « l‘alternative de la souveraineté alimentaire » en réponse à la crise agraire de manière à poser un véritable défi au modèle agroalimentaire du néolibéralisme (Desmarais 2008; Holt-Giménez 2009). La présente recherche étudie donc les déterminants sociopolitiques qui conduisent à l‘édification des politiques de souveraineté alimentaire malgré la pression du régime alimentaire néolibéral. Ce mémoire avance que les politiques de souveraineté alimentaire sont issues de contre-mouvements paysans qui parviennent, en premier lieu, à établir une structure domestique agraire de nature « populaire-démocratique » et « antisystémique », et en second lieu, à transnationaliser cette structure de manière à défier le régime alimentaire néolibéral en crise. En adaptant la théorie intermédiaire de « structures domestiques » à l‘étude critique des structures agraires autour de trois différentes variables (Risse-Kappen 1999), le mémoire soutient que l‘émergence des politiques de souveraineté alimentaire nécessite la décentralisation de la prise de décision et la collectivisation du secteur agricole à travers une transformation agraire radicale et agroécologique (variable de « structure politique »), de même que l‘émergence d‘une structure sociétale agraire robuste construite sur des réseaux politiques consensuels, en présence d‘un État puissant et d‘une société civile agraire mobilisée (variables de « structure sociétale » et de « réseaux politiques »). Au niveau conceptuel, la recherche repose sur la théorie du système-monde, et consiste en une étude comparative modelée sur une étude de cas contrastes; le cas de Cuba, caractérisé par une forte résistance aux défis agroalimentaires du système-monde contemporain, et celui du Mexique, marqué par l‘adoption des politiques alimentaires néolibérales. / Following the bursting of the subprime bubble in 2008, which is considered to be the turning point of this period of crisis, much attention has been focused on the global economic meltdown, masking the other consequences of the crisis which are as heavy and perverse as the rise of unemployment and the credit crunch (Carfantan 2009). This research is dedicated to the study of other aspects of the crisis as it evolves in the countryside, mostly dealing with the socio-political consequences of the global food crisis and the crisis of peasant societies. The focal point of this study concerns in particular the rise of the "food sovereignty alternative" which mounts a serious challenge to the dominant agri-food model of neo-liberalism in crisis (Desmarais 2008; Holt-Giménez 2009). Therefore, the present study seeks to reveal the socio-political determinants leading to the establishment of food sovereignty policies despite the pressure of the neo-liberal food regime. This thesis maintains that food sovereignty policies originate from peasant counter-movements which engender, in the first place, the establishment of a new agrarian domestic structure of "popular-democratic" and "antisystemic" nature, and secondly, the transnationalization of this structure so as to challenge the neo-liberal food regime in crisis. By adapting the intermediary theory of "domestic structures" to the critical study of agrarian structures on the basis three different variables (Risse-Kappen 1999), the thesis argues that the emergence of food sovereignty policies requires the decentralization of the decision-making and the collectivization of the agricultural sector through a radical and agro-ecological agrarian transformation (the "political structure" variable), as well as the emergence of a potent agrarian societal structure which is built on consensual political networks, in presence of a strong state and a mobilized agrarian civil society (the "societal structure" and "policy networks" variables). At the conceptual level, the research draws on the world-systems theory, and consists of a comparative study modeled on a contrasted case study approach which includes the case of Cuba, characterized by a strong resistance to challenges posed by the neo-liberal food regime, and Mexico, marked by the adoption of neo-liberal food policies.

