This bachelor’s thesis in Political Science, is essentially a study of contemporary French foreign and security policy ‘roles’. Drawing on a doctoral thesis by Lisbeth Aggestam (2004), it investigates French National Role Conceptions, using Foreign Policy Analysis Role Theory. It thoroughly examines the nature of foreign policy-making and, notably, it explores the notions of foreign policy ‘roles’, ‘identity’ and ‘national role conceptions’. The study encompasses over twenty key foreign and security policy centred allocutions delivered by the present French President, François Hollande, between the years 2012-16. Primarily, it aims at answering whether French National Role Conceptions, as conceived of by Aggestam at the turn of the millennium, are still relevant for the understanding of current French foreign and security policy and action. Aggestam’s French national ‘role-set’ therefore serves as the eminent point of reference and comparison throughout the analysis. In a broader sense, the essay also aims at investigating the ideational basis to contemporary French foreign and security policy roles. More narrowly, a special consideration has been accorded the notion of ‘Europe de la défense’ (Europe of defence), a key idea in modern French foreign and security policy. The principal findings of the analysis show that most of the French National Role Conceptions identified by Aggestam, continue to be relevant. On the ideational level, France’s current self-image is arguably even more intimately suffused by the notion of ‘Europe’. On the foreign and security policy area, this is reflected in the continued French aim of constructing ‘Europe de la défense’, which is central to the general understanding of the French role-set. Lastly, the investigation supports the notion that French foreign and security policy roles are nourished by a ‘realistic idealism’, as advanced by Aggestam.

This master thesis is concerned with the role of the chancellor in the foreign policy with respect to the institutional possibilities that the German political system provides him, and also with respect to the personality of the chancellor - it strives to answer the question, if it is possible to identify the personality impact in the chancellor foreign policy positions. As the case example the current chancellor Angela Merkel has been chosen, who serves for a period long enough to carry out the research and who is at the same time well-respected personality abroad. The thesis comes to the conclusion that the chancellor has the rights to intervene in the foreign policy and uses those rights. By means of the discourse and content analysis of chancellor's speeches it has been possible to identify foreign policy preferences of the chancellor which can be associated with her personal life experience.

Although the EU foreign policy is guided by the principle of coherence, previous research describes how cases of incoherence prevail. This thesis aims to contribute to the literature on under which conditions the EU acts coherently and not. It does so by studying the EU’s foreign policy making in Venezuela post the contested presidential elections in 2018 that left the country with two self-proclaimed presidents and a deteriorating democracy. What is puzzling about the EU’s response is that it imposed sanctions in a coherent manner but acted incoherently regarding the issue of presidential recognition. The outcomes hence varied within the same empirical context, which calls for further analysis of what caused this variation. The thesis utilizes a most similar systems design and qualitative content analysis of official EU-documents and news reporting of the empirical events to analyze if and how three variables - the level of institutionalization and socialization, and interests - were referred to by the actors involved in EU foreign policy making as reasons for its coherence and incoherence respectively. The findings indicate that all three variables were relevant for determining the in/coherence of the respective outcome, and that they reinforced each other to some extent.

Syftet med denna studie har varit att undersöka möjliga förklaringar till den ryska statsledningens beslut att invadera Ukraina. Forskningsfrågan löd: Hur kan den ryska statsledningens beslut att invadera Ukraina förstås utifrån ett rollteoretiskt perspektiv? Forskningsfrågan har undersökts genom att analysera uttalande från centrala aktörer inom den ryska presidentadministrationen och utrikesministeriet utifrån ett rollteoretiskt perspektiv. Tre kompletterande rollföreställningar har kunnat identifieras: (1) beskyddare av landsmän utomlands (2) upprätthållare av principen om odelbar säkerhet (3) återställare av det historiska Ryssland. Rollerna är nära sammanflätade med varandra och används alla av ryska beslutsfattare för att på olika sätt motivera invasion av Ukraina. Jag finner att de tre identifierade rollerna manifesterar sig i Rysslands politiska målsättningar med kriget i Ukraina. Den första Rollen tar sig uttryck i Kremls politiska målsättning att avsätta det politiska styret i Kiev, för att sedan ersätta den med en Moskvavänlig marionettregim. Den andra Rollen manifesterar sig i Kremls politiska målsättning att bevara Ukraina i den ryska intressesfären och ersätta den rådande unipolära världsordningen med en ny multipolär världsordning. Den tredje rollen uppenbarar sig i den överordnande politiska målsättningen att forma ett storryskt rike, bestående av Ryssland, Ukraina och Belarus, likväl erkännandet av en rysk intressesfär i det postsovjetiska området.

