Integration is a hot topic in our society today and we have a greater influence of other religious beliefs than ever before. As Swedish society grows with influences from other cultures to a greater extent, the Swedish political agenda focuses more and more on integration. I perceive working for integration in a multicultural society as something of a balancing act on the framework of laws and regulations that we must comply to with in Sweden. For example, according to the Freedom of Religion Act, we all have the right to practice religion and believe what we want, while the law also gives us the right to refrain from having a religious belief. Following, interpreting, and considering the Freedom of Religion Act can sometimes be complex, as religion has many definitions and in many cases is so much more than just a belief. In many cases, a person's identity and cultural background are strongly influenced by religious traditions and moral positions. The purpose of my study is to widen the knowledge about the relation between integration and freedom of religion by investigating how the political integration agenda works together with the Freedom of Religion Act. This have I tried to achieve through a discursive analysis of motions of the Swedish Riksdag.  Three questions are posed to guide the study: Do the motions highlight religion as a factor to be considered in connection with the political integration work? Do the motions present religion as inner faith or something more cultural and/or identity-based? Are the proposed integration policy measures compatible with the Freedom of Religion Act? I have found in my study that the integration policy is compatible with religious freedom on certain levels. On which levels and to what extent it differs between the various parties, as well as on how to define religion and religious freedom. / Syftet med min studie är att fördjupa kunskaperna kring relationerna mellan integration och religionsfrihet utifrån hur diskursen i politiska motioner utspelar sig. Såväl integration som religionsfrihet är två debatterade ämnen och jag vill med min studie se om dessa är förenliga med varandra. Denna studie är utförd med diskursanalys utav 33 riksdagsmotioner inlämnade under perioderna 21/22 samt 22/23 som berör integration och religionsfrihet eller integration och religion. Resultatet av min analys har jag nått genom att som utgång använda mig av diskursteorin och dess begrepp. Analysen har sedan legat till grund för att genom diskussion finna svar på om det integrationspolitiska arbetet som framställs i motionerna är förenligt med lagen om religionsfrihet. Jag har i min studie funnit att man i politiska motioner artikulerar religion i samband med integration samt att integrationspolitiken på vissa plan är förenlig med lagen om religionsfriheten. På vilka plan och i vilken utsträckning den är det skiljer sig åt mellan de olika partierna samt på hur man definierar religion och religionsfrihet.

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Thesis (DTh (Systematic Theology and Ecclesiology))—University of Stellenbosch, 2008. / During the 16th and 17th centuries, the Stewart rulers of Scotland and England endeavoured to enforce Royal Absolutism on both countries. This included ecclesiastical pressure on the Scottish Presbyterians, giving rise to a movement known as the Covenanters. One identifying aspect was their fieldpreachings, or Conventicles, held in secret, frequently on the moors. As persecution increased, worshippers took weapons to these Conventicles for selfdefence in case of attack during the service. Royal efforts to impose Episcopalianism on Scotland intensified after the Restoration of 1660 and were met with resistance. In 1666 open revolt broke out in The Pentland Rising, which was put down with great severity after the Covenanters were defeated at Rullion Green. Open revolt broke out again in 1679, when some Covenanters defeated a small royalist force at Drumclog, but they were soundly defeated by the royal army at Bothwell Brig shortly afterwards. The Covenanters split into two factions, moderate and extreme; the extreme element becoming known as Cameronians after the martyred covenanting preacher Rev Richard Cameron, “The Lion of the Covenant.” The hypothesis researched was that; The development and actions of the Cameronian movement made a significant contribution to Freedom of Religion in Scotland. The hypothesis rests on whether Cameronian influence was significant, and to what degree. Subsequent to Bothwell Brig, the Covenanting movement virtually collapsed in Scotland. The leaders fled to Holland and the common people