Dans l’État mexicain du Chiapas et aux Philippines sur l’île de Mindanao, on retrouve des groupes paysans en révolte contre leurs gouvernements respectifs. À l’origine de ce conflit, on souligne une situation alimentaire difficile et des revendications concernant la terre, son partage et son usage. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de comparer les différents résultats que peuvent avoir des mobilisations sociopolitiques de type belliqueux et pacifique sur la situation alimentaire de populations paysannes. Pour y parvenir, le concept original de profil alimentaire est élaboré, se situant entre les notions de sécurité et de souveraineté alimentaire. Les hypothèses de recherche sont qu’une mobilisation sociopolitique belliqueuse entraîne une amélioration forte du profil alimentaire, qu’une mobilisation sociopolitique pacifique entraîne une amélioration notable du profil alimentaire et que l’absence de mobilisation laisse le profil alimentaire dans un état statique. Ce mémoire, utilisant l’anthropologie politique comme méthode de recherche et d’analyse, réussit à asseoir le concept de profil alimentaire qui permet de souligner l’évolution de la qualité d’alimentation et des pratiques agricoles. / In the Mexican state of Chiapas and in the Philippines’ island of Mindanao, peasant groups are in rebellion against their respective governments. Directly linked to the nature of these two conflicts are precarious food situations, and claims about the way to use and to divide land. The main objective of this thesis is to compare the different results that can be provided by sociopolitical mobilisations of violent and peaceful nature. In order to reach that objective, the genuine concept of food profile is elaborated, merging both the food security and sovereignty concepts. The hypotheses of that thesis are that a violent mobilisation leads to a significant improvement of the food profile, that a peaceful mobilisation leads to an appreciable improvement of the food profile and that the absence of mobilisation leads to the stagnation of the food profile. Using political anthropology as a method of research and analysis, this thesis succeeds in using the concept of food profile to underline the evolution of the food quality and of the agricultural practices.

Diferentemente das abordagens estadocêntricas clássicas que valorizam processos decisórios top-down, os recentes estudos sobre a atuação da sociedade civil internacional têm desempenhado importante papel nos enfoques que valorizam as dinâmicas de cooperação bottom-up. Dentre elas, a abordagem gramsciana parte da perspectiva de que a sociedade civil internacional é portadora de projetos hegemônicos alternativos, sendo o lócus onde se concentrariam as forças potencialmente transformadoras da ordem estabelecida. Assim, ao partir da perspectiva gramsciana, o analista depara-se com o potencial que a sociedade civil possui de transformação da realidade. Nela encontram-se os movimentos sociais que, através de sua atuação nas arenas internacionais de negociação, buscam resistir à hegemonia da globalização neoliberal. Dessa maneira, por meio de sua atuação em escala global, os movimentos sociais de resistência procuram expandir sua esfera de consenso em relação a seus projetos alternativos de desenvolvimento. Nesse sentido, este trabalho objetiva demonstrar como se dá a abordagem dos movimentos sociais de resistência nas Relações Internacionais a partir de sua introdução na categoria analítica de \"contra-hegemonia\", tendo por referencial teórico alguns dos conceitos de Gramsci e a tradução destes conceitos para a área das Relações Internacionais realizada por Robert Cox. Dentre os movimentos sociais de resistência que atuam em escala global, encontra-se a Via Campesina. Atuando junto à Organização das Nações Unidas para Agricultura e Alimentação (FAO), a Via Campesina tem projetado um discurso alternativo, consubstanciado pelo conceito de Soberania Alimentar, ao discurso capitalista enredado nas políticas agrícolas internacionais. Assim, objetiva-se apresentar alguns resultados da análise dessa interação, enfocando a problemática da modificação genética dos recursos fitogenéticos e o contraponto estabelecido pela Via Campesina à concepção de Segurança Alimentar sustentada pela FAO. Tendo em vista que a ação política internacional dos movimentos sociais vem sendo objeto de consideração da literatura científica de Relações Internacionais, o propósito é desenvolver uma leitura interdisciplinar do assunto, de modo a problematizar quais as possibilidades e limitações da área de Relações Internacionais em analisar o tema. Para tanto, privilegia-se esta análise a partir da perspectiva da Teoria Crítica, buscando abordar como a sociedade civil, traduzida de termos gramscianos, possui a capacidade