South African foreign policy is not made in a bubble; as a democracy since 1994, its outward orientation is theoretically subject to lobbying and pressure from outside groups as well as jockeying among bureaucratic entities. This study applies the principles of Foreign Policy Analysis, a theoretical framework that attempts to unpack the processes through which governments’ foreign policies are made, to South Africa to determine whether foreign policy making is in reality open to outside inputs, or whether the foreign policy arena—as in many countries globally—is an elite reserve. The thesis has a specific focus on the 1994-2008 period, during which time Deputy President (1994-99) and later President (1999-2008) Thabo Mbeki dominated government’s foreign policy formulation, to determine whether South Africa’s democratic transition was accompanied by “democratization” of the foreign policy making process compared to the apartheid government. In addition, the thesis sought to disaggregate the various actors involved in the process—both from the influencing and decision making sides of the coin—to analyze their individual roles in influencing foreign policy, both pre- and post-1994. The thesis found that the dominant actor in South African foreign policy, both before and after 1994, was the national leader (Prime Minister before 1984; President thereafter) or, on occasion, his chosen delegate if the leader was disinterested in the external realm. This is in part because South African Constitutions vest most decision-making power in the executive, in line with international norms, but also due to a lack of pressure by non-governmental actors. While South Africa’s post-apartheid dispensation allows for greater inputs by the public and other outside actors, the practice of influencing foreign policy—either through the ballot box or through concerted pressure between elections—changed very little. Public engagement on foreign policy, already weak, did not improve after 1994. Parliament, despite having a dedicated committee on the issue, showed itself largely disinterested, as did the broader ANC. The press, business, the ANC, and most civil society organizations similarly showed little desire to weigh in on foreign policy beyond isolated instances. Only academia consistently attempted to influence policy during the Mandela and Mbeki administrations, with mixed results. Ultimately, blame for this lack of change appears to lie mostly with outside actors themselves, who during the first 14 years of democracy failed to take advantage of political space opened to them. In examining Thabo Mbeki specifically, the thesis found that he took advantage of this leeway to dominate the foreign policy debate and rarely went out of his way to open the foreign policy debate any more than he had to. He gave short shrift to the inputs of pressure groups; had no time for the press or business; and dominated the ANC and its parliamentary caucus. Mbeki had a clear and well-defined worldview, and he had little time for people or organizations with decidedly different views. That said, those close to Mbeki, and even outsiders—notably from the academic community—paint a far more nuanced picture of the man, as someone who would listen and engage with others on foreign policy, at least if he believed they had done their homework on the issues in question. Hence, portrayals of Mbeki as a “dictator” in the foreign policy realm appear to be overstated. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)

The present thesis evaluates the responses of the contemporary Greek foreign policy structures and processes, conceptualised as the Greek foreign policy system, in the face of the transformation of world politics. This transformation, precipitated by the concurrent complex processes of globalisation and regionalisation, pose empirical and analytical challenges to the national management of foreign policy. Consequently, government departments and agencies assigned with responsibility for the conduct of what has been traditionally termed foreign policy, namely the national foreign policy machinery with the foreign ministry and the diplomatic network at its core, find themselves challenged as roles and responsibilities are relocated. Such change underpins the machinery s institutional responses and the need to rethink its role and structure. The thesis synthesises several literatures, primarily those identified with international relations, transformational foreign policy analysis, and new approaches to diplomatic studies informed by insights from institutionalist approaches. This is combined with extensive fieldwork within the Greek bureaucracy and the diplomatic network, and seeks to cast light on a relatively understudied area: namely the organisation and nature of the Greek foreign policy system in an era of considerable change. The thesis draws a dual image of the contemporary Greek foreign policy system which displays elements of both continuity and change. According to the first image, the Greek foreign policy machinery embraces contemporary foreign policy developments, and is enmeshed in a process of change and adaptation as a response to its changing operational environment. The second image depicts the foreign policy system as traditionalist conforming to geopolitical approaches, which are linked to compartmentalisation in the organisation of foreign policy. This image is supported by evidence which suggests that the Greek foreign policy machinery is infused with elements of hierarchy, centralisation and verticality in its organisation, which prevent the adoption of integrated and horizontal models prescribed by globalist approaches to the management of foreign policy.