who remained were severely persecuted. But by early 1680, two covenanting ministers, Richard Cameron and Donald Cargill, had returned from Holland to preach in the fields against Erastian limitations on doctrine, worship, discipline, and church government. They were hunted down and killed, but their followers (now called Cameronians) formed their own ecclesiastical polity known as the United Societies. This was a presbyterial Church, separate but not sundered from the Church of Scotland (The Kirk), which had by now largely accepted a considerable degree of Erastianism. The Cameronians became a small but vociferous pressure group, not only persecuted, but denigrated by moderate Presbyterians. Throughout this period they ensured a considerable degree of freedom of religion for themselves, despite the ever intensifying persecution. Their stance was vindicated at the Glorious Revolution of 1688/9, one outcome being the raising of both a guard, and a regiment, of Cameronians, both of which enabled a period of comparative calm and safety to prevail, thus allowing Parliament and the General Assembly to finalise the Revolution Settlement for both Church and State, without any external threat from Jacobitism. The Cameronian clergy then became reconciled with the Kirk in 1690, and brought two-thirds of the United Societies with them, thus ending their period of isolation, and once more presenting a (virtually) united Presbyterian front to the world. Rev Alexander Shields was critical to both the formation of the regiment and reconciliation with the Kirk. The thesis demonstrates that the Cameronians made four significant contributions to freedom of religion in Scotland. Firstly, they made a significant contribution to freedom of religion by their struggle to protect the right to retain their own freedom of doctrine, worship, discipline and church government, resisting every effort to remove these by force. In 1690 they secured these freedoms. Secondly by their new-found military effectiveness, they secured a climate of comparative peace and stability in the latter half of 1689 and 1690, during which both Parliament and General Assembly were able to carry through vital legislation for Church and State, without any external threat. Thirdly, through the reconciliation of their clergy with the Kirk, the Cameronians were catalytic in the establishment of a [virtually] united Presbyterian front in Scotland,1 thereby ensuring that the Kirk was strong enough to accept the existence of other denominations without feeling unduly threatened. Fourthly, Rev Alexander Shields stands out as catalytic in the achievement of the Second and Third significant contributions. It can be argued that his behaviour, in itself, was a significant contribution to Freedom of Religion.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the biggest revolutions in the United States, equal to the political revolution by which that country came into being, concerns a change in people's concept of God. In this context, freedom of religion came to playa fundamental role in society. In the United States religious freedom means that that country's central power should be completely neutral towards religion. This view is criticised as being the result of just another philosophical presupposition, called "secular individualism:" According to this view, state and church (or religion) are rigidly separated. Religion is viewed as an "irrational power", and should be limited to private life only. The South African Constitution did not follow this route. The state is not expected to be secular. It may even create circumstances conducive to the promotion of religion, although it should remain neutral towards specific religions. In South Africa religious freedom entails the acknowledgement of a group right, an important aspect of democracy, as long as the exercise of this right contributes towards tolerance and cultural openness. The premise is that the exercise of collective group values can play an important role to inspire people towards embracing human rights (which lie at the heart of the Constitution) as a core value of their social morality. I also deal with the problem of the limitation of this group right. Religious freedom further entails that the courts should not embark on judging in the theological and doctrinal conflicts of religious groups. However, churches cannot withdraw themselves from the ambit of the courts' authority, although this authority never allows for a decision about the internal dogmatic affairs of churches, It only applies to its administrative legal acts, particularly concerning the position of