de influenciar a hierarquia da política internacional intergovernamental por meio de sua atuação transnacional direcionada ao questionamento da manutenção e reprodução da ordem social capitalista. / Unlike the classical state-centric approaches which value top-down decision-making processes, recent studies about the performance of international civil society have played an important role on the approaches that value bottom-up cooperation dynamics. Among them, the Gramscian approach departs from the perspective that international civil society is the bearer of alternative hegemonic projects, being the locus where potential forces that can change the established order are concentrated. Thus, from the Gramscian perspective, the analyst faces the potential that civil society has to transform the reality. Included in this concept, are social movements that, through its action in the international negotiation arenas, seek to resist to the hegemony of the neoliberal globalization. There for, through its action on a global scale, the resistance social movements seek to expand their sphere of consensus regarding their alternative projects of development. In this sense, this paper aims to demonstrate how is the approach of the resistance social movements in International Relations by their introduction in the analytical category of \"counter-hegemony\", and by taking some of the Gramsci\'s theoretical concepts and its translation to the field of International Relations executed by Robert Cox. Among the resistance social movements that act on a global scale, it is located La Vía Campesina. Acting within Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), La Vía Campesina has designed an alternative discourse, embodied by the concept of Food Sovereignty, to the capitalist discourse existent in international agriculture policies. Thus, it is aimed to present some results of the analysis of this interaction, focusing on the genetic modification of plant genetic resources issue and on the counterpoint provided by La Vía Campesina to actual concept of Food Security supported by FAO. Given that the international political action of the resistance social movements has been subject of consideration of the scientific literature in International Relations, the purpose is to develop an interdisciplinary reading of the thematic, in order to discuss the possibilities and limitations of International Relations in analyzing the theme. Therefore, the focus is the analysis from the Critical Theory perspective, seeking to address how civil society, translated from Gramscian terms, has the capacity to influence the international intergovernmental political hierarchy through its transnational activity driven to questioning the maintenance and reproduction of the capitalist social order.

O cenário atual dos sistemas alimentares mostra uma tendência generalizada ao alongamento das cadeias agroalimentares e à concentração dos setores de distribuição. No entanto, multiplicam-se experiências locais que propõem formas alternativas de distribuir e consumir alimentos, reconhecendo o papel da agricultura familiar no desenvolvimento de sistemas alimentares mais sustentáveis. Estas iniciativas, sejam elas oriundas da sociedade civil ou reguladas por políticas públicas, promovem a redução da distância tanto geográfica quanto relacional entre produtores e consumidores. A noção de circuito curto de comercialização instiga reflexões sobre as diferentes dimensões da proximidade e a relocalização do abastecimento alimentar. Entende-se por circuito curto as modalidades de comercialização nas quais há, no máximo, um intermediário entre o produtor e o consumidor final. Nosso estudo procurou focalizar em alguns aspectos relativos à inserção de agricultores familiares em circuitos curtos de comercialização, examinando a experiência de cinco grupos de agricultores no estado de São Paulo, nas regiões de Piracicaba e do Pontal do Paranapanema. Diferentes modalidades de circuito curto compõem o espectro da pesquisa: venda direta no sítio, venda ambulante, feira livre, feira do produtor, varejão municipal, grupos de consumidores organizados e os mercados institucionais regulados pelo Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar (PNAE) e pelo Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos (PAA). O objetivo foi entender quais são os arranjos desenvolvidos pelos agricultores em termos de sistema agrícola, de organização do trabalho e de relações sociais. O levantamento dos dados fundou-se em revisões bibliográficas, realização de observações participantes e entrevistas semi-dirigidas com agricultores inseridos em circuitos curtos. Em primeiro lugar, tratou-se de caracterizar o funcionamento dos diversos circuitos curtos estudados, para poder em seguida evidenciar as estratégias