The record of American foreign policy in the Middle East between 2001 and 2006 is marked mostly by failures of the Bush Administration to achieve its stated objectives, including reducing terrorism, stopping the spread of weapons of mass destruction, and spreading liberal democracy. Still, there are also notable bright spots, including the case of Libya’s diplomatic rehabilitation. What is it, then, that accounts for this success in the face of so many other failures where the policy goals were markedly similar? I argue that a partial explanation of this discrepancy can be found in the nature of infighting between ideological realists and neoconservatives within the foreign policy bureaucracy. In doing so, process tracing is used to examine policy development toward four country cases: Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, and Libya, with Libya acting as the control. The object of these case studies is to demonstrate existence of a previously undescribed model of bureaucratic infighting, based on competing ideological differences regarding the fundamental direction and conduct of US foreign policy. I call this the Ideological Infighting, or I2, Model. Whereas previous works of US foreign policy analysis have focused only on the roles of individuals’ ideology or on bureaucratic interests, this study unites both. In doing so, it describes the policy effects that result from ideological disagreements within the executive agencies, rather than viewing a presidential administration as an ideologically coherent entity. It also refines understandings of the relationship between the President and his advisors. Finally, although this work deals specifically with the Middle East, the model is generalizable to all areas of US foreign policy.

Esta tese provê um método e modelos de análise geral para o conceito de inserção internacional formulado por Amado Cervo, que têm como objetivo explicar a variação de comportamento e posicionamento dos Estados nas hierarquias globais, a partir das mudanças nas configurações das políticas econômica, externa e de defesa. O objetivo desta tese é explicar quais são os caminhos escolhidos pelos governos de Brasil México para o posicionamento de seus países nas hierarquias globais e quais foram os resultados obtidos no início do século XXI. Três perguntas estabelecem o nexo causal da investigação, i) quais posições querem os Estados e como/o que fazem para atingi-las?; ii) qual é a realidade dos fatos quando da tomada das decisões e de sua implementação (de modo mais simplista: o que está acontecendo nos países e no mundo?); e, iii) quais são os resultados obtidos? Olhamos para três pontos distintos, mas complementares: i) os tipos ideais do que podem fazer os Estados (modelos de inserção), para enquadrar o que fazem; ii) as estratégias de inserção, para entender como fazem e o que fazem; e, iii) os resultados em termos de posição relativa na hierarquia. A investigação se funda numa análise histórica comparada dos determinantes dos modelos de inserção internacional dos países da América Latina a partir do final da Guerra Fria até o fim da primeira metade da segunda década do século XXI (1990-2014), e se utiliza desta base para apoiar generalizações acerca das variações no comportamento dos Estados ao longo das últimas duas décadas e meia. O trabalho contribuiu à extensa tradição de pesquisa cujo objetivo é interpretar as interações entre os Estados, observando-os desde o ambiente em que se inserem e também sob o ponto de vista doméstico. Ademais, nos dirigimos às visões das relações internacionais nascidas na América Latina, levando em conta seus valores, preferências e contingências próprios. / This thesis provides a method and general analysis models for the concept of global positioning introduced by Amado Cervo, whose goal is to explain the variation in States behaviour and their positioning in global hierarchies, considering changes in economic, foreign and defence politics\' configuration. This thesis aims at explaining what are the paths chosen by Brazilian and Mexican governments for positioning their countries in the global hierarchies, and the results obtained at the beginning of the 21st century. Three main questions provide the causal link of this investigation, i) which positions do the States aim for and how/what they do to get them?, ii) what is the reality of the facts when making decisions and implementing them (or put in a simpler way: what is happening in the world?); and, iii) what are the results obtained? We look into three different but complementary issues: i) the ideal types of what States can do (positioning models) to portrait their actions; ii) the positioning strategies, so we can understand how States do it and what they do; and iii) the results on the hierarchy\'s relative position. The investigation is based on a compared historical analysis of the determinants of the global positioning models of Latin America countries from the end of the Cold War until the end of the first half of the second decade of the 21st century (1990-2014), and uses it to support generalizations on the variations on States behaviour during the last two and a half decades. The work contributed to the wide research tradition whose goal is to read the interactions between the States, observing them in the environment in which they are inserted and also through a domestic point of view. Furthermore, we look into international relations insights arisen from Latin America, taking into account its own values, preferences and contingencies.