its paid officials. I further deal with the church as a legal entity, and confront the problem of the South African jurisprudence that treats the church as a mere voluntary organisation. The thesis is that the church is a legal entity sui generis. In other word, the church's legal status emanates from within, and is not bestowed upon it. From a legal point of view; the church should primarily be judged on the basis of its own ecclesiastical statutes. Thereafter I discuss the labour law position of ministers, referring to a number of labour court cases in which ministers were involved. The conclusion is that a minister is not an employee in the ordinary, legal sense of the word, but rather an independent contractor or atypical worker. The nature of his work is such that his divine calling not only encompasses his working life, but his whole life, in the service of God as his employer. As such, the minister's position is fundamentally different from that of an ordinary employee. I take the position that this view is the best way of expressing the church's uniqueness, constitutionally guaranteed, as well as the theological dimension of the church as a unique communal body. Against the minister's possible vulnerability towards exploitation and possible loss of his or her livelihood, he or she enjoys a constitutional as well as an administrative law guarantee. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die grootste revolusies in die VSA soortgelyk aan die politieke revolusie waardeur Amerika tot stand gekom het, raak mense se Godsopvatting. In dié konteks speel die begrip godsdiensvryheid 'n fundamentele rol. In die VSA beteken godsdiensvryheid dat dié land se sentrale gesag heeltemal neutraal is teenoor godsdiens. Die kritiek hierop is dat so 'n opvatting voortkom uit 'n spesifieke filosofiese voorveronderstelling, naamlik "sekulêre individualisme". Hierin word staat en kerk (of godsdiens) rigied van mekaar geskei en die invloed van godsdiens as 'n "irrasionele mag" slegs tot die privaatlewe beperk. In Suid-Afrika volg die Grondwet nie dieselfde weg nie. Van die staat word nie verwag om sekulêr te wees nie. Dit mag selfs omstandighede skep om godsdiens te bevorder, alhoewel dit neutraal teenoor spesifieke godsdienste moet wees. Binne die Suid-Afrikaanse opset beteken godsdiensvryheid dus erkenning aan 'n groepsreg, wat 'n vername aspek van demokrasie is, solank die beoefening van dié groepsreg bydra tot toleransie en kulturele openheid. Die premisse is dat die beoefeninq van kollektiewe groepswaardes 'n belangrike rol kan speel om mense te inspireer om ook menseregte (die hart van die Grondwet) as 'n kernwaarde van hulle sosiale moraliteit te aanvaar. Die probleem is of beperkings op hierdie groepsreg ooit geoorloof sou wees. Godsdiensvryheid beteken verder dat die howe nie tot die beoordeling van die dogmatiese en teologiese twispunte van godsdienstige groepe mag toetree nie. Die kerk kan homself egter nie aan die gesag van die howe onttrek nie, alhoewel dié gesag nooit vir 'n beslissing oor die interne dogmatiese sake van die kerk geld nie, maar net vir sy administratief-regtelike handelinge - in die besonder waar dit die diensposisie van die kerk se betaalde ampsdraers aangaan. Ek handel verder oor die kerk as regspersoon en konfronteer die probleem dat die Suid-Afrikaanse regspraak die kerk bloot as 'n vrywillige organisasie sien. Die tese is dat die kerk 'n regspersoonlikheid sui generis is. Dus kom die kerklike regspersoonlikheid eintlik vanuit die kerk self voort. Regsvrae binne die kerk moet dus primêr aan die hand van sy eie statuut of Kerkorde beoordeel word. In die lig van die voorafgaande bespreek ek vervolgens die arbeidsregtelike posisie van die predikant na aanleiding van verskeie arbeidshofsake, en bevind dat hy of sy nie in 'n kontraktuele diensverhouding staan nie, maar eerder 'n onafhanklike kontrakteur of 'n a-tipiese werker is. Die aard van die predikant se werk as Godsgeroepene omvat nie net die arbeidslewe nie, maar die hele lewe wat hy of sy onder die beheer van sy of haar Werkgewer stel. Dit maak dat die predikant se posisie fundamenteel van dié van 'n gewone werknemer verskil. Ek handhaaf die posisie dat dié standpunt die beste gestalte gee aan die uniekheid van die kerk wat deur middel van grondwetlike godsdiensregte gewaarborg word, asook die teologiese dimensie van die kerk as 'n unieke samelewingsverband. In die aangesig van moontlike uitbuiting is die predikant se lewensonderhoud of "traktement" egter gewaarborg in soverre hy of sy 'n grondwetlike sowel as 'n administratief-regtelike aanspraak op 'n billike bedeling binne die kerk het.