que os agricultores desenvolvem. A pesquisa mostrou que a busca por uma diversidade de alimentos comercializados não se traduz necessariamente por uma diversidade dentro dos agroecossistemas. Identificamos três estratégias adotadas pelos agricultores: a diversificação dentro dos sistemas agrícolas, a revenda de produtos de terceiros e o processamento de alimentos. Além disto, a inserção em circuitos curtos supõe que o agricultor assuma uma série de funções e domine uma série de competências que não se restringem às atividades produtivas. O tempo de trabalho adicional da venda direta requer uma reorganização do trabalho, que se baseia muitas vezes na repartição das tarefas dentro da família agrícola ou de organizações coletivas de produtores. A diversidade das relações sociais tecidas entre os produtores, com os consumidores e com agentes para-agrícolas mostra que o acesso aos mercados, inclusive dos circuitos curtos, depende em grande medida de redes sociais sólidas. Por fim, os circuitos curtos não necessariamente promovem o fortalecimento e reconhecimento da agricultura familiar local quando não há diferenciação de seus produtos em relação àqueles advindos dos mercados atacadistas. Com efeito, nestes circulam mercadorias de todas as origens cujos preços nem sempre refletem as condições locais de produção. A informação e formação dos agentes sociais envolvidos (consumidores finais, gestores públicos e atores da sociedade civil) são fundamentais para garantir que os circuitos curtos de comercialização constituam de fato uma alternativa aos sistemas alimentares dominantes. / The current scenario of agri-food systems shows a general tendency to everlengthening food supply chain and concentration of distribution channels. However, local experiences are spreading, offering alternative ways to distribute and consume food, recognizing the role of family farming in developing more sustainable food systems. These initiatives, whether coming from civil society or regulated by public policies, aim at reducing geographical and relational distance between producers and consumers. The notion of short food supply chains stirs reflection on the different dimensions of proximity and on the relocalization of food supply. Short food supply chains are understood to be marketing arrangements in which there is, at most, one intermediary between the producer and the final consumer. Our study focuses on certain aspects of the inclusion of family farmers in short marketing channels, looking at the experience of five groups of farmers in the São Paulo State, in the region of Piracicaba and Pontal do Paranapanema. Different types of short food supply chains compose the spectrum of this research: direct selling, street markets, farmers markets, regulated street markets, organized groups of consumers and institutional markets regulated by the National School Feeding Program (PNAE) and the Food Acquisition Program (PAA). The objective was to understand the arrangements developed by farmers in terms of agricultural system, work organization and social relations. Data collection was based on literature reviews, participant observations and semi-structured interviews with farmers involved. The functioning of the various short marketing channels was characterized in order to highlight the strategies developed by the farmers. Our research showed that the need for a diverse array of products does not necessarily lead to diversity within agroecosystems. Three strategies were identified: diversifying the farming system, resale of products and food processing. Furthermore, when taking part in short food supply chains, farmers undertake a number of functions and masters a set of skills that are not restricted to productive activity. The additional working time caused by direct selling requires reorganizing the work force, which often leads to division of tasks within the family or within collective producer organizations. The diversity of social relations woven between producers, with consumers and with local agents of agriculture-related organizations, shows that access to markets, including short marketing channels, depends largely on strong social networks. As a conclusion, short food supply chains do not necessarily contribute to the strengthening and recognition of local family farming when there is no differentiation of their products, in relation to those coming from wholesale markets. Indeed, the goods that circulate through wholesale markets come are from unknown origin and their prices do not always reflect the local conditions of production. The information and training of social agents involved (final consumers, public servants and civil society actors) are essential to ensure that short food supply chains constitute indeed an alternative to dominant food systems.