By using a qualitative content analysis and cognitive mapping, the purpose of the thesis is to investigate the decision-making of political leaders in extraordinary situations. The thesis focuses on the case of Tony Blair and his decision to invade Iraq in 2003. The cognitive map of political elites by Robert Axelrod is used to form a cognitive map to illustrate and represent the beliefs of Blair. The research question is what formed Blair’s decision to invade Iraq in 2003? Three time periods are analyzed: before, during and after the war. The results show that intervention should be accepted and no intervention should be rejected. This is with regard to the British utility. The motives for the intervention was Blair’s belief in spreading democratic values and rights. Something which would generate stability and progress for Britain, as well as, for other countries. To end human suffering, WMD trade and terrorism were also among the motives for the intervention. To strengthen the strategic relationship with Russia through intervention was important and the relationship with the U.S. even more. No intervention would increase the ineffective containment and strengthen the regime of Hussein. No intervention would also increase WMD (trade, development and use), terrorism, destruction and people suffering and dying on a mass-scale. Altogether this would negatively impact the British utility.

The question raised in this dissertation is: how is foreign policy explained by analyzing the use of historical analogies by decision-makers in their public statements? The purpose of this study is to develop an analytical framework that will help one to analyze the role of historical analogies in foreign policy. This dissertation challenges conventional approaches to historical analogies. It claims that conventional approaches unduly restrict the role that historical analogies play in foreign policy because of the way they perceive variety of practices in which historical analogies are used, as well as their premises about history and language analysis. This dissertation argues against the arguments of conventional instrumental, cognitive and integrated approaches and claims that the scope of constitutive approach needs to be extended. An alternative conceptualization of historical analogies is built on premises of rule-oriented constructivism, speech act theory and dialogical analysis method. In order to demonstrate the significance of the alternative approach to historical analogies the model is applied to an illustrative analysis of the Cold War historical analogy used by the U.S. and Russia’s officials in 2007–2008. The question whether a chance of a (new) Cold War between the U.S. and Russia was possible at that time is answered by showing what kind of rules policy-makers had constituted by using the Cold War historical analogy. / Disertacijoje keliamas klausimas, kaip galima paaiškinti valstybės užsienio politiką analizuojant užsienio politikos veikėjų viešuose pasisakymuose naudojamas istorines analogijas ir su jomis susijusį užsienio politikos procesą? Tyrimo tikslas – sukonstruoti modelį, kuris leistų paaiškinti istorinių analogijų vaidmenį užsienio politikoje. Teigiama, kad konvenciniai požiūriai į istorines analogijas, dėl savo prielaidų apie istorinių analogijų naudojimo praktikas, istorijos ir kalbos analizę, pernelyg siaurai aiškina istorinių analogijų vaidmenį užsienio politikoje. Disertacijoje oponuojama instrumentiniam, kognityviam ir integruotam požiūriams į istorinių analogijų vaidmenį užsienio politikoje ir teigiama, kad reikėtų išplėtoti konstitutyviojo požiūrio aiškinimą. Tyrime formuluojamas konvenciniams požiūriams alternatyvus istorinių analogijų analizės modelis, apimantis taisyklių konstruktyvizmo ir kalbėjimo akto teorijos prielaidas bei dialoginės analizės metodą. Siekiant atskleisti, kaip remiantis modeliu gali būti analizuojamos istorinės analogijos, jis pritaikomas atvejo analizei – 2007–2008 m. JAV ir Rusijos politikų naudotos Šaltojo karo istorinės analogijos tyrimui. Remiantis istorinių analogijų analizės modeliu tuo metu JAV ir Rusijos santykių tyrimuose dažnai keltą klausimą, ar egzistuoja (naujas) šaltasis karas tarp JAV ir Rusijos, bandoma atsakyti tiriant, kaip pasiremdami Šaltojo karo istorine analogija JAV ir Rusijos užsienio politikos veikėjai apibrėžė dvišalius... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]