This thesis endeavors to reveal that Martin Luther's dogmatic adherence to one absolute interpretation of the Word of God restricted man's freedom, both religious and personal. His intolerant and authoritarian attitude toward individualistic groups, called into existence by his polemics stressing Christian freedom, is broadly discussed. Luther's theology denied man responsibility for his salvation, either through works, the exercise of divine reason, or through living a lifestyle in the imitation of Christ, leaving man with the inability to accept responsibility for his actions. The authoritarian religions that developed after Luther brought confusion and indifference regarding the nature of religion, leaving modern man in search of alternate authorities in which to place his faith and assume responsibility for his actions, thereby limiting his independence and freedom.

La réflexion autour des droits fondamentaux des personnes morales n’est guère si nouvelle comme pourrions nous être tentés d’y croire ; elle interpelle toutefois par son caractère antithétique. La personne humaine apparaissant comme l'unique destinataire de ces droits, elle avait capté toutes les attentions doctrinales. L'intimité du lien entre l'Homme et le concept des droits de l'homme, d’où découlent les droits fondamentaux, justifiait aisément l'exclusion des personnes morales. L'idée d'inclusion des groupes et des organisations qui semblait impensable va in fine être admise, voire se rendre indispensable à la démocratie, chère au système européen de défense des droits de l’homme et cadre de notre étude. La personne morale joue indiscutablement sa partition à la réalisation de la société démocratique à travers notamment la presse ou le jeu des partis politiques. Elle contribue énormément à l’économie des États par l’action des sociétés commerciales ou autres entreprises, et même à l’épanouissement des individus par le biais des associations dont les missions sont diverses et variées. On ne saurait valablement refuser à un tel sujet de droit la protection de la Convention. D’ailleurs c'est avec la force de l'évidence que ces personnes morales ont pu bénéficier de diverses dispositions de cette dernière. Le groupement à but politique ou syndical ne pourrait paisiblement accomplir sa mission sans la couverture de l’article 11 de la convention consacrant la liberté d’association et de manifestation pacifique. Aussi l’entreprise dépourvue de l’exercice et de la jouissance du droit au respect des biens, tel que défini à l’article premier du Protocole additionnel n° 1, ne pourrait-elle prospérer dans un domaine où intervient régulièrement la puissance publique. La sauvegarde de ces droits, avec bien d’autres, est conséquemment vitale pour les personnes morales. Le décryptage des droits et libertés qui leur sont garantis par le texte européen appelle à observer méthodiquement les différents mouvements de la jurisprudence européenne. Pour ce faire, notre réflexion préfère à une approche dogmatique, s’appuyant sur le particularisme des personnes morales pour dégager leurs droits et libertés garantis, une méthode plutôt pragmatique. Cette approche se fonde uniquement sur la protection effective que le juge européen consent à l’organisation non gouvernementale aux prises à l’arbitraire des pouvoirs publics. Il convient d’analyser chacun de ces droits et libertés garantis, et d’en dégager un relief d’avec la nature et l’activité de la personne morale. L’interprétation prétorienne du texte et des notions, telles que la personne ou le domicile, se présente délibérément extensive, dans le but assumé de permettre aux groupements de prendre part aux bénéfices de la Convention. L’accès à la juridiction européenne est par ailleurs largement ouvert aux groupements : tout pour faire en effet de la personne morale un sujet à part entière apte à exercer et à jouir de droits fondamentaux dans la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme. / The reflection about the fundamental rights of entities is not so new as we might be tempted to believe. However, the reflection raises the question by its antithetical. Natural persons appear to be the only beneficiaries of such rights. They were the centre of all doctrinal attention. The intimacy of the relationship between man and the concept of human rights, from which flows the fundamental rights, easily justified the exclusion of entities. The idea of including groups and organizations, which seemed unthinkable will be accepted in fine, indeed will become indispensable to an effective democracy, dear to the European system of human rights and our study. Entities undoubtedly play a vital role in the achievement of a democratic society, particularly through the press or the actions of political parties. They contribute enormously to a country's economy by the actions of commercial enterprises or other businesses, and even to the development and fufillment of