Suite à l‘éclatement de la bulle des « subprimes » en 2008, le tournant décisif de cette période de crise, toutes les attentions se sont focalisées sur la crise de la « finance mondialisée », masquant d‘autres conséquences de la crise aussi lourdes et perverses que l‘essor du chômage et le resserrement du crédit (Carfantan 2009). Ce travail se consacre ainsi aux autres aspects de la crise tels que vécus à la campagne, en particulier la crise alimentaire et la crise des sociétés paysannes. Le point central de cette recherche porte plus particulièrement sur la montée de « l‘alternative de la souveraineté alimentaire » en réponse à la crise agraire de manière à poser un véritable défi au modèle agroalimentaire du néolibéralisme (Desmarais 2008; Holt-Giménez 2009). La présente recherche étudie donc les déterminants sociopolitiques qui conduisent à l‘édification des politiques de souveraineté alimentaire malgré la pression du régime alimentaire néolibéral. Ce mémoire avance que les politiques de souveraineté alimentaire sont issues de contre-mouvements paysans qui parviennent, en premier lieu, à établir une structure domestique agraire de nature « populaire-démocratique » et « antisystémique », et en second lieu, à transnationaliser cette structure de manière à défier le régime alimentaire néolibéral en crise. En adaptant la théorie intermédiaire de « structures domestiques » à l‘étude critique des structures agraires autour de trois différentes variables (Risse-Kappen 1999), le mémoire soutient que l‘émergence des politiques de souveraineté alimentaire nécessite la décentralisation de la prise de décision et la collectivisation du secteur agricole à travers une transformation agraire radicale et agroécologique (variable de « structure politique »), de même que l‘émergence d‘une structure sociétale agraire robuste construite sur des réseaux politiques consensuels, en présence d‘un État puissant et d‘une société civile agraire mobilisée (variables de « structure sociétale » et de « réseaux politiques »). Au niveau conceptuel, la recherche repose sur la théorie du système-monde, et consiste en une étude comparative modelée sur une étude de cas contrastes; le cas de Cuba, caractérisé par une forte résistance aux défis agroalimentaires du système-monde contemporain, et celui du Mexique, marqué par l‘adoption des politiques alimentaires néolibérales. / Following the bursting of the subprime bubble in 2008, which is considered to be the turning point of this period of crisis, much attention has been focused on the global economic meltdown, masking the other consequences of the crisis which are as heavy and perverse as the rise of unemployment and the credit crunch (Carfantan 2009). This research is dedicated to the study of other aspects of the crisis as it evolves in the countryside, mostly dealing with the socio-political consequences of the global food crisis and the crisis of peasant societies. The focal point of this study concerns in particular the rise of the "food sovereignty alternative" which mounts a serious challenge to the dominant agri-food model of neo-liberalism in crisis (Desmarais 2008; Holt-Giménez 2009). Therefore, the present study seeks to reveal the socio-political determinants leading to the establishment of food sovereignty policies despite the pressure of the neo-liberal food regime. This thesis maintains that food sovereignty policies originate from peasant counter-movements which engender, in the first place, the establishment of a new agrarian domestic structure of "popular-democratic" and "antisystemic" nature, and secondly, the transnationalization of this structure so as to challenge the neo-liberal food regime in crisis. By adapting the intermediary theory of "domestic structures" to the critical study of agrarian structures on the basis three different variables (Risse-Kappen 1999), the thesis argues that the emergence of food sovereignty policies requires the decentralization of the decision-making and the collectivization of the agricultural sector through a radical and agro-ecological agrarian transformation (the "political structure" variable), as well as the emergence of a potent agrarian societal structure which is built on consensual political networks, in presence of a strong state and a mobilized agrarian civil society (the "societal structure" and "policy networks" variables). At the conceptual level, the research draws on the world-systems theory, and consists of a comparative study modeled on a contrasted case study approach which includes the case of Cuba, characterized by a strong resistance to challenges posed by the neo-liberal food regime, and Mexico, marked by the adoption of neo-liberal food policies.

O cenário atual dos sistemas alimentares mostra uma tendência generalizada ao alongamento das cadeias agroalimentares e à concentração dos setores de distribuição. No entanto, multiplicam-se experiências locais que propõem formas alternativas de distribuir e consumir alimentos, reconhecendo o papel da agricultura familiar no desenvolvimento de sistemas alimentares mais sustentáveis. Estas iniciativas, sejam elas oriundas da sociedade civil ou reguladas por políticas públicas, promovem a redução da distância tanto geográfica quanto relacional entre produtores e consumidores. A noção de circuito curto de comercialização instiga reflexões sobre as diferentes dimensões da proximidade e a relocalização do abastecimento alimentar. Entende-se por circuito curto as modalidades de comercialização nas quais há, no máximo, um intermediário entre o produtor e o consumidor final. Nosso estudo procurou focalizar em alguns aspectos relativos à inserção de agricultores familiares em circuitos curtos de comercialização, examinando a experiência de cinco grupos de agricultores no estado de São Paulo, nas regiões de Piracicaba e do Pontal do Paranapanema. Diferentes modalidades de circuito curto compõem o espectro da pesquisa: venda direta no sítio, venda ambulante, feira livre, feira do produtor, varejão municipal, grupos de consumidores organizados e os mercados institucionais regulados pelo Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar (PNAE) e pelo Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos (PAA). O objetivo foi entender quais são os arranjos desenvolvidos pelos agricultores em termos de sistema agrícola, de organização do trabalho e de relações sociais. O levantamento dos dados fundou-se em revisões bibliográficas, realização de observações participantes e entrevistas semi-dirigidas com agricultores inseridos em circuitos curtos. Em primeiro lugar, tratou-se de caracterizar o funcionamento dos diversos circuitos curtos estudados, para poder em seguida evidenciar as estratégias que os agricultores desenvolvem. A pesquisa mostrou que a busca por uma diversidade de alimentos comercializados não se traduz necessariamente por uma diversidade dentro dos agroecossistemas. Identificamos três estratégias adotadas pelos agricultores: a diversificação dentro dos sistemas agrícolas, a revenda de produtos de terceiros e o processamento de alimentos. Além disto, a inserção em circuitos curtos supõe que o agricultor assuma uma série de funções e domine uma série de competências que não se restringem às atividades produtivas. O tempo de trabalho adicional da venda direta requer uma reorganização do trabalho, que se baseia muitas vezes na repartição das tarefas dentro da família agrícola ou de organizações coletivas de produtores. A diversidade das relações sociais tecidas entre os produtores, com os consumidores e com agentes para-agrícolas mostra que o acesso aos mercados, inclusive dos circuitos curtos, depende em grande medida de redes sociais sólidas. Por fim, os circuitos curtos não necessariamente promovem o fortalecimento e reconhecimento da agricultura familiar local quando não há diferenciação de seus produtos em relação àqueles advindos dos mercados atacadistas. Com efeito, nestes circulam mercadorias de todas as origens cujos preços nem sempre refletem as condições locais de produção. A informação e formação dos agentes sociais envolvidos (consumidores finais, gestores públicos e atores da sociedade civil) são fundamentais para garantir que os circuitos curtos de comercialização constituam de fato uma alternativa aos sistemas alimentares dominantes. / The current scenario of agri-food systems shows a general tendency to everlengthening food supply chain and concentration of distribution channels. However, local experiences are spreading, offering alternative ways to distribute and consume food, recognizing the role of family farming in developing more sustainable food systems. These initiatives, whether coming from civil society or regulated by public policies, aim at reducing geographical and relational distance between producers and consumers. The notion of short food supply chains stirs reflection on the different dimensions of proximity and on the relocalization of food supply. Short food supply chains are understood to be marketing arrangements in which there is, at most, one intermediary between the producer and the final consumer. Our study focuses on certain aspects of the inclusion of family farmers in short marketing channels, looking at the experience of five groups of farmers in the São Paulo State, in the region of Piracicaba and Pontal do Paranapanema. Different types of short food supply chains compose the spectrum of this research: direct selling, street markets, farmers markets, regulated street markets, organized groups of consumers and institutional markets regulated by the National School Feeding Program (PNAE) and the Food Acquisition Program (PAA). The objective was to understand the arrangements developed by farmers in terms of agricultural system, work organization and social relations. Data collection was based on literature reviews, participant observations and semi-structured interviews with farmers involved. The functioning of the various short marketing channels was characterized in order to highlight the strategies developed by the farmers. Our research showed that the need for a diverse array of products does not necessarily lead to diversity within agroecosystems. Three strategies were identified: diversifying the farming system, resale of products and food processing. Furthermore, when taking part in short food supply chains, farmers undertake a number of functions and masters a set of skills that are not restricted to productive activity. The additional working time caused by direct selling requires reorganizing the work force, which often leads to division of tasks within the family or within collective producer organizations. The diversity of social relations woven between producers, with consumers and with local agents of agriculture-related organizations, shows that access to markets, including short marketing channels, depends largely on strong social networks. As a conclusion, short food supply chains do not necessarily contribute to the strengthening and recognition of local family farming when there is no differentiation of their products, in relation to those coming from wholesale markets. Indeed, the goods that circulate through wholesale markets come are from unknown origin and their prices do not always reflect the local conditions of production. The information and training of social agents involved (final consumers, public servants and civil society actors) are essential to ensure that short food supply chains constitute indeed an alternative to dominant food systems.