individuals through associations whose missions are many and vary. We can not reasonably refuse such a subject of law the protection of the Convention. Beside, it is with the strength of the evidence that these entities have benefited from various provisions of the Convention. Groups for political purposes or unions cannot accomplish peacefully their mission without the protection of Article 11 of the convention enshrining the freedom of association and peaceful protest. Also, entities deprived of exercising the right to peaceful enjoyment of property, as defined in Article I of Additional Protocol No. 1, cannot thrive in an area where the public authority intervains regularly. Safeguarding these rights, with others, is therefore vital for corporations. Decryption of rights and freedoms guaranteed to them by the european legislation calls to observe systematically the different movements of European jurisprudence. To do this, our thinking prefers a dogmatic approach, based on the particularity of legal entities to the end of assertaining their rights and freedoms, to a more pragmatic approach. This approach is based solely on the effective protection that the european Court agrees to non-governmental organizations facing arbitrary actions of public authorities. It is necessary to analyse each of these rights and freedoms guaranteed, and to establish a link with the nature and activities of the entity. The Praetorian interpretation of the text and concepts such as individual or domicile is deliberately done in a broad sense in order to allow the groups to participate in the benefits of the Convention. Access to the European court is also provided for all groups: indeed, to the end of making the entities a full-fledged subject of human rights in the European Convention on Human Rights.

The relationship between the state and religious communities in the USA Abstract The purpose of this thesis is to introduce the relevant aspects of the relationship between the state and religious communities in the United States of America. The focus of the thesis lies in the introduction of the development of interpretation of both religious clauses of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution by the Supreme Court, especially in the 20th century. This thesis aims to show, how both religious clauses, even though they were created to serve the same purpose, are in some cases interpreted in a contradicting way. The thesis also elaborates on religious freedom in the sensitive environment of armed forces, as the soldiers depend totally on services provided to them by the government. In the final part, the thesis introduces certain exceptions from the generally applicable legal provisions for the churches and religious legal entities, as well as recent development from the perspective of admitting religious freedom to business corporations. Keywords: freedom of religion, Constitution of the United States, First Amendment, churches, Supreme Court, USA

Islamofobi är ett växande problem i Europa som negativt påverkar muslimers förutsättningar och möjligheter i samhället. Samtidigt är religionsfriheten en mänsklig rättighet och en av grundvalarna för ett demokratiskt och pluralistiskt samhälle. Denna uppsats undersöker hur islamofobi påverkar religionsfrihetens implementering i Sverige. Resultatet visar att muslimers rätt att utöva sin religion hotas av islamofobiska praktiker, så som attacker mot moskéer, motstånd mot muslimska organisationer och förbud av slöjan. Studien utforskar även statens förpliktelser och ansvar för att motverka islamofobi och främja muslimers rättigheter och lika möjligheter – för att på så sätt kunna uppnå ett verkligt demokratiskt och pluralistiskt samhälle där utsatta grupper beskyddas. / Islamophobia is an increasing problem in Europe which has a negative effect on Muslims’ conditions and opportunities within the society. At the same time, freedom of religion is a human right and one of the foundations in a democratic and pluralistic society. This thesis examines how islamophobia affects the implementation of freedom of religion in Sweden. The result shows that Muslims’ right to practice their religion is substantially threatened by islamophobic practices, such as attacks against mosques, resistance towards Muslim organizations and banning of the veil. The study also explores the state’s obligations and responsibility to counteract islamophobia and promote Muslims’ rights and equal opportunities – and thus be able to achieve a truly democratic and pluralistic society where vulnerable groups are protected.