Diferentemente das abordagens estadocêntricas clássicas que valorizam processos decisórios top-down, os recentes estudos sobre a atuação da sociedade civil internacional têm desempenhado importante papel nos enfoques que valorizam as dinâmicas de cooperação bottom-up. Dentre elas, a abordagem gramsciana parte da perspectiva de que a sociedade civil internacional é portadora de projetos hegemônicos alternativos, sendo o lócus onde se concentrariam as forças potencialmente transformadoras da ordem estabelecida. Assim, ao partir da perspectiva gramsciana, o analista depara-se com o potencial que a sociedade civil possui de transformação da realidade. Nela encontram-se os movimentos sociais que, através de sua atuação nas arenas internacionais de negociação, buscam resistir à hegemonia da globalização neoliberal. Dessa maneira, por meio de sua atuação em escala global, os movimentos sociais de resistência procuram expandir sua esfera de consenso em relação a seus projetos alternativos de desenvolvimento. Nesse sentido, este trabalho objetiva demonstrar como se dá a abordagem dos movimentos sociais de resistência nas Relações Internacionais a partir de sua introdução na categoria analítica de \"contra-hegemonia\", tendo por referencial teórico alguns dos conceitos de Gramsci e a tradução destes conceitos para a área das Relações Internacionais realizada por Robert Cox. Dentre os movimentos sociais de resistência que atuam em escala global, encontra-se a Via Campesina. Atuando junto à Organização das Nações Unidas para Agricultura e Alimentação (FAO), a Via Campesina tem projetado um discurso alternativo, consubstanciado pelo conceito de Soberania Alimentar, ao discurso capitalista enredado nas políticas agrícolas internacionais. Assim, objetiva-se apresentar alguns resultados da análise dessa interação, enfocando a problemática da modificação genética dos recursos fitogenéticos e o contraponto estabelecido pela Via Campesina à concepção de Segurança Alimentar sustentada pela FAO. Tendo em vista que a ação política internacional dos movimentos sociais vem sendo objeto de consideração da literatura científica de Relações Internacionais, o propósito é desenvolver uma leitura interdisciplinar do assunto, de modo a problematizar quais as possibilidades e limitações da área de Relações Internacionais em analisar o tema. Para tanto, privilegia-se esta análise a partir da perspectiva da Teoria Crítica, buscando abordar como a sociedade civil, traduzida de termos gramscianos, possui a capacidade de influenciar a hierarquia da política internacional intergovernamental por meio de sua atuação transnacional direcionada ao questionamento da manutenção e reprodução da ordem social capitalista. / Unlike the classical state-centric approaches which value top-down decision-making processes, recent studies about the performance of international civil society have played an important role on the approaches that value bottom-up cooperation dynamics. Among them, the Gramscian approach departs from the perspective that international civil society is the bearer of alternative hegemonic projects, being the locus where potential forces that can change the established order are concentrated. Thus, from the Gramscian perspective, the analyst faces the potential that civil society has to transform the reality. Included in this concept, are social movements that, through its action in the international negotiation arenas, seek to resist to the hegemony of the neoliberal globalization. There for, through its action on a global scale, the resistance social movements seek to expand their sphere of consensus regarding their alternative projects of development. In this sense, this paper aims to demonstrate how is the approach of the resistance social movements in International Relations by their introduction in the analytical category of \"counter-hegemony\", and by taking some of the Gramsci\'s theoretical concepts and its translation to the field of International Relations executed by Robert Cox. Among the resistance social movements that act on a global scale, it is located La Vía Campesina. Acting within Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), La Vía Campesina has designed an alternative discourse, embodied by the concept of Food Sovereignty, to the capitalist discourse existent in international agriculture policies. Thus, it is aimed to present some results of the analysis of this interaction, focusing on the genetic modification of plant genetic resources issue and on the counterpoint provided by La Vía Campesina to actual concept of Food Security supported by FAO. Given that the international political action of the resistance social movements has been subject of consideration of the scientific literature in International Relations, the purpose is to develop an interdisciplinary reading of the thematic, in order to discuss the possibilities and limitations of International Relations in analyzing the theme. Therefore, the focus is the analysis from the Critical Theory perspective, seeking to address how civil society, translated from Gramscian terms, has the capacity to influence the international intergovernmental political hierarchy through its transnational activity driven to questioning the maintenance and reproduction of the capitalist social order.

Garantir la sécurité alimentaire demeure une responsabilité primordiale des gouvernements et de la communauté internationale. Le droit international, moyen principal d’encadrer les comportements des Etats et de rendre exécutoires les stratégies internationales, n’a toutefois pas pu faciliter effectivement la lutte contre la faim dans le monde. C’est particulièrement le cas des normes juridiques élaborées dans le cadre de l’OMC. En définissant les termes et conditions du commerce international des produits agricoles, ces normes exercent une influence majeure sur la sécurité alimentaire tant au niveau international qu’au niveau national. Si les accords de l’OMC offrent à ses Membres certains moyens pour faire face au problème alimentaire, ces moyens ne sont ni suffisants ni efficaces pour atteindre cet objectif. Ayant privilégié constamment les considérations commerciales par rapport aux impératifs alimentaires, les règles de l’OMC relatives au commerce agricole contribuent à restreindre sérieusement l’autonomie des Membres qui souhaitent améliorer leur situation de sécurité alimentaire. Ainsi, les politiques internationales régissant le commerce agricole devraient être reformulées, de sorte que les Membres de l’OMC puissent répondre aux besoins vivriers des peuples. Si une telle réforme ne parvient pas, pour l’instant, à établir des règles permettant aux Membres de l’OMC en déficit alimentaire de générer effectivement des ressources pour se procurer des aliments, elle doit viser au minimum à neutraliser les impacts négatifs des politiques commerciales en vigueur. Faute de cela, le système actuel d’échanges multilatéraux risque de perdre sa légitimité et sa crédibilité. / Today’s world food situation is particularly disturbing. To guarantee food security for all remains the primary responsibility of governments and international society. As one of the major instruments to implement international strategy for food security, international law has failed to provide effective solution to mitigate the factors that contribute to food insecurity. This is particularly what happened when food problem was treated within WTO. Having established the terms and conditions of international trade in food and agricultural products, WTO trade regulations have major influence on food security both at international level and at national level. Even if the relevant WTO agreements did offer certain policy approaches to its Members to tackle their food problem, these policy approaches are neither sufficient nor efficient to achieve this goal. By constantly prioritizing commercial considerations over food concerns, WTO rules related to trade in agriculture seriously restrict the exercise of discretionary power of those Members who wish to improve their food situation. Therefore, international trade policies must be reformed, so that WTO Members can take creative measures to meet their people’s basic needs. Even it appears still difficult at present to create new rules that may allow food-deficit Members to generate sufficient income to guarantee their access to food; this reform must at least search for effective solutions to offset the negative impacts of trade policies on food security. Otherwise, the legitimacy and credibility of current global trading system will be at risk.