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arnaldo Ricardo Rosim.pdf: 570325 bytes, checksum: 574b58b9514c303807cd0199925c9526 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-20 / This essay is about the collision of rights involving the freedom of religions and the freedom of expression in the public square. This work aims to reveal witch of the two fundamental rights should prevail in case of conflict between the freedoms occurring in the public sphere and what its extension, on previously specified hypoyhesis. Intends to find the constitutionally optimal solution to the conflict between these rights, throught the use of techniques provided to the constitutional doctrine / O presente estudo tem como tema a colisão dos direitos de liberdade religiosa e de liberdade de expressão na esfera pública. Pretende revelar qual dos dois direitos fundamentais deverá prevalecer no caso de colidência entre as liberdades ocorridas no âmbito público e em qual medida, nas hipóteses previamente especificadas. Busca encontrar a solução constitucionalmente ótima para o conflito envolvendo esses direitos, mediante o emprego das técnicas previstas pela doutrina constitucional

Orientador: Luís Fernando Ayerbe / Banca: Carlos Eduardo Lins da Silva / Banca: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituido em parceria com a UNESP/UNICAMP/PUC-SP em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: A religião tem exercido uma influência multidirecional no plano internacional através de movimentos transnacionais e conflitos étnico-nacionais, formatação de identidades e legitimação política que perfazem o ressurgimento do sagrado que caracteriza o século XXI como pós-secular. Diante deste quadro, questiona-se a negligência dirigida ao tema religioso pela disciplina das Relações Internacionais, situando tanto os impasses teóricos como as possibilidades analíticas abertas contemporaneamente. A escolha dos Estados Unidos como estudo de caso se deve ao caráter extremamente devoto da população e sua relevância na construção do "espírito americano". Os mitos fundacionais protestantes ajudam a entender a celebração da pátria contida na religião civil. De tempos em tempos, momentos de despertar religioso varreram os Estados Unidos, moldando seu dinâmico mercado religioso e o vigor evangélico engajado que caracteriza a atual "igreja americana". Recentes mudanças no protestantismo trouxeram nova dinâmica para a intersecção entre religião e política, colocando em questão as bases do secularismo institucional dos Estados Unidos. Por muito tempo na história americana, a sociedade religiosa e o governo secular coexistiram e se reforçaram mutuamente. O muro de separação entre Igreja e Estado e a liberdade religiosa são valores fundamentais da república defendidos desde o século XVIII pelos pais fundadores. Na segunda metade do século XX, contudo, grupos religiosos articulados em torno de uma agenda conservadora começaram a influenciar o debate sobre questões morais como aborto e direitos homossexuais, e mobilizar os fiéis para as eleições locais e federais. Nota-se, também, padrões como a "lacuna de frequência religiosa" e a retórica religiosa de líderes políticos, que traduzem a nova investida da religião no espaço público americano. O ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Religion has played a multidirectional influence on the international stage through transnational movements and ethno-national conflicts, formatting and political legitimation of identities that make up the resurgence of the sacred which characterizes the twenty-first century as post-secular. Given this situation, we question the negligence led to the religious theme for the International Relations discipline, closing both the theoretical impasses as the analytical possibilities opened contemporaneously. The choice of the United States as a case study is due to its extremely devout population and its relevance in the construction of the "American spirit." Protestant foundational myths help to understand the country celebration contained in the civil religion. From time to time, moments of religious revival swept the United States, casting his dynamic religious marketplace and committed evangelical force that characterizes the current "American church." Recent changes in Protestantism brought a new dynamic for the intersection between religion and politics, calling into question the institutional foundations of secularism in the United States. For a long time in American history, religious society and secular government coexisted and mutually reinforced. The wall of separation between church and state and freedom of religion are fundamental valuesof the Republic, defended since the eighteenth century by the founding fathers. In the second half of the twentieth century, however, religious groups structured around a conservative agenda, began to influence the debate on moral issues like abortion and gay rights, and mobilize the faithful to the local and federal elections. We can note, also, patterns such as the "religious attendance gap" and the religious rhetoric of political leaders which reflect the new thrust of religion in American public space. This work's focus lies in ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre